标签: South America

南美洲

  • Nicaraguan leader proposes extending presidential term by another year

    Nicaraguan leader proposes extending presidential term by another year

    At 80 years old, Daniel Ortega has held uninterrupted control of Nicaragua’s presidency since 2007, and he is now pushing for a further expansion of his hold on power through a new constitutional reform package that includes a one-year extension of the current presidential term. The proposal, which will go before the government-dominated National Assembly for a vote in September, is the latest in a series of changes to the country’s political rules that have steadily consolidated Ortega’s authoritarian rule over nearly two decades in office.

    Beyond the term extension, the planned constitutional overhaul includes provisions that would ban any opposition figures labeled by the Ortega administration as “traitors” or “coup plotters” from running for public office, effectively barring most critical voices from electoral participation. This crackdown on political opposition has been a defining feature of Ortega’s long tenure: opponents have been systematically jailed, forced into exile, and stripped of their Nicaraguan citizenship to eliminate any viable challenge to his rule.

    This is not the first time Ortega has reshaped Nicaragua’s electoral rules to extend his power. In 2014, the National Assembly—then already aligned with Ortega’s government—eliminated all presidential term limits entirely. A decade later in 2024, the body extended the length of a presidential term from five years to six years. The same legislative session also approved Ortega’s controversial plan to name his wife, Rosario Murillo, to the newly created position of co-president. The arrangement was structured to clear a path for Murillo, who already held significant political influence long before her formal appointment as co-president, to take over the presidency if Ortega, whose health has been reported as frail, is declared permanently unable to fulfill his duties.

    The most recent presidential election in Nicaragua, held in November 2021, was widely criticized as a heavily skewed contest after a widespread government crackdown on the opposition. All major potential candidates who stood a realistic chance of drawing significant voter support were either detained, disqualified from running, or driven out of the country. Dozens of additional opposition activists and organizers were arrested, leaving only a small group of little-known, largely non-competitive candidates on the ballot, guaranteeing Ortega an easy victory.

    Since that 2021 election, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk has warned that state repression in Nicaragua has intensified, with the rule of law continuously eroded and the persecution of political dissidents growing more aggressive. Public opposition has been effectively silenced among Nicaraguans still living in the country, after security forces killed more than 300 people to crush widespread anti-government protests in 2018—a violent crackdown that has deterred most open criticism of the regime in the years since.

    Even dissidents who have fled the country to live in exile are not spared from retaliation: the Ortega administration has revoked the citizenship of hundreds of exiled opponents, and seized and sold off the properties and homes they left behind in Nicaragua, eliminating their ties to the country and weakening their ability to organize opposition from abroad.

  • World Cup star Vozinha dons Spider-Man jersey. The nickname on his shirt for Chile club up for vote

    World Cup star Vozinha dons Spider-Man jersey. The nickname on his shirt for Chile club up for vote

    Fresh off a breakout performance at the men’s World Cup that turned him from a little-known goalkeeper into a global sports personality, Cape Verde’s Vozinha is navigating unforeseen administrative delays that have pushed back his arrival at Chilean powerhouse club Colo Colo, even as he capitalizes on his skyrocketing fame to front a major Hollywood movie promotion.

    The 40-year-old shot stopper was originally slated to join the Santiago-based club — Chile’s most decorated and successful professional football side — by Wednesday, but the team confirmed this week that routine immigration and player registration paperwork has pushed his expected arrival to Thursday. Even with the delay, Vozinha stepped into the spotlight this week anyway, suiting up in Spider-Man cosplay to headline a Sony Pictures Brazil marketing campaign for the upcoming release *Spider-Man: Brand New Day*. Posting to his Instagram account, which has exploded from fewer than 50,000 followers ahead of the World Cup to 29.6 million today, Vozinha urged his massive new global audience to catch the upcoming film.

    The paperwork delay, however, is not the only challenge Colo Colo is rushing to resolve before Vozinha can take the pitch for his first competitive match. The most high-stakes issue centers on what name will appear on the back of his jersey: rules set by Chile’s National Association of Professional Football (ANFP) mandate that all registered players must use their legal surname on match kits, which would bar Vozinha from using the iconic nickname that made him a household name across the world.

    Vozinha’s real legal name is Josimar José Évora Dias, but the moniker “Vozinha” — which translates to “grandma” in Portuguese, a loving tribute to the grandmother who raised him — is central to both his personal identity and the global personal brand he has built following his World Cup success. Under current ANFP rules, “nicknames, appellations, or sobriquets” are explicitly prohibited from appearing on player jerseys in domestic competition. Non-compliance carries penalties: players receive an administrative yellow card, while their clubs can face fines of up to $875 USD per violation.

    To work around the regulation, Colo Colo has formally submitted a request for a special exemption to the ANFP Council of Presidents, a governing body made up of top executives from all of Chile’s top-flight professional clubs. The council is scheduled to hold a vote on the request this Friday, and the rules require a unanimous decision to grant the exemption for Vozinha to keep his famous nickname on his kit.

    A secondary unresolved issue is Vozinha’s jersey number, as all traditional goalkeeper numbers are already claimed by current squad members. Argentine starting goalkeeper Fernando de Paul currently holds the No. 1 shirt, the most common number for goalkeepers across global football.

    Vozinha’s arrival to Chilean football comes after a stunning World Cup run that cemented his status as one of the tournament’s biggest breakout stars. He backstopped first-time qualifier Cape Verde to a historic opening clean sheet against eventual tournament champion Spain, followed by a series of highlight-reel spectacular saves in a narrow 3-2 Round of 32 loss to Argentina.

    His transfer to Colo Colo has already sent shockwaves through Chilean football, a domestic league starved of international attention after Chile’s national team failed to qualify for its third consecutive World Cup, finishing dead last in South American qualifying. Vozinha’s signing is projected to dramatically raise the global profile of both Colo Colo and Chilean football as a whole, while unlocking major new commercial opportunities for the club.

    As Vozinha’s personal following has exploded, he has already been tapped as the face for multiple major advertising campaigns across global brands. The so-called “Vozinha effect” is already tangible for Colo Colo: in the weeks since announcing the signing, the club has gained nearly 70,000 new followers across its social media platforms, a large share of which come from international fans outside Chile.

    “The whole world is getting to know Colo Colo better,” long-time club supporter Héctor Hermosilla said. “The world’s cameras will be on Vozinha and that’s going to be good for the club.”

  • A Caribbean court rules that a US extradition process against Guyana’s opposition leader can resume

    A Caribbean court rules that a US extradition process against Guyana’s opposition leader can resume

    GEORGETOWN, Guyana — In a landmark legal ruling with far-reaching implications for the oil-rich South American nation, the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) has authorized the resumption of U.S. extradition proceedings for Guyana’s top opposition leader and his father, who face federal charges of gold smuggling and money laundering in the United States. The Wednesday decision dismissed a legal challenge filed by Azruddin Mohamed, head of the country’s second-largest parliamentary party, and his father Nazar Mohamed, rejecting the pair’s arguments that the charges against them did not qualify as extraditable offenses under regional agreements.

    Azruddin Mohamed catapulted into Guyanese politics just six months after launching the We Invest in Nationhood Party, securing the position of opposition leader in January 2024. The 50-year-old tycoon is counted among Guyana’s wealthiest individuals, with an extensive business empire spanning gold trade, foreign exchange services, and large-scale real estate holdings across the country. According to U.S. federal prosecutors, the Mohameds built their fortune through a years-long criminal scheme: smuggling more than 10,000 kilograms (22,000 pounds) of gold from Guyana to buyers in Miami and Dubai, while evading over $50 million in U.S. taxes. The U.S. Treasury Department subsequently imposed formal sanctions on the pair in connection with the alleged activity.

    The father-son duo were arrested in Guyana last year shortly after the U.S. extradition request was filed, and have remained free on bond while challenging the proceedings. As the final court of appeal for multiple Caribbean nations, the CCJ heard the case at its headquarters in Port of Spain, Trinidad, with Wednesday’s hearing broadcast live to the public. During the session, CCJ Justice Winston Anderson noted the procedural complexity of the case, declining to speculate on a timeline for when extradition proceedings will restart. Defense counsel for the Mohameds declined to make public statements during the hearing and did not respond to requests for comment after the ruling.

    Shortly after the decision was issued, Nazar Mohamed told reporters from The Associated Press that the legal team would need time to review the full 256-page judgment before outlining next steps. “It is a 256-page judgement,” he said. “Our lawyers are checking it through. Based on what lawyers say, all is not lost as yet. … We will be fighting all the way.” Azruddin Mohamed was observed in public during the hearing, smiling on camera at points, signaling the pair remains defiant amid the legal setback.

    The case has thrown a spotlight on longstanding allegations of systemic public corruption in Guyana, which has emerged as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies following the discovery of massive offshore oil deposits several years ago. Notably, the legal action against the opposition leaders has not disrupted warm diplomatic ties between the U.S. and the administration of Guyanese President Irfaan Ali. The South American country’s new oil wealth remains the subject of a long-running territorial dispute between Guyana and neighboring Venezuela, which claims the majority of the offshore oil region as its own sovereign territory.

  • Fifa opens disciplinary proceedings against Argentina

    Fifa opens disciplinary proceedings against Argentina

    In the wake of Argentina’s tense 1-0 2026 FIFA World Cup final defeat to Spain at the New York New Jersey Stadium, global football’s governing body has launched full disciplinary proceedings targeting the Argentinian Football Association (AFA) and multiple high-profile Argentine players and coaching staff for a string of alleged rule breaches across the tournament. The post-final confrontation, which erupted immediately after the final whistle when Argentine players and backroom personnel clashed with Spanish champions, has been at the center of FIFA’s inquiry, with a disciplinary and ethics prosecutor appointed just one week after the July final to examine the violent altercations.

    Following the prosecutor’s formal recommendation, FIFA is moving forward with assault investigations against three Argentine individuals: Napoli defender Nahuel Molina, who faces two separate assault counts; Paris Saint-Germain midfielder Leandro Paredes, who is charged with three counts of assault; and Argentine assistant manager Roberto Ayala, who faces one assault allegation. All assault charges fall under Article 14 of FIFA’s official disciplinary code. Molina also faces an additional separate charge of unsporting behavior under the same article, a breach that Argentine attacking midfielder Thiago Almada and Spanish star midfielder Gavi are also accused of committing in the aftermath of the final.

    Under FIFA’s existing disciplinary rules, unsporting conduct carries a minimum penalty of a one-match suspension for those found guilty, while assault convictions result in a minimum three-match ban. This investigation into post-final chaos is just one part of a wider set of disciplinary actions against the AFA, which is facing scrutiny for alleged misconduct spanning multiple matches throughout the 2026 World Cup tournament.

    The broader charges against the Argentine FA include violations of four separate FIFA code articles: Article 13, which bans using sports events for non-sporting political demonstrations; Article 13, covering team misconduct; Article 15, which prohibits discrimination and racist abuse; and Article 17, which outlines requirements for maintaining match order and security. The Article 17 breaches specifically relate to alleged off-field incidents including discriminatory chants and gestures from fans and personnel, delayed kickoff times, inappropriate public messages displayed by both the team and spectators, and multiple cases of spectators throwing projectiles onto the pitch.

    One of the most high-profile non-sporting demonstrations cited in the charges came after Argentina’s semi-final victory over England, when the squad displayed a banner supporting Argentina’s long-standing territorial claim to the Falkland Islands. The banner read “Las Malvinas son Argentinas,” translating to “The Falklands are Argentine.” FIFA first confirmed it was assessing reports of this banner incident on July 16, before opening the full collective disciplinary investigation into post-final violence on July 20.

  • After Venezuela’s quakes, experts say environmental and health risks have just begun

    After Venezuela’s quakes, experts say environmental and health risks have just begun

    More than 30 days after a pair of powerful back-to-back earthquakes rocked Venezuela’s northern coastal region, the air in the most devastated neighborhoods of La Guaira still hums with the roar of heavy demolition and recovery equipment. Fine dust from crumpled structures lingers in the humid coastal air, uncollected waste has accumulated in debris-choked blocks, and hundreds of displaced families sleep out in the open beside homes declared structurally unsafe to enter. Water delivery trucks navigate cracked, buckled streets just to deliver basic supplies to stranded communities.

    For Carolina de Jesús, Venezuela project director for the global humanitarian organization Project HOPE, who has worked in the disaster zone nearly every day since the tremors struck, the lingering stench of unretrieved bodies permeates hard-to-reach neighborhoods.

    According to public health and environmental experts who spoke with the Associated Press, the coming weeks will be a make-or-break period to stop secondary disasters sparked by contaminated rubble and unregulated early recovery work from escalating into a far larger crisis. Official Venezuelan government data confirms the magnitude 7.2 and 7.5 quakes that hit on June 24, 2026 have already claimed more than 5,000 lives, injured nearly 17,000 people, and left roughly 18,000 people without permanent shelter. Authorities have not released an official count of missing persons, but independent estimates place the number of unaccounted for individuals in the tens of thousands. The World Bank has calculated that the earthquakes caused $19.6 billion in direct physical damage to infrastructure and property.

    For survivors already grappling with a Venezuelan health system crippled by years of deep economic crisis, the steep environmental toll of the disaster is now becoming a daily threat to their health and safety. “There is hope, but also enormous pressure over what will happen tomorrow,” de Jesús said.

    Many families are still clinging to uncertainty as they search for loved ones buried under collapsed buildings. Mary Cruz Andueza, 35, is one of these waiting relatives: her mother’s apartment tower, built as part of a state housing program launched under late President Hugo Chávez, crumbled during the quakes. “I don’t know if she’s alive, if she’s dead, if she’s in a hospital or still beneath the rubble,” Andueza said. Days spent searching near the rubble site left her seriously ill, she added: “We’ve had coughs, allergies, fever and headaches because we’re working so close to the collapsed buildings every day.”

    The scale of the recovery challenge is staggering: officials estimate the quakes left roughly 1.2 million tons of building debris scattered across La Guaira. Much of this rubble is laced with hazardous contaminants including gasoline, motor oil, lead-based paints, industrial solvents, microplastics and other toxic materials released when structures collapsed. Experts warn that without careful sorting and safe disposal, these pollutants can leach into soil, groundwater and coastal waterways, creating long-term public health and ecological risks. La Guaira’s geography, where steep mountains rise directly behind dense coastal communities, leaves almost no flat, unused land available for safe debris storage or processing.

    Joaquín Benítez, director of Environmental Sustainability at Caracas’ Andrés Bello Catholic University, explained that authorities are currently working to separate contaminated waste from reusable construction materials. Clean, recyclable material like crushed concrete will be repurposed for reconstruction projects, while hazardous waste including asbestos, chemical residues and fuel byproducts will need to be transported to specialized licensed disposal sites. Benítez also confirmed that in the chaotic first days of emergency response, when crews rushed to clear blocked roads to reach trapped survivors, some unprocessed debris was dumped along the shoreline or directly into the Caribbean Sea. Local journalists report this practice was stopped after the first few days of the disaster. If debris holding toxic fuels and chemicals reaches coastal waters, contaminants could degrade water quality for coastal communities and destroy fragile marine ecosystems. Large volumes of sediment and construction waste can also alter natural shoreline contours and damage critical coastal habitats like mangroves that protect inland communities from storms.

    Diego Díaz Martín, president of Venezuelan environmental advocacy group Vitalis, warned that seasonal tropical rains, common to the region this time of year, could trigger deadly landslides on hillsides already weakened by earthquake damage. He added that many ecological impacts of the disaster remain hidden, as large swathes of the affected region have not yet been fully assessed by environmental teams. Martín called on Venezuelan authorities to incorporate long-term risk reduction into recovery planning, including banning new reconstruction in areas known to be at high risk of landslides. As of late July, the Venezuelan government has not responded to requests for comment on its plans to address the environmental and public health fallout of the earthquakes.

    Access to safe, treated drinking water has emerged as one of the most pressing daily threats to quake survivors. Even when water trucks reach isolated communities, de Jesús noted, there is no guarantee the water has been properly purified to make it safe for drinking and cooking. Unsafe water and broken sanitation infrastructure have already driven increases in treatable but life-threatening conditions including diarrheal disease, urinary tract infections and skin infections, and have created ideal conditions for mosquito-borne viral diseases to spread.

    “Earthquakes do not cause outbreaks by themselves. The risk comes from the post-disaster conditions,” explained Dr. Mauricio Cerpa, an epidemiologist with the Pan American Health Organization’s (PAHO) Emergency Operations Center. Overcrowded temporary shelters, destroyed water and sewer systems, disrupted routine healthcare and dropped vaccination rates all combine to create fertile ground for infectious disease outbreaks, he said. Cerpa added that Venezuelan health authorities have flagged 18 high-priority diseases and public health threats requiring immediate monitoring, including diarrheal illnesses, respiratory infections, dengue, malaria and measles. Even before the earthquakes struck, Venezuela’s national vaccination coverage had fallen far below WHO-recommended levels, making crowded shelter populations far more vulnerable to large outbreaks.

    Health officials have made disease surveillance in temporary displacement camps an immediate top priority, and PAHO has deployed health teams to support mass vaccination campaigns and upgrade water and sanitation services across the disaster zone. Cerpa also warned that thousands of Venezuelans living with chronic conditions including diabetes and hypertension face elevated health risks if routine healthcare services remain interrupted by quake damage.

    Thousands of civilian volunteers and humanitarian aid workers have stepped in to fill gaps in the official government response, which has faced criticism for slow coordination and limited access to hard-hit areas. De Jesús said many of these workers have already developed preventable respiratory illnesses after weeks of breathing fine silica and cement dust released during rubble clearing operations. Others have suffered dehydration and diarrheal illness after working 12+ hour days in the region’s sweltering tropical heat.

    “One of the main challenges is how to recover all the essential care,” Cerpa said, noting that local hospitals must both restart routine treatment for chronic disease patients while meeting surging demand for disease surveillance, mental health support and maternal health care. Alycia Clark, vice president and chief pharmacy officer at international medical aid organization Direct Relief, said the earthquakes have worsened longstanding shortages of essential medications, trained healthcare workers and functional medical infrastructure that already left millions of Venezuelans without access to consistent care. Many patients are now at risk of missing life-sustaining routine treatment, she added.

    Public health and environmental experts agree that the next phase of recovery will focus on three core priorities: restoring safe drinking water and sanitation services, rebuilding core health care capacity, and mitigating environmental hazards before they spiral into new, preventable disasters. Clark emphasized that the immediate, acute trauma response to the quakes will soon transition to a years-long public health challenge that will require sustained international support. “The needs are only going to increase from this point forward,” she said.

    This coverage of climate and environmental issues from the Associated Press receives financial support from a network of private foundations. The AP retains full editorial control over all content. More information on AP’s standards for philanthropic partnerships, a full list of supporters, and a breakdown of funded coverage areas is available at AP.org.

  • Brazil court ties soccer player’s suspension to recovery time for his injured rival Gabriel Pec

    Brazil court ties soccer player’s suspension to recovery time for his injured rival Gabriel Pec

    Brazil’s top sports judicial body has handed down an extraordinary penalty to Internacional Porto Alegre defender Víctor Gabriel, suspending him from all domestic football competition until Cruzeiro forward Gabriel Pec completes his recovery from a broken leg and returns to full team training. The landmark ruling was announced Tuesday by the Superior Court of Sports Justice (STJD), Brazil’s highest independent authority for sports disciplinary matters, after judges concluded that a standard league penalty would not fit the gravity of the on-pitch incident that left Pec with a fractured left tibia.

    The injury occurred during a top-flight Brazilian league match held July 22, when Víctor Gabriel made a heavy challenge on Pec that resulted in the immediate removal of the Cruzeiro attacker with a broken bone. Unlike standard suspensions that carry a fixed number of matches or set term, the STJD implemented a provision under Brazilian sports law that allows a suspension to align with the injured player’s recovery timeline in cases of severe harm. While the maximum duration of the suspension is capped at 180 days, the ruling notes that Víctor Gabriel will be eligible to return to competition immediately if Pec receives medical clearance to resume training ahead of that 180-day deadline. The defender retains the right to file an appeal against the decision.

    Pec, a former LA Galaxy winger in Major League Soccer, joined Cruzeiro in the 2022 FIFA World Cup mid-season break for a transfer fee of at least $12 million, a new club record for the Minas Gerais side. Appearing before the court ahead of the ruling, Víctor Gabriel stressed that he never intended to cause harm to Pec, and has expressed deep remorse over the incident. “I’ve had sleepless nights praying for him, and I offer a heartfelt apology to everyone at Cruzeiro,” the defender told judges.

    Víctor Gabriel was officially charged with violent conduct under Article 254 of the Brazilian Code of Sports Justice, which paved the way for the extended recovery-aligned suspension. The ruling was not reached by a unanimous vote, highlighting division among judicial members over the appropriate penalty. Adjudicator Rodrigo Steinmann Bayer initially put forward a motion for a standard six-match suspension without the extended time-based penalty. However, the court’s president Jorge Octavio Lavocat Galvão joined by two other panel members, Eduardo Xible Salles Ramos and Aline Gonçalves Jatahy, secured a majority to enforce the lengthier, recovery-linked suspension, setting a notable precedent for severe on-pitch fouls in Brazilian football.

  • Peru’s new president says military will lead crime operations in emergencies

    Peru’s new president says military will lead crime operations in emergencies

    On a historic yet tense Tuesday in Lima, Keiko Fujimori took the oath of office as Peru’s first female elected president, capping four attempts at the nation’s highest office and extending a wave of conservative political leadership across Latin America. Her inauguration comes at one of the most unstable periods in Peru’s modern history: she is the country’s 10th president in 10 years, a tumultuous stretch where no chief executive has managed to complete a full five-year constitutional term.

    Fifty-one-year-old Fujimori, who defeated left-wing challenger Roberto Sánchez in a razor-thin June runoff election, used her first address to the nation to lay out her administration’s core policy priorities, starting with a hardline approach to Peru’s spiraling security crisis. The country is currently grappling with its worst public safety emergency in decades, driven by the rapid expansion of local and transnational criminal gangs that run large-scale extortion rings and contract killing operations across wide swathes of the territory. In response, Fujimori announced that the Peruvian armed forces will temporarily lead all security operations in violence-plagued regions during declared states of emergency, until public order can be fully restored. This policy echoes the heavy military deployment central to the anti-insurgency campaign of her father, Alberto Fujimori, who served as Peru’s president through the 1990s before being jailed on convictions for corruption and systemic human rights abuses. The elder Fujimori died in 2024.

    Beyond security, the new president acknowledged the deep challenges facing the South American nation, noting she inherited a country in “catastrophic condition.” She also pledged to take aggressive action to protect Peruvian communities from the damaging impacts of the El Niño weather phenomenon, raise the national minimum wage, and address staggering economic inequality – a problem she admitted leaves Peru with the worst wealth gap in all of Latin America, despite the nation’s long-term potential for growth.

    The inauguration was not without unrest. Agence France-Presse reported that more than 100 demonstrators gathered in central Lima to protest Fujimori’s assumption of office. Many of the protesters were relatives of people killed or disappeared during past periods of state violence, including dozens of victims from her father’s crackdown on left-wing guerrilla insurgencies in the 1990s. Riot police clashed with demonstrators in the capital on inauguration day, as seen in on-the-ground reporting from Reuters.

    A cohort of foreign dignitaries attended the swearing-in ceremony to mark Fujimori’s victory, including the conservative sitting presidents of Argentina, Ecuador, and Chile, reflecting the regional shift toward right-wing leadership that Fujimori’s win reinforces.

  • Keiko Fujimori to be inaugurated as Peru’s president following narrow election victory

    Keiko Fujimori to be inaugurated as Peru’s president following narrow election victory

    LIMA, Peru – As dawn breaks over Lima on Tuesday, conservative leader Keiko Fujimori will be inaugurated as Peru’s newest president, capping a razor-thin electoral victory that came fewer than 50,000 votes apart from her challenger. The 51-year-old daughter of a controversial former president who remains imprisoned for convicted human rights abuses assumes office as the ninth Peruvian head of state in just 10 years, stepping into a role defined by decades of institutional instability that she has pledged to reverse.

    Peru’s political landscape has been in constant flux for a decade. Only three of the previous nine presidents have taken power via direct popular vote; the rest ascended to the presidency after their predecessors resigned or were removed from office by congressional action amid sprawling corruption scandals that have eroded public trust in state institutions. To shore up her position, Fujimori’s Popular Force party and its key legislative ally secured half of all seats in the newly installed senate – a mathematical advantage that significantly raises the bar for opposition lawmakers to gather enough support to oust her through congressional removal.

    Fujimori built her presidential campaign around two core policy priorities: tackling rising insecurity and unlocking infrastructure development through expanded public-private partnerships. Extortion rings operated by organized criminal groups have emerged as one of the most pressing public safety threats across the country in recent years, and the incoming president has pledged to combat crime with what she calls an “iron fist,” drawing direct policy inspiration from the hardline security agenda of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele. Her proposed measures include constructing a massive new maximum-security prison modeled after El Salvador’s notorious Cecot penitentiary, which currently holds tens of thousands of suspected gang members, and implementing anonymous judge protections for criminal trial proceedings to shield judicial officers from retaliation by organized crime.

    Even before she takes the oath of office, Fujimori faces mounting pressure from opposition leaders to roll back a package of controversial laws passed by Peru’s outgoing legislature. Critics argue these new statutes undermine organized crime enforcement efforts: they eliminate provisions for preventive arrest, bar prosecutors from categorizing corrupt political parties under the same criminal statutes as organized criminal groups, and create new legal barriers that make it far harder for law enforcement to seize illicit assets acquired by criminal networks.

    Opposition figures are also demanding that Fujimori’s incoming administration establish an independent investigative commission to probe the deaths of 50 civilians during widespread anti-government protests that rocked Peru in late 2022 and early 2023, which erupted after the removal of former left-wing President Pedro Castillo from office. Relatives of those killed during the unrest have already made clear they reject Fujimori’s presidency and plan to hold demonstrations during her inauguration to demand accountability.

    Peru enters the Fujimori era as a deeply politically and geographically divided nation. The conservative leader drew overwhelming support from voters in the capital Lima and along Peru’s developed Pacific coast, while predominantly Indigenous communities in the Andean highlands backed her left-wing challenger Roberto Sanchez, a close political ally of Castillo. Sanchez contested the election results following the June vote, alleging widespread irregularities in vote counting at Peruvian consulates located overseas, but national electoral authorities rejected all of his legal challenges and upheld Fujimori’s victory.

    Amid the political friction, Peru retains one of the most economically stable profiles in Latin America. The country’s central bank has maintained a long track record of holding benchmark interest rates below 5%, and successive governments have adhered to fiscally conservative public spending policies that have kept macroeconomic indicators steady. Even so, critics warn that a stark and growing inequality gap in living standards separates wealthy coastal regions from lower-income, rural Andean highland communities – a divide that has been a core driver of the country’s ongoing political polarization.

  • Confronting gang members at the heart of Ecuador’s drug battle

    Confronting gang members at the heart of Ecuador’s drug battle

    Ecuador, a nation once celebrated for its peaceful reputation, is now locked in an escalating battle against brutal drug-linked gangs that have thrown the country into chaos. In recent months, violent organized crime connected to international drug trafficking has exploded across the nation, leaving a trail of death, fear, and instability that has forced security forces to adopt aggressive frontline strategies to regain control.

    BBC correspondent Orla Guerin recently gained exclusive access to accompany Ecuador’s national police on one of their regular patrols through territories that have become the epicenter of the country’s drug war, offering a rare on-the-ground look at the risks officers face every day. The patrol routes wind through neighborhoods where gang influence runs deep, and where police face constant threats of ambushes, targeted attacks, and open confrontations with heavily armed criminal groups.

    According to senior police officers Guerin spoke with during the patrol, the force has seen its workload skyrocket as drug crime surges. Gangs fighting over control of key smuggling routes to Europe and North America have engaged in daily street clashes, mass prison riots, and targeted assassinations of public officials, journalists, and rival gang members. The rapid growth of the crisis has stretched police resources thin, leaving officers under-equipped and overstretched even as they work around the clock to push back against criminal expansion.

    Despite the constant danger, officers told Guerin they remain committed to reclaiming communities from gang control. The patrol Guerin joined stopped at multiple checkpoints, searched vehicles for weapons and drug shipments, and conducted targeted stop-and-searches of individuals matching suspect descriptions. Each step of the operation was carried out with heightened vigilance, a reflection of the ever-present risk that any routine stop could turn violent.

    The on-the-ground reporting underscores the depth of Ecuador’s current security emergency: what began as small-scale local gang activity has evolved into a full-blown drug conflict that threatens the country’s long-term stability, and challenges police to find new ways to stem the tide of violence.

  • On the front line of Ecuador’s drugs war, police fight gangs, guns and corruption

    On the front line of Ecuador’s drugs war, police fight gangs, guns and corruption

    Deep in the violence-plagued coastal city of Durán, Ecuador, police captain Jean Carlos Bustamante confronts an enemy on two fronts: ruthless drug-trafficking gangs that terrorize local communities, and widespread corruption embedded within the very institutions meant to stop them. At 34, a former special forces operator and the oldest member of his hand-picked, trusted team, Bustamante knows the cost of this fight all too well — he has already lost three close colleagues to gang violence, and lost his own fear years ago, even as his parents live in constant dread for his safety.

    On a recent operation at dusk, Bustamante led his unit into the core of Los Aguilas (The Eagles) gang territory, a gritty neighborhood where homes are secured with iron bars and residents stay silent out of deadly fear. Acting on a tip that illegal weapons were stashed in an abandoned property, the team lined up against an exterior wall, breached the door with a battering ram, and seized two handguns and assault rifle ammunition — a small but critical win, as Bustamante notes, that removes two deadly weapons from criminal circulation. Still, he acknowledges it is a minor victory in a grinding war of attrition: gangs hold far more firepower and financial resources than the underfunded state security apparatus can match.

    Ecuador, once a peaceful South American tourist haven, has transformed into a global hub of cocaine trafficking in less than a decade. According to President Daniel Noboa, roughly 70% of all cocaine bound for Europe and North America now transits through the country. Colombian and Peruvian producers, the world’s top two cocaine suppliers, ship product into Ecuador, where local gangs with ties to Mexican cartels and Albanian organized crime syndicates coordinate onward smuggling. These criminal networks exploit the country’s poorly patrolled long Pacific coastline, weak border management, and under-resourced security services to move millions of dollars worth of narcotics every year. Last year alone, Ecuador recorded more than 9,200 homicides, one of the highest murder rates globally, despite a harsh two-year government crackdown on organized crime.

    Critics argue the hardline crackdown has backfired. While top crime leaders have been taken into custody, the fragmented gang landscape has only spawned more small, violent factions competing for territory and smuggling routes. Many Ecuadorians have grown convinced that the war on gangs can never be won — but Bustamante refuses to stop fighting. In a second operation, he used a surveillance drone to spot three suspected micro-traffickers selling small quantities of drugs on the edge of a local playground. The team quickly tracked the suspects to a residential address, breached the door, and detained all three, discovering tiny $1 packets of an addictive heroin mix stashed in a flowerpot. Though one suspect was formally charged, the other two were released — a common outcome, according to senior police, who blame systemic corruption in the judiciary and prosecutor’s office for undermining their work.

    Durán police deputy commander Colonel Santiago Gavilanes sums up the frustration: “We imprison them, and they release them. We know because when we carry out raids, we recapture them. Some of those who are released kill people and leave orphans behind.” Gavilanes says gangs have the capital to “buy laws, judges, and politicians,” a claim verified by an anonymous officer who told the BBC he had twice been offered a life-changing bribe to cooperate with criminal networks. After turning the offer down, he learned gangs had detailed information on his work and location, leaked by a corrupt colleague. “You never know who is watching,” he said — a sentiment repeated by almost every officer interviewed in Durán.

    Local police claim incremental progress: the city’s murder rate has fallen by half in the first six months of the year, streets are no longer completely deserted after 7 p.m., and public dismemberments of rival gang members, once common, have become far rarer. Colonel Gavilanes says the force has managed to contain gang activity, but full control will be a slow, medium-term process. That progress, however, is constantly undermined by institutional corruption. In an interview arranged through a contact on gang-held territory an hour outside Durán, a mid-level gang leader who goes by the pseudonym Jonathan openly admitted he pays four local police officers between $1,500 and $2,000 per month for advance warning of upcoming raids. “Whenever they’re going to do an operation, they call me,” he said. “They tell me to hide things, and to get out of here. When they arrive, they find nothing.”

    Now 37, Jonathan joined a gang at 18 to earn enough money to feed himself. He walks openly through neighborhood streets in daylight, armed alongside his crew, which includes teenagers as young as 17. He admitted to killing eight people, saying he only targets rival gang members who try to seize his territory, and has no regrets about recruiting underage members or selling drugs in the community. Human rights workers confirm that gangs in Ecuador often recruit boys as young as 12, training them to work as hitmen by the time they turn 15. Jonathan is blunt about the persistence of the drug trade: “If they shut us down, another gang will come along, and if they shut that one down, there will be another.” He expects to die violently, like most gang leaders: “Death is paid by death. But if they come to kill me, I won’t make it easy for them.”

    Back in Durán, just two nights later, the cycle of violence played out as usual. Under flashing police lights, the body of a young man lay next to a motorbike, killed in a revenge killing by a rival gang. A witness, who spoke only on condition of anonymity, described how two attackers on a motorbike shot the man six times, finishing him with a bullet to the head after he fell. “We are used to this now because it happens every day,” the witness said. “You might just step outside and catch a stray bullet. You can’t even go out or talk to friends or family because someone could shoot you.” He echoed the widespread doubt that the government’s campaign will ever change things: “Criminals are like ghosts. They pop up wherever they please.” As the forensic team loaded the body into a refrigerated van, another corpse was already waiting inside — another chapter in Ecuador’s endless, bloody war on drug-fueled organized crime.