标签： Africa

Angola is preparing to try two Russian nationals and two Angolan citizens in a landmark case alleging foreign election interference, disinformation campaigns, and anti-government activities. The defendants—Russian political consultant Igor Ratchin, translator Lev Lakshtanov, Angolan sports journalist Amor Carlos Tomé, and political activist Francisco Oliveira—have been detained in Luanda for eight months facing charges ranging from terrorism and espionage to influence peddling.

According to prosecution documents obtained by the BBC, the Russian defendants allegedly operated under Africa Politology, a shadow network emerging from the dissolved Wagner Group. The indictment claims they orchestrated a sophisticated operation to manipulate Angola’s political trajectory ahead of next year’s presidential election through disinformation dissemination and protest instigation.

The defense teams vigorously challenge these allegations, arguing the indictment lacks concrete evidence and relies on conjecture. Russian counsel maintains their clients were merely establishing a cultural ‘Russian House’ in Luanda without state sponsorship or connections to Wagner operations.

This case unfolds against shifting geopolitical alliances. Angola, a significant oil and diamond producer, has gradually distanced itself from Moscow under President João Lourenço’s administration. Russian entities like diamond miner Alrosa and bank VTB have exited Angola due to Ukraine-related sanctions, while Lourenço has strengthened ties with Western nations.

Analysts interpret the alleged operation as reflecting Russian anxiety over Angola’s geopolitical reorientation. ‘This demonstrates Russian discomfort with Angola’s direction under Lourenço,’ noted Alex Vines of the European Council on Foreign Relations. ‘There’s clear disinformation intent to build sympathy toward Russia.’

The prosecution alleges the network employed multiple tactics: recruiting local journalists, commissioning propaganda articles, and making payments exceeding $24,000 to influence Angolan media. They allegedly impersonated legitimate news sources, with one Facebook page mimicking Angola 24 Horas publishing content criticizing Western-backed infrastructure projects like the Lobito Corridor.

Most seriously, prosecutors claim the group orchestrated July’s deadly protests—the worst since Angola’s civil war ended—that resulted in 29 deaths and 1,200 arrests. The indictment cites phone notes and photographs as evidence, though defense attorneys counter that Ratchin documented protests solely for personal safety.

Local journalists and human rights researchers question the prosecution’s narrative, suggesting authorities may be using foreign defendants as scapegoats for organic discontent driven by poverty affecting 40% of Angolans. The indictment itself contains inconsistencies, including disputed timelines regarding Wagner-linked operative Maxim Shugalei’s whereabouts.

Legal expert Rui Verde notes the prosecution must demonstrate deliberate coordination among the alleged activities to prove subversion intent. If convicted, the Russians face potential repatriation, though Russian diplomatic sources suggest limited official concern for ‘contractors’ not on state missions.

JOHANNESBURG — In a landmark hearing that underscores South Africa’s renewed commitment to addressing historical injustices, Eugene de Kock, the infamous apartheid-era police commander known as “Prime Evil,” provided testimony Monday regarding the 1985 killing of four anti-apartheid activists. The inquiry represents part of the nation’s broader effort to confront previously unpunished atrocities committed by security forces during decades of institutionalized racial segregation.

De Kock, former head of a special counterinsurgency police unit, denied direct involvement in the Cradock Four case—one of apartheid’s most shocking crimes—but revealed disturbing details about police operations. He testified that authorities maintained photographic records of approximately 6,000 anti-apartheid activists classified as “known terrorists” who were to be tracked and eliminated if arrest proved impractical. Notably, he asserted that the Cradock Four—Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sicelo Mhlauli, and Sparrow Mkonto (three of whom were teachers)—were not included on this list.

The victims were abducted at a police roadblock before being murdered and burned, their bodies discovered in a condition that horrified the nation. De Kock further disclosed that one implicated officer sought his assistance in orchestrating a cover-up, specifically requesting help with obtaining alternative firearms and interfering with ballistic evidence.

Now 77, de Kock appeared under police guard in Gqeberha (formerly Port Elizabeth), where the original crimes occurred. His image was deliberately obscured in official broadcasts following a judicial ruling. Having been sentenced in 1996 to two life terms plus 212 years for murder, kidnapping, and other charges related to anti-apartheid activist abuses, de Kock was paroled in 2015.

This latest judicial review follows years of pressure from victims’ families and comes after two previous apartheid-era inquiries—widely suspected as cover-ups—failed to deliver accountability. Six former policemen identified as perpetrators were never prosecuted despite being denied amnesty during South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation process in the late 1990s; all have since died.

The Cradock Four investigation joins several other reopened cases examining apartheid-era crimes, including the deaths of Nobel Peace Prize winner Albert Luthuli (1967), lawyer Griffiths Mxenge (1981), and iconic activist Steve Biko (1977). Additionally, President Cyril Ramaphosa ordered a separate inquiry last year to determine whether post-apartheid governments deliberately obstructed investigations into historical human rights violations.

Zimbabwean authorities have escalated their suppression of political dissent by detaining prominent opposition figure Tendai Biti, the leading critic of proposed constitutional amendments that would significantly extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s rule. The former finance minister was apprehended on Saturday in Mutare alongside Morgan Ncube, programs director of the Constitutional Defenders Forum, on charges of organizing an unauthorized public gathering without police notification.

This represents the most high-profile detention yet in a systematic campaign against opponents of constitutional reforms that would fundamentally alter Zimbabwe’s political landscape. The proposed changes would postpone national elections until 2030, extend both presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years, and transfer presidential election authority from the electorate to Parliament.

President Mnangagwa, who assumed power following the 2017 military coup that ousted longtime leader Robert Mugabe, has publicly committed to stepping down when his second term concludes in 2028. However, he has notably refrained from opposing his ruling ZANU-PF party’s concerted push for constitutional revisions that would effectively prolong his tenure.

The government’s crackdown has intensified in recent months, with police routinely banning opposition gatherings and arresting critics. The pattern of suppression extends beyond detentions, as evidenced by the recent hospitalization of law professor Lovemore Madhuku after a severe beating by unidentified assailants he identified as police officers. Additionally, the offices of SAPES Trust, a think tank scheduled to host amendment opponents, were mysteriously set ablaze last year preceding the event.

Despite government claims that the two-term presidential limit remains intact under the proposed amendments, critics argue that any extension of presidential terms requires mandatory public referendum approval. Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi maintains that Parliament possesses adequate authority to enact the changes without popular consultation.

International human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, have condemned the escalating pattern of repression against peaceful dissent in Zimbabwe. The developments occur against the backdrop of Mnangagwa’s controversial re-election in 2023, which international observers widely criticized for alleged electoral irregularities and suppression of opposition activities.