标签: South America

南美洲

  • Jamaica to hand slavery reparations petition to King Charles

    Jamaica to hand slavery reparations petition to King Charles

    On an upcoming official visit to the United Kingdom, a Jamaican government delegation headed by Culture Minister Olivia Grange will deliver a landmark legal petition on slavery reparations to King Charles III, opening a new formal chapter in the island nation’s decades-long campaign for accountability for historic colonial harm.

    As the current head of state of Jamaica, King Charles will be asked to formally refer three critical legal questions to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (JCPC), Jamaica’s highest appellate court. The questions center on three core points: whether the transatlantic enslavement of African people in Jamaica was lawful under historic English law, whether the practice violated existing international legal standards, and whether the United Kingdom holds a current legal obligation to provide reparations for the harms endured.

    Crucially, the petition itself does not demand immediate financial payments, but instead seeks a formal legal ruling that Grange says could clear the path for a long-overdue resolution for the centuries of violent abuse inflicted on enslaved African ancestors. Unlike popular misconceptions, King Charles has no personal discretionary power to accept or reject the referral request, a fact confirmed by coordination between Buckingham Palace and Jamaica’s Governor General to ensure the petition is properly processed through established constitutional channels.

    Grange outlined the stakes of the step in comments to media, noting that once the JCPC delivers its response to the three questions, Jamaican officials will map out the next phase of the campaign. She also highlighted a little-known historic context that strengthens the nation’s case: when the British Empire abolished chattel slavery across most of its territories in 1833, the British government issued £20 million in compensation to enslavers for the loss of their “property” — a debt that the British public only finished paying off in 2015.

    “Up to 2015, Britain was paying the slave masters, because we were being considered property,” Grange said. “The question really should be: if in modern times we’re still paying back the slave masters for the property that was our people, our ancestors, for property that was because of the abolition of slavery, then why shouldn’t we be pursuing some remedy at this time?”

    Beyond the reparations petition, Grange’s UK agenda includes a high-profile meeting with leadership at the British Museum to advance long-running negotiations over the repatriation of cultural artifacts looted from Jamaica during the colonial era. “They are priceless, they are significant to the story of Jamaica and we are working to bring them home,” Grange said of the contested items.

    Buckingham Palace has signaled a cooperative approach to the petition, echoing King Charles’ long-stated public position on addressing the legacy of slavery. A Palace spokesperson noted: “His Majesty has on many occasions expressed his personal and wholehearted commitment to promoting greater understanding around the issue of slavery and finding ways to address historic wrongs for the benefit of communities today.” In a 2024 public address, the King went further, calling on global leaders to commit to “finding creative ways to right inequalities that endure” stemming from colonialism.

    The current push for reparations comes nearly a decade after a previous British government led by then-Prime Minister David Cameron rejected all calls for reparations during a 2015 visit to Jamaica. While Cameron described slavery as “abhorrent in all its forms,” he argued that Jamaica should “move on from this painful legacy and continue to build for the future,” a position that drew widespread criticism from reparations campaigners across the Caribbean.

  • Months after Venezuela earthquakes, a family refuses to give up search for their missing relative

    Months after Venezuela earthquakes, a family refuses to give up search for their missing relative

    Ten weeks have passed since two powerful back-to-back earthquakes ripped through coastal Venezuela, leaving widespread destruction, thousands dead, and a bitter rift between desperate families and the nation’s government over unaccounted-for missing people. For the Molina family, the tragedy has become a grueling, self-funded fight for answers, as they comb through the rubble-strewn streets of La Guaira — the hardest-hit region just north of capital Caracas — in search of 18-year-old Andrés Molina, who has been missing since the disaster struck on June 24.

    On a recent Saturday at 8 a.m., Antonella Molina, Andrés’ aunt, her 18-year-old nephew Pedro (Andrés’ cousin), and roughly a dozen other friends and relatives set out on their latest search. Their arms were stacked with printed flyers bearing Andrés’ photo and a contact number, their boots crunching over cracked concrete and collapsed masonry that still litters La Guaira’s neighborhoods. The family already recovered the bodies of Andrés’ mother and brother from the ruins of their 10-story apartment building, which crumbled when the quakes hit, killing more than 30 residents. No trace of Andrés — not even the backpack he carried everywhere — has been found in the wreckage.

    Countless tip-offs have kept the family clinging to hope, despite months of fruitless searching. Neighbors have reported sightings of the teen wandering the destruction zone collecting scrap metal; days after the quakes, multiple witnesses said they saw him roaming the area with a minor head injury. Just one day before the latest search, local police confirmed they too had spotted him gathering scrap nearby. Residents also told the family they often saw Andrés feeding stray cats, his favorite pastime. Tips have placed him at a nearby golf course, a community park, a local restaurant, and a neighborhood McDonald’s, but each lead has ended in disappointment when the search party arrives to find he is already gone.

    This grassroots search is a deliberate choice, born from deep distrust of Venezuelan government authorities. The official government count puts the death toll at 6,500 and the number of missing people at 1,500, numbers that Caracas insists are rigorously verified, compiled after a rapid response effort. But independent accounts put the actual number of missing people far higher, in the tens of thousands, and families like the Molinas say they have never received any official support for search efforts.

    “We’ve never had support from the government to help us find the people disappeared. Never,” Antonella told the AP, as she approached construction crews and local residents on the search route, greeting each with the warm, familiar Venezuelan greeting “how are you, mi amor?” A construction worker told the group he had seen Andrés near the golf course, matching a prior tip; another local resident recognized the photo from the flyers but had no recent information; a third man’s description of a matching young man included mention of tattoos, which Andrés does not have, ruling the sighting out.

    For Pedro, who reconnected with his cousin via WhatsApp in the months before the quake but never got the chance to meet him in person (he lives six hours away in Anzoategui state), the search is about making sure Andrés knows he is not alone, even after losing his mother and brother. “We don’t know how he must feel if he is alive,” Pedro said.

    The search effort has also been complicated by a long-standing family rift between Andrés’ mother and father, Antonella’s brother, which has kept the two sides of the family estranged for years, though Andrés’ father has joined the search efforts. The day’s search ended earlier than usual around 10 p.m. at a local McDonald’s, cut short after Antonella injured her arm. By the end of each day of searching, Antonella said she is left with a flood of conflicting, painful emotions.

    “At the end of each search, I always feel anger, helplessness, pain, sadness. Even despair,” she said. “Because it’s so many days, so much effort, so many hours walking, searching, asking questions. And we end up with the same answers. They saw him, they saw him, they saw him. But not having him present in our arms has been a very hard blow.”

    Antonella has even begun to wonder if Andrés may be choosing to stay out of reach, pointing to the frequent discovery of her flyers torn right through Andrés’ face. Still, she says she will not stop. Driven by love and the hope that her nephew is alive, she will keep searching the rubble-strewn streets of La Guaira until she finds him. “I have to continue until I find my nephew,” she said.

  • At least two dead in blast at Bolivia military barracks

    At least two dead in blast at Bolivia military barracks

    A devastating explosion at a Bolivian military barracks has left a yet-to-be-confirmed number of people dead and dozens more injured, triggering emergency response operations and official mourning in the Andean nation.

    The incident unfolded shortly after 2:30 p.m. local time on Friday at the facility located in Viacha, a town situated roughly 30 kilometers (19 miles) outside Bolivia’s administrative capital, La Paz. The barracks houses an artillery regiment of the Bolivian armed forces.

    Initial official statements from Bolivian Defense Minister Ernesto Justiniano confirmed that at least two people had lost their lives, and 58 others suffered injuries in the detonation of pyrotechnic material stored at the site. However, senior health official Rita Nebraska told local Bolivian broadcasters that preliminary on-site assessments put the likely death toll much higher, between 10 and 15 fatalities, indicating authorities are bracing for a rising number of confirmed deaths as search operations continue.

    Law enforcement officials confirmed that the blast caused widespread property damage in residential areas surrounding the military base. Dozens of private homes suffered shattered windows and structural damage from the force of the explosion, though no off-base injuries have been reported as of yet.

    Emergency response teams including police, firefighters and paramedics have been deployed to the site, where they are currently conducting search-and-rescue operations through collapsed rubble for potential missing survivors. Out of an abundance of caution, Nebraska warned the public that residual unstable material could trigger additional secondary explosions, and urged all civilians to maintain a safe perimeter of at least 150 meters from the barracks grounds.

    Police spokesman Roger Roca told Agence France-Presse that the military facility was storing large quantities of fireworks at the time of the blast. Authorities have not yet announced any definitive cause for the initial detonation, and an official investigation into the incident is ongoing.

    In the wake of the tragedy, local government authorities in Viacha have declared a three-day period of official mourning to honor the lives lost in the explosion.

  • Brazilian Supreme Court justices at odds as election and probe into failed bank loom

    Brazilian Supreme Court justices at odds as election and probe into failed bank loom

    SAO PAULO — Brazil’s highest judicial body has slid deeper into a damaging institutional crisis, after two high-profile Supreme Court justices delivered competing demands for severe disciplinary action against one another this Friday. The public feud has sent shockwaves through Brazil’s political landscape just months ahead of the country’s October general elections, raising urgent questions about the integrity of the nation’s judiciary.

    The conflict centers on two justices with starkly different political and ideological backgrounds. Alexandre de Moraes, 57, rose to national prominence last year after leading the high-profile prosecution that resulted in the imprisonment of former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro on charges related to the 2022 attempted coup d’état. His adversary on the bench, 53-year-old Andre Mendonca, made history as the Supreme Court’s first self-identified evangelical Christian justice, a direct appointment by Bolsonaro during his presidential term.

    The roots of their escalating animosity trace back to a sprawling federal investigation into large-scale financial fraud linked to the collapsed Banco Master, a once-prominent Brazilian financial institution led by disgraced ex-banker Daniel Vorcaro. The sprawling probe has already tangled multiple sitting politicians, making it an especially explosive issue ahead of the upcoming October elections.

    The crisis escalated rapidly earlier this week, when Mendonca ordered the unsealing of a portion of federal police intercepted communications between Vorcaro and third parties. The released documents include dozens of private messages from the fallen banker that suggest he repeatedly sought personal guidance from de Moraes. The revelations compound existing suspicions against de Moraes, after federal investigators uncovered that de Moraes’ wife had provided legal consulting services to Banco Master under a 130 million reais (approximately $25 million) contract.

    These disclosures have sparked a growing wave of calls for de Moraes’ resignation from across Brazil’s political sphere, media outlets, and leading legal experts. Even Flávio Bolsonaro, a presidential candidate and the son of the former president, who has himself been drawn into the Banco Master scandal over allegations he received roughly $21 million to produce a hagiographic film about his father’s political career, joined the chorus demanding de Moraes step down. In one intercepted message, Vorcaro wrote to a contact, “I am grateful to you for my life,” while in another, he pleaded, “For the love of God, see if you can block all these evil (measures against Banco Master).

    But the narrative shifted just as quickly, when Brazilian media outlets reported on Wednesday that Mendonca had held a private, off-the-record meeting with Vorcaro last year. In an official statement, Mendonca defended the gathering, framing it as a routine informational meeting similar to conversations other Supreme Court justices held on the same case. He later confirmed last Thursday that he held a second, more recent meeting with the jailed banker. What makes the encounter controversial is that Mendonca interrogated Vorcaro without the required authorization from the full Supreme Court — a mandatory step when investigating a sitting member of the court — and did not allow any federal police officers or public prosecutors to attend the questioning.

    Mendonca has justified his actions by saying Vorcaro claimed he had been subjected to mistreatment while in police custody, a claim that Brazil’s national attorney general has already formally rejected as unsubstantiated.

    By late Thursday, de Moraes had responded with swift and unprecedented action: he formally submitted a request to Supreme Court Chief Justice Luiz Edson Fachin to open a full investigation into Mendonca’s conduct. De Moraes blasted his colleague’s actions as politically motivated, and argued that Mendonca’s unauthorized, secretive interrogation of Vorcaro meets the legal standard for an impeachable offense. De Moraes is pushing for the Brazilian Senate to ultimately consider removing Mendonca from the bench.

    Brazil’s Senate, which holds the constitutional authority to initiate impeachment proceedings against sitting Supreme Court justices, currently has dozens of pending impeachment requests targeting de Moraes, with only a small handful of similar requests filed against Mendonca to date. By Friday, Brazilian media confirmed that Mendonca had submitted his own counter-request to Chief Justice Fachin, asking that de Moraes be suspended from all Supreme Court duties while the graft allegations against him are adjudicated.

    Chief Justice Fachin, speaking Friday morning at an official ceremony held at the presidential palace in the presence of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva — who has publicly stated no individual should be exempt from judicial investigation — announced his next steps. Fachin said he will request formal written clarifications from Mendonca, de Moraes, Attorney General Paulo Gonet (who is also mentioned in Vorcaro’s intercepted messages), and Federal Police Director Andrei Rodrigues. Without explicitly naming the public feud between his two colleagues, Fachin said he would “do what is right, in the time and in the shape that the legal order requires.” He added, “The institutions of the Republic must be preserved, overall in moments of the biggest tension.”

    Witnesses confirmed that de Moraes and Mendonca did not exchange a single word during two full Supreme Court sessions held Wednesday and Thursday. The two justices, who sit adjacent to one another on the court bench (seating is ordered by the date each justice was appointed), are set to gather again for official business next week.

  • Trump’s response is key as Argentina’s Falklands demands get louder

    Trump’s response is key as Argentina’s Falklands demands get louder

    Long before Argentine President Javier Milei delivered his late-night national address announcing new sanctions earlier this week, tensions over the long-running Falkland Islands dispute had already been rising steadily across Argentina. The high-profile celebration of Argentina’s World Cup victory over England this summer, where jubilant players held up a banner declaring “Las Malvinas son Argentinas” in front of euphoric fans, provided a striking visual of this growing friction – yet this simmering resentment stretches back far deeper into modern history.

    Opening his televised address from an Argentine perspective, Milei walked through a condensed narrative of the islands’ dispute, doubling down on the core argument that has anchored Argentina’s position for decades: the territory rightfully belongs to Buenos Aires. He framed the 1833 British presence as a colonial invasion that violently seized the land from Argentine control.

    The UK government has pushed back on this framing, pointing to key contextual details Milei omits from his retelling. For centuries leading up to the 1830s, multiple European powers had traded control of the unpopulated island chain. When British forces re-established a presence on the islands in 1833, the small Argentine settlement that had been established there had already been removed two years prior – not by British forces, but by the United States. The USS Lexington destroyed an Argentine outpost in December 1831 during a dispute over fishing and sealing rights in the region.

    But even as the U.S. played an unacknowledged role in clearing the way for 19th-century British control, Milei is now betting that Washington will become his strongest ally in advancing Argentina’s 21st-century claim to the islands. That confidence comes directly from former (and current candidate for) U.S. President Donald Trump, who recently announced he is re-evaluating the long-standing U.S. position on the Falklands. In a national address to the Argentine people, Milei declared that “winds of change” are blowing for the dispute.

    For decades, the U.S. has officially recognized British sovereignty over the Falklands while framing its policy as neutral. That neutrality has always been qualified, however: during the 1982 Falklands War, President Ronald Reagan provided critical material support to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a move that reinforced the decades-long transatlantic “Special Relationship” between London and Washington.

    For Trump, though, that historic alliance has already frayed. He blames current UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s predecessor Keir Starmer for the breakdown, after the UK declined to join the U.S. in its war against Iran. In a recent interview with GB News, Trump made his frustration clear: “You weren’t there to help me.” He also dismissed the Falklands as “a long way away” from the U.K. – a point that Falkland Islanders, who voted 99.8% to remain a British overseas territory in a 2013 referendum, have pushed back on: the distance from London to the Falklands is actually slightly shorter than the distance between Washington, D.C. and the U.S. territory of Guam in the western Pacific.

    Regardless of that factual pushback, Trump’s comments have already given a major boost to Milei, who is facing growing political pressure at home ahead of next year’s presidential election. His former vice president, Victoria Villarroel, one of his most prominent challengers, has positioned herself as a far harder-line defender of Argentine national sovereignty, repeatedly attacking Milei’s diplomatic approach to the Falklands as weak and ineffective. To counter that attack, leaning into the Falklands dispute and leaning on Trump’s support has become a key political strategy for the incumbent.

    Domestic political calculation is far from the only driver of the renewed tension, however. Milei has framed the dispute as newly urgent, warning of what he calls “a clear and urgent danger.” That urgency stems from upcoming energy exploration work: within the next two years, two energy firms – Israeli-owned Navitas Petroleum and UK-based Rockhopper Exploration – plan to begin drilling operations in the Sea Lion oilfield located off the Falklands coast. Milei has rejected this activity outright, arguing Argentina “cannot allow” the companies to “appropriate the oil reserves under our sea” and vowing that Buenos Aires will “not stand by with our arms folded.” FIFA also fined the Argentine Football Association after the World Cup banner incident, which violated global football rules banning political messaging during matches.

    Beyond economic and domestic political concerns, the dispute also ties into a broader ideological realignment in the Western Hemisphere. Milei and Trump share deep ideological and personal ties, and Milei has openly framed Argentina as a reliable, “trustworthy partner” for Washington. The two leaders have aligned behind what Trump has dubbed the “Don-roe Doctrine” – a playful reworking of the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine, which established U.S. hegemony across the Americas. The core of this new vision is simple: only ideologically aligned leaders should hold power across the Western Hemisphere.

    Within this new framework of reordered spheres of influence, many analysts note it is entirely plausible that Trump will side with his ideological ally Milei over the British Prime Minister, even as the dispute’s implications extend far beyond personal or partisan ties. As the countdown to the U.S. presidential election and Argentine exploration begins, the central question hanging over the coming months is whether this new “Don-roe Doctrine” will outweigh the decades of shared history that define the U.S.-UK Special Relationship.

  • Argentine couple to return Nazi-looted painting to rightful owner

    Argentine couple to return Nazi-looted painting to rightful owner

    Eighty years after it was looted by Nazi forces from a Jewish art collector’s collection, a long-missing late-baroque masterpiece has been ordered returned to its rightful lineage following a surprising discovery hidden in plain sight in coastal Argentina.

    The artwork, *Portrait of a Lady* (also referred to as *Contessa Colleoni*), was first spotted by pure chance in August 2025: a Dutch newspaper, Algemeen Dagblad, identified the painting in public listing photos posted by an estate agent advertising a home for sale in Mar del Plata, a popular coastal town just outside Buenos Aires. The canvas was hanging unassumingly above a green sofa in the living room of Patricia Kadgien, daughter of former Nazi fugitive Friedrich Kadgien.

    Friedrich Kadgien, who fled to Argentina after World War II, was a senior adviser to Hermann Göring—Adolf Hitler’s second-in-command, who oversaw the mass plunder of thousands of artworks across occupied Europe. The portrait was one of more than 1,000 pieces stolen from the collection of Jacques Goudstikker, a prominent Jewish Dutch art dealer, following the Nazi invasion of the Netherlands in 1940.

    After the painting was identified, authorities launched a search of Kadgien’s property in September 2025 that failed to turn up the artwork. Kadgien and her husband Juan Carlos Cortegoso were subsequently charged with concealment of stolen property and placed under house arrest. On Friday, however, a court in Mar del Plata reached a negotiated resolution: all criminal proceedings against the couple have been suspended in exchange for their full cooperation to return the painting and a financial settlement.

    Under the terms of the agreement between Kadgien’s family, prosecutors, and Goudstikker’s heirs, Kadgien and Cortegoso will surrender all legal claims to the artwork. They have also agreed to donate 4.8 million Argentine pesos (equivalent to approximately £2,356 or $3,185) to local public hospitals in exchange for avoiding prosecution for concealing the stolen piece.

    The sole surviving heir to Goudstikker’s collection is Marei von Saher, Goudstikker’s daughter-in-law. Per reporting from Argentine newspaper *Clarin*, von Saher plans to place the portrait on temporary loan to Buenos Aires’ Holocaust Museum, where it will be displayed to raise public awareness of Nazi-looted art and the ongoing work to return stolen cultural property to its rightful owners. Von Saher has long reaffirmed her family’s commitment to the recovery effort, stating previously that the goal remains “to bring back every single artwork robbed from Jacques’ collection, and to restore his legacy.”

    Art historical scholarship on the portrait has been divided since its recovery. The work is broadly attributed to late-baroque Italian artist Giuseppe Ghislandi, though some experts have argued it may instead be the work of Giacomo Ceruti, another prominent Italian painter from the same historical period.

  • UK will ‘resolutely uphold’ Falklands self-determination, Miliband says

    UK will ‘resolutely uphold’ Falklands self-determination, Miliband says

    Decades of tense sovereignty dispute over the South Atlantic Falkland Islands (known as the Malvinas in Argentina) have reignited, after Argentine President Javier Milei recently made new claims to the territory and threatened sanctions against international companies moving forward with planned oil exploration near the archipelago.

    Milei used a national address Thursday to double down on Argentina’s longstanding territorial claim, arguing that the Falkland Islands are historically and legally part of Argentina. He claimed that the “winds of change” are shifting in Argentina’s favor, and warned that the proposed Sea Lion oil development off the islands’ coast poses a “clear and present danger” to his country’s interests. If Argentina does not act quickly, Milei asserted, foreign companies will gain permanent access to what he calls Argentina’s offshore oil reserves – a development he said the nation would never accept.

    The president announced plans to impose new sanctions on companies involved in the exploration project, though details of how or how broadly these restrictions will be applied have not yet been released. Argentine law already allows for sanctions against energy firms operating in projects Buenos Aires does not authorize in the disputed territory.

    The project at the center of the latest dispute is a partnership between UK-based Rockhopper Exploration and Israeli energy firm Navitas Petroleum, which plans to begin commercial oil extraction at the Sea Lion field by 2028. Located roughly 130 miles off the Falklands coast, the field holds an estimated 1.7 billion barrels of high-quality crude oil – nearly six times the volume of the North Sea’s major Rosebank oil field. In a joint statement released Friday, the two companies confirmed they hold valid exploration licenses granted by the Falkland Islands government, with full backing from the UK government. The firms added that current political tensions will not delay their project timeline.

    In response to Milei’s remarks, senior UK officials have issued a unified, firm rebuke, reaffirming the UK’s commitment to upholding the Falkland Islanders’ right to self-determination. Writing on the social platform X Friday, Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband said the UK would “resolutely uphold” the self-determination of the islanders, and the territory will remain British because that is the overwhelming democratic will of its residents.

    Defence Secretary Wes Streeting echoed that position, describing the UK’s commitment to the Falklands as “absolute and unshakeable.” Streeting argued that Milei’s statement has more to do with domestic political positioning in Argentina than it does with the actual status of the disputed islands. Downing Street also issued a formal reaffirmation of the UK’s longstanding stance: the Falklands will remain a British Overseas Territory for as long as the islands’ residents wish to keep that status. A Downing Street spokesperson noted that economic threats against the Falklands from Argentine governments are not new, and added that the islanders’ right to self-determination explicitly includes the right to develop and exploit their own natural resources.

    The current dispute comes more than 40 years after the 1982 Falklands War, and the sovereignty of the South Atlantic archipelago remains a deeply divisive issue between London and Buenos Aires. In a 2013 referendum held on the islands, 99.8% of resident voters cast ballots in favor of remaining a British Overseas Territory, with just three votes against the option.

    The latest diplomatic tension also drew comment from former U.S. President Donald Trump, who hinted Thursday that the U.S. would not side with the UK in any future military conflict over the Falklands. Trump claimed the U.S. would not back the UK because Britain did not support him during what he described as his “war with Iran.” Trump’s remarks come as he previously confirmed that the U.S. position on the Falklands dispute is one of multiple policies currently under review.

  • Argentine leader says oil firms working off Falklands face sanctions

    Argentine leader says oil firms working off Falklands face sanctions

    Decades after a brutal 1982 armed conflict that claimed nearly 1,000 lives, the long-running sovereignty dispute over the Falkland Islands (known as Las Malvinas to Argentina) has reignited, with Argentine President Javier Milei unveiling aggressive new steps to advance his country’s claim to the British overseas territory in the South Atlantic.

    In a nationally televised address this week, Milei confirmed he would move forward with sanctions targeting international oil companies planning exploration work off the archipelago’s coast. His announcement centers on the Sea Lion oilfield, a massive untapped reserve holding an estimated 1.7 billion barrels of crude, where a British and an Israeli energy firm are scheduled to launch exploratory drilling in the coming months. Milei framed the upcoming project as a direct threat to Argentina’s territorial claims, warning that delaying action would give energy companies the permanent physical infrastructure to extract resources that Argentina asserts rightfully belong to the country.

    “Winds of change are blowing across the globe that favor our claim to the Falklands,” Milei told the Argentine public, pointing to growing signals that the United States is prepared to revise its longstanding policy of neutrality in the decades-old dispute. The Argentine leader emphasized that former U.S. President Donald Trump has openly flagged the possibility of a U.S. position shift if the United Kingdom fails to meet its NATO defense spending commitments, and added that current U.S. officials are reassessing Washington’s historical stance on the sovereignty issue. “This is not empty rhetoric,” Milei said. “U.S. leaders understand that Argentina is a reliable partner and a valuable ally for the decades ahead. The Falklands are Argentinean — historically, legally, and irrefutably.”

    Milei also used the address to announce plans to construct a new Argentine naval base in Tierra del Fuego, the southernmost province of Argentina, located just a short distance from the Falkland archipelago. While details of the proposed sanctions remain unclear, existing Argentine legislation already enables the government to impose restrictions on any company participating in unauthorized energy projects on the islands.

    The sovereignty dispute stretches back more than 200 years, but erupted into open conflict in 1982, when Argentine military forces invaded the islands to stake a territorial claim. The UK deployed a naval task force that retook control of the archipelago after a 74-day conflict that left 255 British service members, three Falkland island residents, and 649 Argentine soldiers dead. In a 2013 referendum held on the islands, 99.8% of residents voted overwhelmingly to remain a British overseas territory, reaffirming their right to self-determination. The UK has repeatedly stood by that result, reiterating this week that Falkland islanders are British citizens with an unassailable right to determine their own political future. BBC News has reached out to the UK government for additional comment on Milei’s latest announcement.

    Recent developments have introduced new uncertainty to the dispute, particularly shifting signals from the United States. In a GB News interview Thursday, Trump was asked whether the U.S. would intervene to support the UK in a potential future escalation of the dispute. The former president replied that the UK had “not been there to help me” during tensions between the U.S. and Iran, echoing his earlier warnings that a U.S. neutrality revision is on the table if the UK does not increase its defense spending. Just hours before Milei’s national address, a senior U.S. State Department official sparked further speculation by posting a photo of her meeting with Milei on social media with the caption: “Exciting things are happening in the Western Hemisphere.”

    If exploration proceeds as planned at Sea Lion, production is on track to launch in 2028, marking the first large-scale commercial extraction of the archipelago’s offshore oil reserves — a development Milei warned would fundamentally change the territorial status quo if Argentina does not act quickly.

  • Trump hints US would not back UK over Falkland Islands due to lack of Iran war support

    Trump hints US would not back UK over Falkland Islands due to lack of Iran war support

    A controversial new statement from former and current US President Donald Trump has sent ripples through international diplomacy, after he openly refused to guarantee American military backing for the United Kingdom if a new territorial conflict breaks out over the Falkland Islands between London and Buenos Aires.

    Speaking in a recent interview with UK broadcaster GB News, Trump tied his reluctance to what he frames as unreciprocated cooperation from the UK during the United States’ ongoing tensions with Iran. He argued that when he requested limited naval support from the then-UK prime minister Keir Starmer for operations in the Strait of Hormuz — a critical global chokepoint for oil supplies, a large share of which are imported by the UK — his request was denied on the grounds that no vessels were available for deployment.

    “It was pretty sad,” Trump told GB News. “Your country was not there to help me. We didn’t need help, but I did ask Nato, and I asked your former leader, ‘why didn’t you send a couple of ships?’ Nato was not there, even though most of those countries get a big portion of their oil from there. So we’re doing that by ourselves.”

    The Falkland Islands, a remote British overseas territory located in the South-West Atlantic, have been at the center of a bitter sovereignty dispute between the UK and Argentina for decades. The disagreement boiled over into open armed conflict in 1982, when Argentine military forces invaded the islands to stake Buenos Aires’ long-held territorial claim. A 74-day conflict followed, ending when a British task force retook the islands. The war claimed the lives of 255 British service members, three Falkland Island civilians and 649 Argentine soldiers, leaving a lasting legacy of tension between the two nations.

    This is not the first time Trump has signaled a potential break from longstanding US policy on the Falklands. Earlier, he stated that the US could revise its long-held neutral position on the islands’ sovereignty if the UK failed to meet NATO’s required target for defense spending. When questioned by the BBC recently about whether he was reviewing the US’ long-standing position on the sovereignty dispute, Trump replied: “I always review every position. That’s just one of many.”

    For decades, all previous US administrations have maintained a formal policy of recognizing the UK’s de facto administrative control over the Falklands, while declining to take an official stance on the ultimate question of sovereignty. That long-standing neutrality may now be at risk of shifting under a second Trump administration.

    The comments come as Argentine President Javier Milei is set to address the nation in a prime-time televised address on Thursday evening, where he is expected to lay out his government’s stance on what Buenos Aires calls its “historic sovereignty claim” to the islands.

    The UK government has issued a firm response to Trump’s remarks, reaffirming its long-held commitment to the self-determination of the Falkland Islanders. “Falkland islanders are British with a right to determine their own future,” a UK government spokesperson said. “The islanders have repeatedly expressed their wish to remain a British overseas territory and our commitment to them is unwavering.” That commitment was most recently validated by a 2013 referendum, where 99.8% of voting island residents opted to retain their status as a British overseas territory, with only three votes cast against the proposal.

  • Venezuelans’ pride is bruised by deal to give US one-fifth of their oil reserves

    Venezuelans’ pride is bruised by deal to give US one-fifth of their oil reserves

    For more than a century, oil has been the foundational thread weaving together every aspect of modern Venezuelan identity. Rooted in the national consciousness is the deeply held belief that the country’s unmatched reserves of crude – the largest on the planet – belong not to political leaders or private corporations, but to every Venezuelan citizen. That long-held conviction, and the collective pride of a nation that has weathered decades of turmoil, suffered a major blow last week when acting Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez signed an agreement granting U.S.-backed entities control over roughly one-fifth of the country’s total proven oil reserves.

    While the deal holds the long-term potential to unlock billions of dollars in investment for an oil sector and broader national economy crippled by decades of mismanagement and international sanctions, it has been widely decried by ordinary Venezuelans as an unprecedented surrender of national sovereignty. Many have linked the agreement to the January U.S. military operation that targeted former President Nicolás Maduro, arguing that seizing control of Venezuela’s vast energy wealth was the unstated core goal of the intervention that left Rodríguez in power.

    “For ordinary citizens like us, there is nothing we can do to stop this – it is not just worrying, it is outrageous,” said Lisandro Castro, an architect based in the capital Caracas. “Across the country right now, there is real, widespread anxiety about what is unfolding before our eyes.”

    Oil has shaped every corner of Venezuelan life since commercial deposits were first discovered in the country’s northwest in the 1920s. What began as a new energy sector transformed a poor, largely agrarian nation into an urbanized regional economic power almost overnight. American energy workers who relocated to Venezuela introduced and popularized baseball, constructing fields across oil-producing regions that turned the sport into a national pastime for working-class communities before it spread across the entire country.

    The boom created unprecedented economic opportunity that drew waves of European migrants fleeing post-World War II hardship. Portuguese immigrants opened neighborhood bakeries that remain community staples today, while Italian architects designed iconic buildings that still define Venezuelan cityscapes. As a young democracy, Venezuela came to rely almost entirely on oil export revenues rather than domestic taxes on citizens and businesses, creating a dynamic where politicians used oil wealth to secure public support, explained Ronal Rodríguez, a researcher at the Venezuela Observatory at Colombia’s Universidad del Rosario.

    Venezuela went on to become a founding member of OPEC, and by the 1970s, when the country boasted the highest per capita income in Latin America, the government nationalized the entire oil sector with the creation of the state-owned Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., known universally as PDVSA. Under the nationalized model, foreign firms were only permitted to operate as minority partners in joint ventures, and PDVSA’s revenues funded an extensive network of public benefits: heavily subsidized gasoline for all citizens, scholarships for international study, free healthcare and countless other social programs.

    “Every single Venezuelan grows up understanding that oil is a collective right that every one of us can claim,” researcher Ronal Rodríguez noted.

    Over the decades, Venezuela’s history has been defined by the repeated cycle of oil booms and crippling busts. When global crude prices plummeted in the 1980s, the economy collapsed, forcing the government to secure a bailout from the International Monetary Fund and eliminate core public subsidies. The resulting social unrest paved the way for the rise of Hugo Chávez, a young military officer who first gained national attention for a failed coup attempt.

    After being elected president in 1998, Chávez expanded the country’s social safety net dramatically – including expanded access to public health, affordable housing and free education – fueled by a resurgence in global oil prices that generated an estimated $981 billion in revenue for PDVSA between 1999 and 2011. The government distributed everything from new homes to household appliances to free medication, and millions of families secured stable, well-paid jobs across public and private sectors. Emboldened by widespread popular support, Chávez tightened state control over PDVSA, sidelining major U.S. oil firms including ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips in the process.

    But PDVSA’s fortunes declined sharply as oil prices fell again in the 2010s. Systemic corruption and decades of mismanagement eroded production capacity and profits, first under Chávez and then under his hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro, who took office following Chávez’s death in 2013. By that time, the country was already sliding into a catastrophic economic crisis, worsened by sweeping U.S. sanctions imposed over concerns about democratic backsliding and human rights abuses that gutted the oil sector and the broader economy.

    What was once a magnet for global migrants became a source of mass emigration: severe food shortages and widespread deprivation linked to economic collapse pushed more than 7 million Venezuelans to leave the country. Even today, while grocery store shelves are fully stocked, soaring hyperinflation has left basic goods out of reach for most working people. Public sector employees now earn an average of roughly $160 per month, while private sector workers averaged around $237 per month in 2024.

    “Something is better than nothing,” said Romel Abreu, a former PDVSA worker who now works as a security guard in Cabimas, the heart of Venezuela’s historic oil region in the country’s northwest. Referring to Venezuela’s current crude production of roughly 1 million barrels per day, he added: “If we had no oil production at all, we would be completely lost.” Like many residents of the oil belt, Abreu holds out hope for another boom that would bring back well-paying jobs for the next generation.

    The new oil deal has deepened widespread skepticism among Venezuelans of all political stripes. After Maduro’s capture in January, many Venezuelans hoped that would end the ruling party’s 27-year hold on power. When that did not materialize – with the Trump administration backing Rodríguez over opposition leaders – many held out optimism that the easing of crippling U.S. sanctions would deliver long-overdue economic improvement. A February regulatory overhaul that opened the door to expanded private investment in the oil sector was widely seen as a sign of coming progress.

    But for critics like Castro, the January intervention was always just a stepping stone to this moment. “Everything that happened on January 3 was just a strategy to get us to where we are today: full U.S. control over our energy sector for their own gain, not to benefit ordinary Venezuelans,” he said.

    Under the terms of the agreement, the U.S. is entering a joint venture with North American Blue Energy Partners, Venezuela’s second-largest private oil operating company, trailing only industry giant Chevron. Rodríguez has granted the joint venture 100-year exploitation rights to 17 oil fields holding 65 billion barrels of proven reserves – roughly one-fifth of Venezuela’s total 300 billion barrel reserve base.

    Industry experts warn that because Venezuela’s energy infrastructure has fallen into severe disrepair after decades of underinvestment, it will take years of large-scale capital investment before production increases significantly.

    Speaking in Caracas this week, U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright said the Trump administration’s mission in Venezuela “is to bring peace, freedom, opportunity and prosperity to the people.” In a national address Saturday, Rodríguez defended the agreement, saying she aims to restore Venezuela’s status as a global “energy powerhouse.”

    For residents of Cabimas, the deal leaves them torn between conflicting fears and hopes. “On one hand, you have to acknowledge that we are handing over control of one of our largest reserve holdings,” said Erwin Ayala, a current oil sector worker, outside his home in Cabimas. “But if this is for the good of the country and for future generations, then we can support it. What good does it do us to hold all this oil in the ground if we have no machinery, no technology, to get it out and use it to improve our lives?”