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  • Road to US-Iran deal ran through Pakistan

    Road to US-Iran deal ran through Pakistan

    On June 15, the United States and Iran announced a landmark memorandum of understanding that stands to reshape regional security dynamics across the Middle East, marking one of the most consequential diplomatic breakthroughs in the region in recent years. U.S. President Donald Trump confirmed the framework agreement had been finalized, announcing two immediate confidence-building measures: the full reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global energy chokepoint, and the lifting of the U.S. naval blockade on the waterway. Iranian officials have echoed confirmation of the deal, noting that formal negotiations over outstanding sticking points will continue over the next 60 weeks, with a formal signing scheduled to take place in Geneva on June 19.

    The agreement followed weeks of behind-the-scenes diplomacy, with Pakistan taking a central role as the lead intermediary that brought the two long-hostile parties back to the negotiating table. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, whose government led the mediation effort, announced the ceasefire ahead of the official U.S. confirmation, capping off weeks of intensive engagement with Iranian authorities, Gulf regional states, and U.S. diplomatic teams. While Qatar and other regional actors also contributed heavily to de-escalation efforts, Islamabad ultimately emerged as the primary channel for direct dialogue between Washington and Tehran.

    Pakistan’s prominent role in the deal was neither a random outcome nor an inevitable assignment. For decades, Oman has served as a quiet backchannel between the U.S. and Iran, and Qatar has built a reputation as one of the Middle East’s most active neutral mediators. However, the crisis that preceded this agreement, sparked by U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets, escalated into a multifaceted threat touching maritime security, global energy markets, and broad regional stability that directly impacted Gulf states including Qatar, creating a need for a new mediation channel.

    As tensions mounted, Pakistan’s role grew increasingly visible. Early rounds of high-stakes talks between senior American and Iranian delegates were hosted in Islamabad, and in the final push to avoid further military escalation, Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir traveled directly to Tehran to hold security-focused talks with Iranian leadership. Pakistani diplomats and security officials simultaneously maintained constant communication with other key regional stakeholders, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey, while keeping U.S. counterparts updated at every step of the process.

    While the framework agreement was the product of collaborative effort across multiple negotiating parties, Pakistan carved out a unique and central role thanks to its specific diplomatic advantages. Unlike many other potential mediators, Pakistan maintained established working relationships with both Washington and Tehran at a time when direct communication between the two principal parties had broken down almost entirely. Its geographic proximity to Iran, longstanding security ties to both sides, and broad regional diplomatic reach made it an ideal trusted intermediary when the urgency to de-escalate grew.

    Another key strength of Pakistan’s mediation effort was the unprecedented coordination between its civilian political leadership and military security institutions. Prime Minister Sharif provided public political leadership and set the overarching diplomatic framework for the talks, while General Munir leveraged his established regional security contacts to engage directly with Iranian defense and decision-making circles. In a crisis centered on military escalation, deterrence, and security risks, direct communication between security establishments proved just as critical as traditional diplomatic negotiations, allowing Islamabad to deliver clear, credible messages that addressed both political and security concerns for all parties.

    The resulting document is not a full, permanent peace treaty, but a foundational framework designed to halt immediate escalation and create space for detailed negotiations on unresolved core issues. Even so, bringing the two bitter rivals to this point represents a significant diplomatic achievement on its own.

    Beyond the immediate gains of a ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, the agreement marks a notable shift in Pakistan’s global diplomatic profile. For years, Pakistan’s international standing has largely been defined by domestic security challenges, economic instability, and regional rivalries. This breakthrough offers a new narrative: Pakistan as a reliable, effective facilitator of high-stakes diplomacy during a major regional crisis.

    Pakistan’s role also fits into a growing global trend: as competition between major world powers intensifies, middle powers are increasingly carving out space to shape global outcomes through proactive mediation. Qatar led groundbreaking negotiations between the U.S. and the Taliban, Oman has repeatedly provided backchannels between Washington and Tehran during past periods of tension, and Turkey brokered the Black Sea Grain Initiative during the Russia-Ukraine conflict. What unites all these cases is not massive military power, but broad diplomatic access: states that maintain working relationships across competing blocs are uniquely positioned to resolve crises that larger powers cannot address directly.

    Unlike traditional mediators that only provide a venue for talks, Pakistan took a comprehensive approach, combining high-level political outreach, security-to-security engagement, and in-person hosting of negotiating sessions in Islamabad. This expanded role explains why the country became increasingly central to the process as the crisis moved from open confrontation to negotiated de-escalation. In recent years, Pakistan has deepened its diplomatic engagement with Gulf states, maintained stable ties with Tehran, and expanded its diplomatic outreach beyond South Asia, giving it greater flexibility to respond to regional crises. For a country dependent on energy imports, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz also carries direct, tangible economic benefits.

    Still, the breakthrough carries significant risks that cannot be overlooked. The current document is only a memorandum of understanding, not a comprehensive final settlement. The most contentious core issues – including U.S. sanctions relief, the long-term rules for Hormuz shipping, and the future of Iran’s nuclear program – remain unresolved. Disagreements have already emerged over the scope of the framework: Iranian officials claim the deal covers all active fronts including Lebanon, while Israeli officials have offered a far more narrow, cautious interpretation of the agreement’s terms. These differences could complicate negotiations over the coming 60 days.

    For Pakistan, the outcome of the next phase of talks will shape its new diplomatic reputation. If negotiations succeed, Islamabad’s standing as a trusted regional mediator will grow substantially. If talks collapse, as many past Middle East diplomatic agreements have done amid intractable unresolved disputes, Pakistan will face greater diplomatic challenges, having invested significant political capital in the process.

    Regardless of the final outcome, the framework agreement will be remembered for more than just its attempt to end a dangerous military confrontation. It also marks a turning point: the moment Pakistan demonstrated it can serve as an effective diplomatic bridge between competing major powers in a rapidly shifting regional and global order.

  • ‘Israel is weaker’: Israeli political class reacts angrily to the US-Iran peace deal

    ‘Israel is weaker’: Israeli political class reacts angrily to the US-Iran peace deal

    On a tense Monday morning in Israel, public and political outrage swept the nation following a Sunday evening announcement from Pakistani mediator Shehbaz Sharif that Washington and Tehran had finalized a comprehensive peace agreement to end months of open conflict.

    Sharif, who stepped in as lead negotiator after the joint Israeli-US military campaign against Iran launched in February, confirmed the breakthrough in a post on his official X account. The Pakistani prime minister outlined that the draft deal requires an immediate and permanent ceasefire across all active theaters of conflict, including neighboring Lebanon. He also publicly thanked rival of Israel Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia for their behind-the-scenes support during the months-long negotiation process, noting the formal signing ceremony would be held this coming Friday in Switzerland.

    Within hours of Sharif’s announcement, both US and Iranian officials corroborated the agreement. Former US President Donald Trump called the deal “complete,” while Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed a finalized text would be officially signed within 60 days.

    Despite repeated confirmation from Pakistan, Iran, and the US that the deal mandates a ceasefire across all fronts including Lebanon, Israeli leadership immediately rejected the ceasefire clause and made clear the country does not consider itself bound by the terms of the agreement. Even as political backlash mounted, the Israeli Defense Forces launched a new wave of airstrikes and ground operations across southern Lebanon on Monday.

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has not yet delivered a public address on the diplomatic breakthrough, privately told Trump that Israel would reject any Iranian terms related to Lebanon, according to Israeli news outlet Ynet. Defense Minister Israel Katz doubled down on Netanyahu’s position in a public statement Monday, asserting that Israeli military forces would maintain an indefinite presence in security zones across Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza. Katz added that Israeli forces would continue clearing civilian populations from occupied territories and destroying residential structures classified as “terror infrastructure.”

    Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who previously called for the total destruction of residential buildings in Beirut in response to Hezbollah attacks, took to X to voice fierce opposition to the deal. “The agreement with Iran is bad for Israel and for the entire free world,” Smotrich wrote, adding that Israel would be forced to continue its military campaign against Iran independently and would retain full operational freedom for its forces in Lebanon regardless of the US-brokered deal.

    National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, another far-right member of Netanyahu’s governing coalition, echoed Smotrich’s rejection in his own X post. “Trump’s agreement does not bind us,” Ben Gvir wrote. “Israel is not a subordinate of the United States, and we are an independent and sovereign state. Israel is not a banana republic.” He added that the deal fails to safeguard Israel’s national security and “does not bind us in any way.” Multiple other sitting cabinet members also publicly pledged to continue military strikes against Iran despite the ceasefire agreement.

    Culture Minister Miki Zohar told Ynet that his government’s only core concern is Iran’s nuclear weapons program. “If Israel sees that its security is in danger, it will strike Iran with force,” Zohar said. “Iranians will not only get down on their knees, but they will bow their heads as well.”

    While most governing coalition members have avoided direct public criticism of Trump and Netanyahu, anger has spilled over across the Israeli political spectrum, with pro-Netanyahu media figures launching vitriolic attacks against US leadership. Yinon Magal, a prominent journalist with Israeli outlet Channel 14 widely viewed as a mouthpiece for Netanyahu, wrote on X that Israel had been abandoned by its closest ally amid its wars in Iran and Lebanon. Magal went on to label Trump a “loser” and Vice President JD Vance “scum,” and deployed a well-documented antisemitic slur to refer to US Middle East envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, calling them “little Jews.”

    Another Channel 14 journalist, Shimon Riklin, argued Monday that “what Israel needs more than anything right now is sovereignty,” adding that the country must remind “treacherous America” that it prioritizes its own independent national interests.

    The Israel Defense and Security Forum, a prominent right-wing Israeli think tank, issued a statement Monday arguing that “every agreement with the Iranian terrorist regime is ultimately doomed to fail, and the current agreement will be no different.” The group added that “this is the time to stand tall, prepare for what lies ahead, and not compromise on Israel’s interests in removing the threat from Lebanon and Iran.”

    Opposition political figures across the ideological spectrum have seized on the diplomatic rupture to attack Netanyahu’s leadership and his handling of the ongoing war. Yair Golan, leader of the centre-left Democrats party, described Netanyahu as “weak, ill, isolated and lacking influence.” Golan argued that the deal allows for billions of dollars in frozen Iranian assets to be unfrozen while leaving Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs fully intact, representing “years of failure” of Netanyahu’s Iran policy that has left “Israel weaker.”

    Gadi Eisenkot, a former Israeli army chief of staff and potential future prime ministerial candidate, said the agreement fails to address any of Israel’s core security concerns. He added that nearly three years of conflict following the October 7 debacle have culminated in “a grim result of a failed government.”

    Former Israeli prime minister Naftali Bennett also joined the criticism of Netanyahu’s administration, saying it “is incapable of making decisive decisions and has led us into wars of attrition and stagnation.” Bennett pledged to oust Netanyahu in upcoming national elections, fix what he called the prime minister’s policy failures, and claimed he has a concrete plan to remove the current Iranian leadership from power.

  • Death toll in Gaza surpasses 73,000 as Israel continues post-ceasefire killings

    Death toll in Gaza surpasses 73,000 as Israel continues post-ceasefire killings

    More than eight months into a U.S.-brokered nominal ceasefire in Gaza, Israeli military assaults continue to unfold across the besieged enclave, with local authorities documenting more than 3,269 documented violations of the truce agreement that was supposed to halt hostilities. The Gaza Government Media Office has released grim casualty figures confirming that since the ceasefire took effect in October 2023, Israeli attacks have killed over 992 Palestinians and wounded another 3,138 people across the territory. The cumulative death toll from the Israeli offensive that launched in October 2023 now exceeds 73,000 Palestinians, with an estimated 8,000 more bodies still trapped under the rubble of destroyed buildings and roughly 3,000 people unaccounted for.

    Violence persisted across multiple areas of central Gaza on Monday this week, marking another day of bloodshed in the beleaguered territory. An Israeli airstrike carried out near a school in the Nuseirat refugee camp, located in central Gaza, left one Palestinian dead and multiple others with critical injuries. Earlier the same day, a female Palestinian was killed in an air raid targeting the area surrounding the Abdul Rahman bin Awf Mosque, west of the Al-Zuwayda district in central Gaza. In a separate deadly incident in Deir Al-Balah, Israeli troops opened fire on a father and his young son, before taking both into arbitrary detention. After the pair were eventually released from custody, 12-year-old Rayan Bahaa Abu al-Ajeen was pronounced dead shortly after arriving at al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital for emergency treatment.

    Beyond ongoing deadly attacks, Israeli forces have also carried out widespread mass detentions of Palestinian civilians in Gaza despite the ceasefire framework. Local data shows that at least 95 Palestinians have been abducted by Israeli forces since the truce came into force. In addition to military and human rights violations, Israel has failed repeatedly to meet the terms of the ceasefire agreement that laid out requirements for expanding humanitarian access to the blockaded enclave. As of this reporting, only around 52,740 aid trucks have been allowed to enter Gaza – just 36 percent of the 147,000 trucks the truce deal obligated Israel to permit into the territory. Under the agreement’s terms, Israel was required to allow up to 600 trucks daily carrying life-saving food, medical supplies, fuel, emergency shelter materials and commercial goods into Gaza to address the catastrophic humanitarian crisis.

    Restrictions on border crossings have not only blocked aid deliveries, but also stripped Palestinians of their basic right to travel in and out of the enclave. Only 6,845 travelers have been allowed to cross Gaza’s borders out of the 19,600 that the truce agreement guaranteed passage for. Gaza’s Ministry of Health has confirmed that these border restrictions have already resulted in the preventable deaths of approximately 1,500 patients with approved medical referrals who were supposed to be evacuated out of Gaza for urgent, life-saving care starting in early May 2024.

    In a formal statement, the Gaza Government Media Office issued a scathing condemnation of what it called the Israeli occupation’s systematic policy of targeting and exterminating the Palestinian people. “We hold the occupation fully responsible for the continued deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip,” the statement read.

    Against the backdrop of intensifying Israeli attacks in recent weeks, Palestinian political factions have issued an official response to a proposal put forward to implement former U.S. President Donald Trump’s disputed peace plan for Gaza, submitted through Nikolay Mladenov, head of the Gaza Peace Council. Hamas confirmed the faction’s coordinated position in an official statement released Monday, calling on regional and international mediators to pressure Israel to abide by the full terms of the existing ceasefire agreement. “The factions announced that they will remain in continuous session to monitor field and political developments and intensify their efforts to ensure a response to the legitimate demands that will alleviate the suffering of our people in the Gaza Strip,” the Hamas statement added.

  • Pressure mounts to suspend Israeli medical association from global body

    Pressure mounts to suspend Israeli medical association from global body

    As the World Medical Association (WMA) prepares to convene its general assembly in Rotterdam, the Netherlands this October, mounting international pressure has emerged calling for the suspension of the Israeli Medical Association (IMA) from the global medical body, driven by a grassroots petition that has gathered more than 1,300 signatures from medical professionals and health organizations worldwide.

    Organized by a coalition of global health advocacy groups — including The People’s Health Movement, Dutch-based Doctors for Gaza (Artsen voor Gaza), and the health division of Jewish Voice for Peace — the petition accuses the IMA of failing to uphold fundamental medical ethical principles enshrined in the WMA’s own Geneva and Tokyo Declarations. The document further alleges that the IMA is complicit in what signatories call widespread violations of medical neutrality and international human rights carried out by the Israeli government and military.

    Beyond its core accusations regarding ethical failures, the petition outlines multiple specific grievances against the IMA. It documents that Israeli military forces have launched targeted attacks on healthcare infrastructure across Palestine, Lebanon, and Iran, resulting in the death of health workers, arbitrary detention of medical staff, and systemic obstruction of care delivery. Signatories also argue that over the past three decades, Israeli medical professionals have been complicit in inhumane treatment of Palestinian detainees held in Israeli prisons, through their consistent refusal to document or investigate documented violations of medical ethics in detention facilities. The petition adds that decades of Israeli occupation and what signatories term apartheid policies have left Palestinian populations with drastically inferior access to health services compared to Israeli citizens.

    In a particularly pointed allegation, the petition argues that the IMA has not taken any public stance against the killing and displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nor against the near-total destruction of Gaza’s already fragile healthcare system. In fact, the petition claims that by publicly endorsing a 2023 statement signed by 80 Israeli doctors that openly called for the bombing of Gaza’s hospitals, the IMA effectively gave institutional approval to actions that constitute genocide. Signatories point to two prominent national medical bodies — the South African Medical Association and the British Medical Association — that have already cut formal ties with the IMA, and call on the WMA to follow this same path ahead of its October general assembly.

    The accusations gained broader visibility after the leading medical journal *The Lancet* published an analysis of the petition in recent days. The journal’s reporting confirmed that the IMA has failed to release any public statement that condemns Israeli attacks on Gaza’s health system, criticizes Israeli military conduct during the ongoing conflict, calls for an immediate ceasefire, or acknowledges United Nations reports warning of ongoing genocide against Palestinians.

    In its official response to *The Lancet*, the IMA rejected all accusations, asserting that its members consistently adhere to global medical ethical standards. The organization characterized the claims against it as “at worst, lies and at best, highly contested allegations presented as fact.” It further argued that the call for expulsion incorrectly conflates the actions of a sovereign government with an independent national medical association, warning that this sets a “extremely dangerous precedent” for global medical collaboration.

    For its part, the WMA has also pushed back against the suspension call, telling *The Lancet* that removing the IMA would not advance the goals of peace, improved access to healthcare, or the protection of human rights globally. Instead, the global body argued that suspension would undermine decades of cross-border scientific collaboration, weaken open international medical dialogue, and create a harmful precedent that allows political pressure campaigns to isolate health care workers solely on the basis of their nationality.

  • For Gaza’s Palestinians, Israel’s ever expanding ‘buffer zone’ means endless displacement

    For Gaza’s Palestinians, Israel’s ever expanding ‘buffer zone’ means endless displacement

    For 32-year-old Jamal Abu Sukran and his three young children, any sense of stability has remained out of reach amid the continuous cycle of upheaval that has defined their lives since the outbreak of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza in October 2023. The family’s latest forced displacement marked their 25th move, triggered by Israel’s June announcement that it would expand its so-called ‘yellow line’ zone of control, now swallowing 70 percent of the blockaded Palestinian enclave.

    Even with a formal ceasefire nominally in effect since last October, Israel has steadily tightened its stranglehold over Gaza’s 1.8 million remaining civilian residents, squeezing them into a shrinking sliver of habitable territory. Abu Sukran first lost his original home in Gaza City’s eastern Shujaiya neighborhood when an Israeli airstrike reduced the structure to rubble in the opening days of the war. He took shelter in a nearby makeshift tent, but has been forced to relocate again and again, moving from one overcrowded displacement camp to another as Israeli territorial expansion progresses.

    The yellow line was originally framed as a temporary Israeli-held buffer zone under the first phase of the October ceasefire agreement. But Israel has refused to withdraw from the area, blocking implementation of the deal’s second phase that requires a full pullback. Abu Sukran told Middle East Eye that hostilities never actually ceased even after the truce was announced. ‘Even after the ceasefire, the shooting and shelling never stopped,’ he said. ‘Life [in the displaced camps] was unbearable. We used to wait for the gunfire to stop just to go to the toilet.’

    Abu Sukran explained that gunfire breaks out as a rule each morning, coming both from Israeli military positions and from local Palestinian collaborator groups. Displaced civilian communities, he added, are often directly targeted by fire. Initially, his post-ceasefire temporary home sat outside the yellow line, but eventually Israel’s expansion pushed the new boundary, called the ‘orange line’, to include his plot of land. ‘It was terrifying,’ he recalled. ‘There were random shootings, stray dogs, rats and shells everywhere. Nothing was left but rubble.’

    The same story of repeated displacement plays out across the enclave for 68-year-old Nabil Abu Armanah and his extended family. After Israeli bombardment destroyed their first home in Rafah, they set up a makeshift tent on the ruins of their second property. They were forced to flee once again amid ongoing gunfire, routine Israeli military harassment, and the advance of Israeli tanks that came within 700 meters of the yellow line. When Abu Armanah recently returned to survey his land, he found the newly expanded yellow line cuts directly through his property.

    ‘I was hoping to return home soon, but now we are homeless. The land means everything to me,’ Abu Armanah said in an interview. ‘It’s extremely dangerous there now. Everything is gone. Nothing remains.’ He added, his voice shaking: ‘These are barbaric actions. We are innocent people. All we want is to live with dignity. I have lived through countless Israeli wars, from the 1967 war until today. They have destroyed everything I built throughout my lifetime.’

    Multiple on-the-ground and expert accounts point to a deliberate Israeli strategy of making all territory inside the yellow line permanently uninhabitable for Palestinian residents. Since the ceasefire took effect in October, Israeli bulldozers and demolition crews have worked continuously to raze standing structures to the ground, clearing entire neighborhoods. Senior Israeli government officials, including far-right Minister Bezalel Smotrich, have openly stated their goal of leveling Palestinian land to push residents to leave the enclave ‘voluntarily’.

    Political analyst Abdel Nasser Abu Aoun told Middle East Eye that Israel is leveraging the yellow line framework as a deliberate media narrative to legitimize the reoccupation of large swathes of Gaza. While framing the expansion as a security measure, the Israeli government is implementing a scorched-earth policy designed to depopulate captured areas, demolish civilian infrastructure, and commit war crimes, Abu Aoun argued.

    By incrementally expanding the yellow line and introducing the new orange line zone of control, Israel effectively annexes more Gaza territory piece by piece. Abu Aoun documented that Israeli forces have even built military observation towers on the site of ancient Palestinian cemeteries, positions that overlook the tents of displaced Palestinians who can see their destroyed ancestral lands from their makeshift shelters. ‘This is one of Israel’s methods of psychological warfare,’ he said. ‘The objective is to punish Palestinians.’

    Abu Aoun added that Israel’s end goal appears to be forcing all displaced residents into the small al-Mawasi coastal zone, even though existing infrastructure there is already severely damaged and incapable of supporting a massive influx of people. The overcrowding, he warned, creates a high risk of long-term humanitarian and environmental collapse in the enclave. ‘Israel is proving to the world that it respects neither agreements, mediators nor international law,’ he said. ‘It only understands the law of the jungle.’

    The territorial expansion has also triggered a crippling public health and infrastructure crisis across Gaza. Maher Salem, general director of planning and investment at Gaza municipality, told Middle East Eye that roughly 35 percent of Gaza City’s clean water sources have been lost after falling inside the expanded yellow line and being destroyed by Israeli forces. Israel has cut the volume of water entering Gaza from 20,000 cubic meters per day to just 12,000 cubic meters – water that is already paid for by the Palestinian Authority. The cuts have left the average Gaza resident with just 10 liters of clean water per person per day, far below the minimum international standard for basic needs.

    Salem also confirmed that Israel destroyed the main desalination plant in the Sudaniya coastal area, which previously produced 10,000 cubic meters of clean drinking water daily. Approximately 150 kilometers of water distribution networks, along with sewage pumps and critical sanitation infrastructure across Gaza City, have also been destroyed in military operations. In addition, Israel has blocked access to Gaza’s main landfill sites, which are located inside the yellow line near the border, forcing municipal authorities to store mounting volumes of waste in residential neighborhoods. To date, an estimated 400,000 cubic meters of uncollected garbage have accumulated across Gaza City, creating what Salem called a major environmental and public health catastrophe.

    United Nations data from April underscores the severity of the crisis: more than 80 percent of the 1,600 displacement camps across Gaza report frequent rodent and pest infestations, which have fueled widespread disease outbreaks and rising rates of skin infections and rashes among vulnerable displaced populations.

  • 8 people died in B-52 bomber crash at US Air Force base in Southern California, officials say

    8 people died in B-52 bomber crash at US Air Force base in Southern California, officials say

    On a Monday morning just moments after departing the runway at Edwards Air Force Base, located in Southern California’s Mojave Desert roughly 100 miles north of Los Angeles, a U.S. Air Force B-52 Stratofortress bomber crashed and ignited a large blaze, killing all eight people on board, military officials confirmed. The crash occurred at approximately 11:20 a.m. during what was scheduled to be a routine test flight.

    Aerial footage captured in the immediate aftermath of the incident shows the aircraft was almost completely destroyed in the impact and subsequent fire. Large plumes of thick black smoke rose from a wide stretch of charred desert terrain adjacent to the main runway, where dozens of emergency response vehicles gathered to contain the blaze. Among the eight victims were both uniformed U.S. military personnel and civilian government contractors working on the flight.

    Colonel James Hayes, deputy commander of the base’s 412th Test Wing, confirmed during an official press briefing that after reviewing crash site footage, investigators confirmed there were no survivors. “We lost eight great Americans,” Hayes stated, noting that military teams were in the process of notifying next-of-kin for all those killed.

    The cause of the crash remains undetermined as of the initial briefing, and Hayes confirmed that a full, thorough investigation could take as long as six months to reach a final conclusion. What is publicly confirmed is that the bomber was supporting a U.S. Air Force B-52 radar modernization initiative at the time of the flight. Back in 2025, the service announced Boeing had delivered a B-52 fitted with a new modernized Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar to Edwards for testing, replacing the bomber fleet’s decades-old outdated radar technology to improve operational efficacy. Test teams were scheduled to conduct an entire year of ground and flight assessments throughout 2026 to collect data that will inform a final production decision for the upgrade program. Military officials have not yet confirmed whether the crashed bomber was the same aircraft that received the new radar system in 2025.

    Edwards Air Force Base, a historic facility carved into the Mojave Desert, is the primary hub for the U.S. Air Force’s aircraft and weapons system test and development operations. The 412th Test Wing, which oversees base operations, is responsible for developmental testing of all Air Force aircraft, weapons platforms, software and components both before they are acquired by the service and throughout their entire operational service life. The site holds landmark aviation history: it was at Edwards that legendary test pilot Chuck Yeager first broke the sound barrier in 1947, reaching a speed of Mach 1.05.

    In the hours after the crash, the base airfield was closed to all traffic, with all inbound flights diverted to alternate facilities. By late Monday afternoon, the airfield reopened to authorized base personnel, though non-essential public visitor access remained suspended while emergency crews completed extinguishing and cleanup operations.

    Aviation safety expert Jeff Guzzetti, a former crash investigator for both the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board, offered an early preliminary assessment of the crash. The fact that the bomber went down immediately after takeoff, without gaining altitude or traveling far from the runway, leads Guzzetti to suspect a critical flight control malfunction as a potential cause.

    He outlined three plausible scenarios: controls that were improperly configured after recent maintenance, a catastrophic engine failure, or the failure of a new piece of equipment that was undergoing testing on the flight. “I think it was definitely a controllability issue. Now, whether that was tied to an engine failure, a flight control failure, or some new testing device failure, I’m not sure,” Guzzetti explained.

    He added that flight test operations always carry greater inherent risk than standard operational flights, which is why such missions rely on specially trained test personnel and strict safety protocols. Even though the B-52 has been in continuous U.S. Air Force service for more than 70 years, integrating and testing new technology on the legacy airframe can introduce unforeseen challenges.

    The report featured contributions from multiple AP journalists across the country, with Toropi reporting from Washington D.C., AP Transportation Writer Josh Funk contributing from Omaha, Nebraska, and AP reporter Hallie Golden adding reporting from Seattle.

  • Middle East Eye journalist refused entry to UK for awards ceremony

    Middle East Eye journalist refused entry to UK for awards ceremony

    An award-nominated Sudanese journalist has been blocked from entering the United Kingdom to attend a prestigious London-based journalism awards event, in a decision that has drawn widespread criticism from media leaders and highlighted deepening barriers for Sudanese travelers amid the ongoing crisis in their home country.

    Mohammed Amin, a correspondent for Middle East Eye (MEE), was shortlisted for the 2024 One World Media Journalist of the Year Award in recognition of his brave, on-the-ground reporting from Sudan, where a brutal civil war has displaced millions and left much of the country in chaos. He was scheduled to attend the upcoming awards ceremony next Wednesday, where his work would be formally recognized alongside other leading international correspondents.

    However, in a notice delivered to Amin last Thursday, the UK Home Office rejected his application for an eight-day visitor visa. Officials justified the refusal by claiming they were unconvinced Amin had a genuine purpose for his trip, and asserted there was no guarantee he would leave the UK at the end of his visit. This ruling came despite formal sponsorship for the trip from MEE and a formal invitation from the One World Media Awards organizing committee, and leaves no route for appeal or administrative review of the decision.

    For Amin, the outcome is not just a personal disappointment—it is a deeply unreasonable and contradictory policy that undermines the UK’s own stated commitments to transparency around Sudan’s crisis. A veteran reporter who has previously traveled to the UK multiple times to accept major journalism awards, most recently in 2022 when he received the Rory Peck Trust’s Martin Adler Prize without any visa issues, he expressed frustration at the Home Office’s assessment. “There’s a contradiction between British journalists, who consider what is happening in Sudan, and the UK government, which organises conferences about Sudan [in London] but denies visas for journalists,” he said.

    He added that the blanket barriers placed on Sudanese travelers reflect a profound lack of understanding of the catastrophe unfolding in his home country, where the ongoing conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces has left hundreds of thousands dead, millions displaced, and millions more facing acute hunger. Amin noted that Sudan’s war has already been largely overshadowed by other high-profile conflicts across the globe, and visa denials like his only push the crisis further out of global view.

    Leaders of the One World Media Awards echoed that criticism. Interim director Chinwe Kalu-Uma called the refusal deeply disappointing, noting that Amin has continued to report from inside Sudan at great personal risk specifically to draw global attention to the crisis. “His absence from our London ceremony is itself a story about the barriers Sudanese people face, not only in their own country, but in being seen and heard beyond it,” Kalu-Uma said in a statement to MEE.

    MEE editor-in-chief David Hearst also condemned the decision, arguing that the UK holds unique historic responsibility to shine a light on developments in Sudan. “That Britain of all places should deny a visa to an award-winning Sudanese journalist after a war that has devastated the country defies belief,” Hearst said. “Britain has a historic responsibility that the truth comes out about what is happening in Sudan and it is failing on all these fronts. Mohammed’s work should be encouraged and praised by the British government, and he should not be treated as an unwelcome guest.”

    The visa refusal is far from an isolated incident. Since the outbreak of Sudan’s civil war in April 2023, Sudanese applicants have faced drastically increased scrutiny and barriers to UK entry. In 2024, the UK government implemented a so-called “visa brake” that blocks all new student visa applications from nationals of Sudan, alongside Afghanistan, Cameroon and Myanmar. Even for non-student visitor applicants like Amin, the process has become prohibitively difficult.

    Because the British Embassy in Khartoum has remained temporarily closed since the war began, Amin was forced to travel across the border to the British High Commission in Uganda simply to complete his in-person interview, an added burden that displaced Sudanese journalists and citizens routinely face. He argued the entire system is structured to discriminate against Sudanese applicants who have already been displaced by the conflict.

    Amin’s record of groundbreaking reporting has already driven tangible change in Sudan. Over the past year, his work has covered the bloody siege of el-Fasher, the role of the drug captagon in funding the civil war, and the targeting of the marginalized Kanabi community by all warring parties. When he published a viral report on the al-Tekeina village’s resistance to sustained attacks by the RSF, a delegation led by Sudan’s transitional prime minister visited the village just one day later—the first official government visit to the community in more than 60 years—and pledged funds for reconstruction.

    When contacted for comment by MEE, a Home Office spokesperson stated that all visa applications are assessed on their individual merits in line with published policy, and that the department follows longstanding policy of not commenting on individual cases.

  • Exclusive: Illegal settlements promoted in London at Great Israeli Real Estate Event

    Exclusive: Illegal settlements promoted in London at Great Israeli Real Estate Event

    An exclusive investigation by Middle East Eye (MEE) has uncovered new details confirming that multiple real estate firms openly advertised properties located in illegal Israeli settlements across occupied Palestinian territories during a major Israeli real estate expo held in London on Sunday. The event, hosted at Edgware United Synagogue, unfolded against a backdrop of growing political pressure, public controversy, and heated clashes between opposing demonstration groups outside the venue.

    Weeks ahead of the expo, MEE first exposed the deep ties between participating firms and illegal settlement construction in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. In the lead-up to Sunday’s gathering, London Mayor Sadiq Khan announced Friday that he had conferred with the Metropolitan Police regarding the event, confirming that any claims of criminal activity linked to the potential unlawful sale of settlement property would be fully reviewed for formal investigation. Over 100 UK Members of Parliament also signed an open letter to Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper last week urging the event’s immediate cancellation. The parliamentarians argued that permitting the expo to proceed would not only contradict existing UK government guidance on economic activity tied to illegal settlements, but also run counter to the UK’s binding obligations under international law. This call aligned with a recent UK government statement explicitly warning British businesses against engaging in any economic or financial activity connected to illegal Israeli settlements.

    Despite organizers’ previous public claims to Jewish News that “all exhibitors, without exception, will provide information about properties and projects within the Green Line” — the de facto border of Israel pre-1967 — MEE’s on-site reporting from Sunday directly contradicts this denial. Multiple participating firms featured settlement properties in their promotional materials at the event. Jerusalem Real Estate (JRE) listed developments in French Hill and Ramat Eshkol, both illegal settlements established in occupied East Jerusalem, marketing the projects as “premium” offerings in Jerusalem’s most desirable “Anglo neighbourhoods” for international buyers. Another developer, Harey Zahav, promoted plots in Kfar Eldad, an illegal settlement located south of Bethlehem, and Teneh Omarim, a second unauthorized settlement near Hebron. Leading Israeli agency Tivuch Shelly advertised a new residential project in the large West Bank settlement of Ma’ale Adunim, billing the development as just 10 minutes from central Jerusalem and highlighting its established Anglo community, top-tier schools, and even available resale units with private swimming pools. Israeli conglomerate Africa Israel, which has a long track record of developing projects in illegal settlements across the West Bank and East Jerusalem, advertised its Soho Jerusalem development in West Jerusalem at the expo. Additionally, construction firm Shapir — which is explicitly named on the United Nations Human Rights Office’s official registry of companies operating in illegal Israeli settlements — was also promoted as a participant at the event.

    Outside the synagogue venue, the event drew a large protest organized by a coalition of activist groups including the Palestinian Youth Movement and the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network, who gathered to oppose the marketing of illegally occupied Palestinian land. Counter-protesters in support of Israel confronted the demonstrators, with footage capturing verbal harassment and threats against the pro-Palestinian activists. Counter-protesters were recorded chanting “there is no Palestine, we flattened it”, and even children among the pro-Israel crowd were heard shouting misogynistic slurs at pro-Palestinian campaigners. Andrey Khrzhanovskiy, a journalist and activist who documents Israeli settler violence in the occupied West Bank, was present at the London protest and described the chaotic confrontation as eerily familiar to violence he has witnessed firsthand in occupied territory. “We are surrounded by a bunch of Zionists who are counter-protesting and attacking people. A bunch of Palestinian activists were attacked by the Zionists and then got arrested,” Khrzhanovskiy told MEE. “This is very reminiscent of everything that I’ve seen in the West Bank… I feel like I’ve been here before.”

    MEE has now shared its full findings of illegal property advertising with the Mayor of London’s office and the Metropolitan Police, and has formally requested comment on the next steps for assessment. Outlets have also reached out to the event’s organizers for a response to the new evidence, who previously dismissed all prior allegations as “ridiculous” and claimed accusations were motivated by anti-Israeli sentiment and support for terrorism. MEE, an independent news outlet focused on coverage of the Middle East and North Africa, continues to await responses from relevant authorities and event organizers.

  • What does the US-Iran deal mean for Lebanon?

    What does the US-Iran deal mean for Lebanon?

    A landmark framework agreement between the United States and Iran designed to end months of open conflict and crippling blockades has brought a wave of cautious relief across much of the Middle East, even as it ignites sharp tensions with Israel and leaves core regional disputes unresolved.

    Iran’s state-affiliated Mehr News Agency has published details of the draft framework, which is scheduled for formal signing this Friday. According to the outlet, the agreement mandates an immediate and permanent halt to all hostilities across every regional front — with Lebanon explicitly included as a core part of the ceasefire.

    This provision has triggered an furious rebuke from top Israeli officials, who have flatly rejected the deal and refused to be bound by its terms. “Trump’s agreement does not bind us… we are not party to this agreement. It does not safeguard our security,” Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir wrote on his official Telegram channel. Ben Gvir added that Israel would accept nothing less than the full dismantling of the Iran-backed Hezbollah movement in Lebanon.

    Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz doubled down on this position, confirming that Israeli military forces will not withdraw from the so-called “security zones” Israel has established in southern Lebanon, Syrian territory, and the Gaza Strip. Data from Lebanon’s Ministry of Health underscores the heavy human cost of months of cross-border conflict: Israeli strikes across Lebanon since March 2 have killed at least 3,696 people and wounded more than 11,400 others.

    The inclusion of a Lebanese ceasefire and Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese territory was a non-negotiable core demand for Iran during negotiations with Washington. Analysts warn that Israel’s outright refusal to pull back its forces could either kill the entire US-Iran deal or create an unprecedented, historic rift between the long-time allies Washington and Jerusalem.

    Issam Kaysi, a research analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center, noted that even as the deal was announced, violent exchanges continued: just one day before the framework was revealed, Hezbollah launched an attack on northern Israel, and Israel carried out retaliatory airstrikes targeting southern Beirut. Senior Israeli officials have repeatedly made clear that they reserve the right to take unilateral military action against what they deem threats in Lebanon, effectively distancing themselves from any broader US-Iran negotiated understanding. “Will the US now force a change in Israeli actions? The Israelis show no sign that they are willing to withdraw from southern Lebanon anytime soon. Will Hezbollah accept this?” Kaysi asked.

    The current rift marks a sharp shift from the close alliance that defined US-Israeli relations during Donald Trump’s first term. Since 2016, the relationship between Trump and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been a cornerstone of Israel’s regional strategy. Trump’s pro-Israel policy moves — recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, relocating the US embassy to the city, and formally accepting Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights — made him a hugely popular figure in Israel, with streets and West Bank settlements even named in his honor.

    But the Iran negotiations have put intense strain on this relationship. Just hours before the deal was announced, Trump publicly excoriated Netanyahu for launching new strikes in Lebanon that he said risked derailing the final agreement. “He’s a very difficult guy,” Trump told reporters of Netanyahu, adding, “and to be honest with you, he should be very thankful to us for doing this. Because if Iran had a nuclear weapon, Israel wouldn’t be around for two hours.” Multiple reports confirm that during a private phone call last week, Trump went further, calling Netanyahu “fucking crazy” over his continued military campaign in Lebanon.

    As of Monday, Hezbollah has not claimed responsibility for any new attacks on Israeli targets. The group issued a statement Monday expressing deep gratitude to Tehran for its unwavering commitment to including Lebanon in the broader ceasefire agreement. It praised Iran for its “consistent stand with Lebanon, its people, and its resistance, as well as for its insistence that Lebanon be a party to any agreement leading to a ceasefire.”

    Lebanese President Joseph Aoun also welcomed the draft deal on Monday, saying he hoped the Washington-Tehran agreement would bring a “definitive end” to the months-long war between Israel and Hezbollah. In an official statement, Aoun praised the framework for enshrining that “Lebanon’s security and safety are an integral part of any effort to consolidate stability in the region.”

    Israel has maintained its military occupation of southern Lebanon since mid-March, a move it says is necessary to respond to cross-border attacks by Hezbollah that began after Israel launched strikes on Iranian territory. Even amid Israel’s refusal to withdraw, the reported deal has already prompted some displaced Lebanese civilians to begin returning to their homes in the south, despite widespread uncertainty about whether the ceasefire will hold.

    Kaysi noted that any lasting end to hostilities would eventually reopen long-simmering debates over the disarmament of Hezbollah and the Lebanese government’s efforts to establish a state monopoly on armed force across the country. With the deal still not finalized, however, much remains uncertain. As Kaysi pointed out, even as discussions of the deal progress, Israeli drones remain active over Beirut. “For now, I think the safest conclusion is that the deal may reduce regional escalation in the short term, but it does not by itself resolve the underlying disputes over Lebanon between Israel, Hezbollah/Iran, and the Lebanese government,” he said.

  • Iranians greet deal to end war with relief, suspicion and uncertainty

    Iranians greet deal to end war with relief, suspicion and uncertainty

    After months of open military conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran, the announcement of a preliminary agreement to end hostilities has sparked a tangled spectrum of reactions across Iran, ranging from cautious relief and guarded hope to deep distrust, anger and outright opposition. For millions of ordinary Iranians who endured months of disrupted daily life, economic chaos and the constant threat of escalating full-scale war, the news brought a long-awaited moment of release, though many still struggle to believe the violence is truly over. Sepideh, a 32-year-old Tehran-based online handmade jewellery seller, summed up the common feeling of cautious joy in an interview with Middle East Eye. “Has it really ended? I can’t believe it,” she said. “Thank God. I still can’t believe it’s over. I just hope everything goes back to normal. We were exhausted. I’m so, so happy.” Sepideh’s small business was pushed to the brink of collapse by the months of conflict. Like thousands of other micro-entrepreneurs across Iran, she relied almost entirely on Instagram to reach customers and process sales. Widespread internet shutdowns implemented amid the conflict froze her operations entirely, and as anxiety about the war dominated public consciousness, consumer demand for non-essential goods like handcrafted jewellery evaporated entirely. Now, after weeks of back-channel diplomatic talks that produced the preliminary ceasefire and framework for broader negotiations, Sepideh is finally allowing herself to plan for the future again. She holds out hope that the tentative agreement will hold, opening the door to a broader pact that eases crippling economic sanctions and creates space for small businesses like hers to recover and grow. Across the country, reactions to the deal split sharply along political and generational lines. While many Iranians are simply grateful for an end to the cycle of missile strikes and military escalation that pushed the region to the edge of full-scale war, others doubt the agreement will survive long term, with some viewing it as a dangerous betrayal of national interests and others seeing it as the only viable alternative to catastrophic regional conflict. For 28-year-old Darya, from the northern Iranian city of Sari, the deal could unlock a life-changing opportunity that has been stuck in limbo for months. Darya has already been accepted to a university program in France, but visa processing ground to a halt amid the uncertainty of war. Now, she says, there is finally a clear path forward for her plans. “It feels like a miracle,” she told MEE. “I know almost nothing about politics, but for months all I did was follow the news.” The constant uncertainty took a severe emotional toll on Darya, who says she was particularly panicked by Israeli strikes on Lebanon just days before the deal was announced, fearing the attacks would derail the fragile diplomatic process entirely. “I was sure [Israeli Prime Minister] Netanyahu was trying to sabotage everything,” she said. “When I heard about the new Israeli attacks on Lebanon, I thought it was over. I thought we were back to square one. Iran would respond, then Israel would respond again, and eventually the United States would get involved.” Even as she welcomes the end of hostilities, Darya says she still plans to leave Iran to complete her studies, at least temporarily. “Yes, I want things to improve in Iran,” she said. “I want sanctions to be lifted. Most of our problems come from sanctions. If sanctions are removed, jobs, businesses and the economy will improve too.” She says she still wants the experience of living and studying in Europe, but holds out hope that when she completes her degree, Iran will be a far more stable and prosperous place. Not all Iranians share Darya’s guarded optimism. For 43-year-old Mohammad, the tentative deal does little to convince him that a lasting, comprehensive agreement is within reach. “Just look at how long it took them to reach this small understanding, which is really more of a ceasefire extension than anything else,” he said. “During that time, the United States attacked, Israel attacked and Iran attacked. All of that makes it difficult for me to be optimistic. People want to believe all their problems are over, but I don’t think Iran and the United States will be able to reach an agreement on difficult issues like the nuclear programme and sanctions relief.” The announcement also sparked deep frustration among opposition activists opposed to the Islamic Republic, many of whom had pinned hopes that sustained external military and political pressure would force fundamental political change inside Iran. Amir, a 19-year-old from Karaj, is one of those disappointed activists. “We were fooled,” he told MEE. “We were lied to. Reza Pahlavi said he was on his way to Tehran. Trump said help was coming soon. Netanyahu said he would change the situation in Iran. Was this the help Trump promised? To make a deal with the clerics?” Amir says the deal has left him feeling more hopeless than before. “I could not have imagined worse news,” he said. “Once the agreement is in place and the Islamic Republic no longer worries about war, it will turn its attention back to the people. More repression will follow.” His frustration reflects a broader disappointment among opposition circles, which had hoped the recent conflict would fundamentally weaken the Iranian political system, only to see Tehran and Washington return to the negotiating table. The harshest criticism of the deal, however, comes from hardline supporters of the Islamic Republic, who have organized public rallies and gatherings in recent weeks to denounce negotiations, with some branding Iranian negotiators as traitors to the nation. Emad, a 38-year-old Tehran resident, is one of those hardline opponents. “God curse Araghchi and Ghalibaf for throwing us into another trap like the nuclear deal,” he said. “Only 10 years have passed since the disgraceful agreement between Rouhani and Obama. How can people fall for this again? Especially when the other side is led by the man responsible for killing our leader.” Emad, who is still grieving the death of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, remains deeply pessimistic about the diplomatic process and argues another military confrontation is inevitable. He points to the timing of the ceasefire, which runs for two months, as proof the deal is a cynical political ploy by Trump. “Look at the timing. Why two months from now? Because Trump wanted peace of mind during the World Cup. After that, he will come back for us,” he said. “And under what conditions? We reopened the Strait of Hormuz, oil prices returned to normal, and the United States and Israel have had time to update their plans for another attack on Iran.” Emad argues the entire diplomatic process is a coordinated performance by Trump and Netanyahu, designed to mislead Iran. “Do you really believe Netanyahu drinks a glass of water without American approval?” he asked. “This whole good cop, bad cop act was designed to fool us into thinking Israel opposed the agreement.” He argues Israeli leaders actually benefit heavily from the preliminary deal, because they recognized another prolonged war would be impossible to sustain. “They knew they could not continue resisting Iran and the groups that make up the Axis of Resistance forever,” he said. For many other Iranians, it is simply too early to draw any firm conclusions about the deal, and public reactions on both sides have been overly emotional. Maryam, a 59-year-old political science graduate, argues the deal essentially returns Iran to the status quo that existed before the 40-day war started, raising difficult questions about the human cost of the conflict. “When you read the commitments made by both sides, you realise we have basically returned to where we were before the 40-day war,” she said. “But was it really necessary for so many innocent civilians to die? Did schools, universities and hospitals need to be destroyed just so the Strait of Hormuz could return to normal and the American military could end its siege of Iran?” Maryam also argues the conflict offers clear proof of the outsized influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups on US foreign policy, a point made decades ago in a book by scholars Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer. “I remember reading a book years ago by Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer about the influence of the Israel lobby on American foreign policy,” she said. “Nothing has illustrated the arguments in that book more clearly than what we have seen in Gaza and in the two wars fought by the United States and Israel against Iran.” That perspective leaves her skeptical that a final comprehensive deal will ever be reached. “Israel, Aipac and pro-Israel lobbying groups will not allow a final agreement between Iran and the United States unless the Islamic Republic changes its approach towards Israel,” she said. For now, that shift appears unlikely. As Iranians across the country process the news of the deal, many are focused on the simplest, most immediate outcome: an end to months of uncertainty and fear. For Sepideh, the Tehran jewellery seller, the larger political debates can wait. After months of living on the edge of war, she says her only priority is getting back to a normal life. “I just want life to feel normal again,” she said.