标签： Africa

In a scathing rebuke of Washington’s role as a peace broker in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a coalition of Congolese rebels led by the Congo River Alliance has accused the Trump administration of failing to uphold impartial mediation amid ongoing bloodshed in the country’s mineral-rich eastern region. The open criticism, delivered via a formal letter addressed to U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and obtained by the Associated Press on Saturday, comes months after a high-profile U.S.-brokered peace agreement between the DRC and neighboring Rwanda, a deal the Trump administration has repeatedly touted as a landmark diplomatic success.

The 2024 accord, hailed by then-U.S. President Donald Trump after negotiations with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, was designed not only to end decades of cyclic conflict in eastern Congo but also to lay the groundwork for a trilateral economic partnership that would open the region’s untapped rare earth mineral reserves to American government access and private sector investment. Despite Trump’s repeated claims of a diplomatic win, active hostilities have continued unabated across eastern Congo, with armed factions and government forces trading blame for repeated violations of the ceasefire terms.

The rebel coalition, which includes the Rwanda-backed M23 movement — the most powerful armed group operating in eastern Congo — argues that Washington has consistently turned a blind eye to alleged peace commitment violations by the Tshisekedi administration in Kinshasa, while disproportionately targeting opponents of the Congolese government and Rwandan entities with punitive sanctions. Last week, the U.S. imposed new sanctions on former Congolese President Joseph Kabila, accusing him of funding and supporting rebel activities; earlier this year, Washington also blacklisted Rwanda’s military and four senior Rwandan officials over their documented support for M23. The letter charges that no comparable punitive measures or even public warnings have been issued against Tshisekedi’s government for its own breaches of the peace deal.

“Your administration has neither imposed any sanctions nor issued even a simple warning to the leaders in Kinshasa, whose intransigent and arrogant attitude calls into question the impartiality and neutrality of the American Facilitator/Mediator,” the letter reads. It adds that the lack of consistent corrective action undermines confidence in U.S. mediation, noting that “the absence of clearly identifiable corrective measures fuels questions regarding the facilitation’s ability to preserve, over time, the requirements of impartiality and neutrality that are essential to its credibility.”

Long-standing instability has plagued eastern Congo for generations, driven in large part by competition over control of the region’s vast deposits of critical minerals that underpin global technology and clean energy supply chains. More than 100 armed factions operate in the area, with M23 emerging as the most militarily capable. U.N. estimates show the group has grown from just a few hundred fighters in 2021 to roughly 6,500 today, a rapid expansion that the DRC government, U.S., and United Nations experts attribute to ongoing military support from Rwanda — a claim Rwanda has repeatedly denied. M23 launched a major offensive across eastern Congo in early 2024, seizing the regional capital Goma and other key population centers before the U.S.-brokered deal was reached.

Independent regional conflict experts agree that while U.S. mediation reduced cross-border tensions between the DRC and Rwanda, it has failed to curb the escalating ground conflict. “While U.S. mediation has helped cool regional tension it has not stopped the escalating fighting on the ground,” Kristof Titeca, a University of Antwerp professor specializing in Central African governance and conflict, told the AP. The rebel letter’s public criticism adds new pressure on the Trump administration’s diplomatic efforts in the Great Lakes region, at a time when Washington is pushing to advance American economic interests in the region’s critical mineral sector. The Associated Press contributed reporting from Bonn, Germany, for this story.

Across the African continent, electric vehicle adoption is accelerating at an unprecedented rate, driven largely by policy and energy security action in Ethiopia. Severe fuel shortages and skyrocketing global oil prices, worsened by ongoing disruptions tied to the Iran war, have pushed East African nations to accelerate a shift from fossil fuel-powered transport to cleaner, cheaper electric alternatives.

New data from China’s Ministry of Commerce underscores this rapid growth: total African electric vehicle imports from China jumped to 44,358 units in 2025, more than doubling the 19,386 units imported just one year prior. These shipments carry a total value of over $200 million, with demand concentrated heavily in Ethiopia. In 2024, Addis Ababa implemented a full ban on new imports of gasoline and diesel-powered vehicles, a policy that has reshaped the country’s automotive market. Today, more than 115,000 EVs operate on Ethiopian roads, accounting for roughly 8% of the nation’s entire vehicle fleet. In 2025 alone, Ethiopia accounted for one-third of all African EV imports from China, outpacing major regional markets including South Africa, Egypt, Morocco and Nigeria to claim the top spot.

The urgency of Ethiopia’s transition stems from deep economic and energy strains. Each year, the country spends roughly $4.2 billion on fossil fuel imports, a burden that has severely drained its limited foreign currency reserves. It also spends up to $128 million monthly on fuel subsidies to cushion consumers from price volatility. The ongoing conflict in Iran has disrupted global oil supplies through the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic waterway that carries roughly one-fifth of all Gulf region oil exports, leaving Ethiopia with a shortfall of more than 180,000 metric tons of fuel annually.

Faced with these persistent supply shocks, the Ethiopian government has doubled down on its campaign to speed up EV adoption, framing the transition as a critical buffer against external energy market volatility. Industry analysts say the strategy offers clear long-term benefits for the country’s energy sovereignty.

“From a general perspective, it is sustainable,” explained Hiten Parmar, executive director of The Electric Mission, a South Africa-based e-mobility advocacy organization. “By replacing imported fuel with domestically generated electricity, Ethiopia is strengthening its energy security position.”

Ethiopia holds a unique advantage in its energy mix that supports a large-scale EV transition: over 90% of its national electricity production comes from renewable sources, primarily hydroelectric and solar power. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the largest hydroelectric project on the continent, is expected to double the country’s total power generation capacity once fully operational, even as the facility has sparked a decade-long transboundary water dispute with downstream neighbors Egypt and Sudan. Parmar notes that this abundant domestic clean energy generation creates a solid foundation for a widespread shift to electrified transport.

“It allows EVs to be powered by locally produced clean energy, rather than costly imports,” Parmar said. “By gradually adopting EVs, that intensive fuel import expenditure can be reduced and redirected into other critical development needs.”

This trend is not isolated to Ethiopia. Governments across the African continent are rolling out policy frameworks and investment plans to support EV adoption: Egypt, South Africa and Morocco have all introduced a mix of consumer incentives, manufacturing investment commitments and clean energy buildout to speed their own energy transitions. According to the Africa E-Mobility Alliance, this early transition is already starting to ease regional pressure on global fuel demand.

“That’s over 100,000 vehicle owners who are no longer directly exposed to pump price shocks,” said Bob Wesonga, policy and investments lead at the alliance. “In the medium to long term, this creates a buffer against global oil volatility.”

For consumers and operators that have already made the switch, the cost savings are dramatic. “A private EV owner now spends roughly $4 a month on charging compared to about $27 previously spent on fuel,” Wesonga said. “For public transport operators, the difference is even more striking.”

Despite these clear benefits and rapid growth, the EV transition across Africa faces significant structural barriers, analysts warn. While EV technology itself is already mature, scaling the necessary supporting infrastructure across vast, often rural landscapes remains a major challenge.

Ethiopia has begun rolling out ultra-fast charging hubs in its capital Addis Ababa, but expanding this network to every region will require billions in new investment and years of construction. “The biggest hurdle is the last-mile power distribution,” Wesonga explained. “While Ethiopia has a surplus of generation, getting that power reliably to where it’s needed, especially outside Addis Ababa, remains a challenge.”

Frequent power outages and administrative delays in connecting high-capacity charging stations have slowed infrastructure construction, even as consumer demand for EVs continues to climb. Today, most charging infrastructure remains heavily concentrated in the capital and along a small number of major intercity transport corridors, limiting widespread EV use outside of urban centers and creating a bottleneck for future growth.

Ethiopia is attempting to address another major barrier, affordability, by building out domestic EV assembly capacity. Official data shows 17 EV assembly plants are already in the national pipeline, with plans to grow that number to 60 by 2030. The strategy is designed to localize production, cut vehicle costs and make EVs accessible to more consumers.

Even so, affordability remains a major constraint for most households. While operating costs for EVs are far lower than fossil fuel vehicles, upfront purchase prices remain well out of reach for the majority of the population, relative to average national incomes. At the same time, the ban on new fossil fuel vehicle imports has pushed up prices for used combustion engine vehicles, creating additional financial barriers for low-income households looking to purchase any form of private transport.

Parmar notes that this dynamic could create unintended social consequences if the transition is not carefully managed to protect vulnerable groups. “A national fleet transition is always gradual,” he said. “Existing combustion vehicles will remain in use for some time, and the transition needs to account for livelihoods tied to that system.”

Even with these near-term challenges, both analysts agree the long-term trajectory of EV adoption across Africa is irreversible. Over time, lower operating and maintenance costs for EVs are expected to bring down overall transport costs, reduce the price of consumer goods and expand access to economic opportunity for millions across the continent. Ethiopia is already drawing lessons from leading EV markets such as China and Norway, where targeted policy support, large-scale infrastructure investment and consumer incentives have driven rapid mass adoption.

“This is not just about transport,” Wesonga said. “It’s about reshaping how the country uses energy, and who benefits from that shift.”

KAMPALA, UGANDA – The death of prominent Rwandan academic and government critic Aimable Karasira in custody, just days before he was set to be released from prison, has triggered urgent calls for an independent international investigation from leading human rights advocates, who are questioning the official account of his death.

Rwandan authorities confirm Karasira died Wednesday at Kigali’s Nyarugenge District Hospital following what they describe as an overdose of prescription medication for a preexisting chronic condition. In a statement provided to local Rwandan newspaper The New Times, prison system spokesperson Hillary Sengabo claimed Karasira consumed a large excess dose of medication that had been issued to him by prison health services.

But Human Rights Watch has openly challenged this official narrative, calling on the global community to prioritize this case and pushing for a committee of independent international experts to conduct a full, unfiltered probe into the circumstances of Karasira’s death.

“There are countless grounds to question the circumstances surrounding Aimable Karasira’s death in custody, not least the years of targeted harassment and systematic persecution he faced at the hands of Rwandan authorities,” explained Clémentineine de Montjoye, a researcher for Human Rights Watch. “The Rwandan government carries the legal and moral burden of proving Karasira was not unlawfully killed while in their custody.”

Karasira’s path to arrest began in 2020, when he published a YouTube video discussing the loss of his relatives both during the 1994 Rwandan genocide and in its aftermath, following the rise to power of the rebel front that ended the mass killings. Human Rights Watch documentation shows that after the video’s release, Karasira faced sustained pressure from Rwandan intelligence services and anonymous threats from unknown actors.

He was taken into custody in 2021, facing multiple charges including genocide denial and inciting ethnic division. He was convicted on some counts and acquitted on others, but prosecutors launched an appeal of the acquittals, demanding a 30-year prison sentence that was still pending at the time of his death. Because Karasira had already served four years of a five-year total sentence while awaiting trial proceedings, his release was scheduled for May 6, just days after his death was announced.

Michela Wrong, a British historian who has extensively documented alleged human rights abuses under the current Rwandan government, said Karasira’s death reveals deep-rooted issues within the country’s criminal justice and political system. “He told multiple visitors he was being beaten and tortured while in custody,” Wrong wrote on social platform X. “Prison eventually proved a fatal experience, as it has for so many dissidents in Rwanda. Now officials claim he died of an overdose of his own prescription medicine.”

Human Rights Watch has drawn parallels between Karasira’s death and the 2020 in-custody death of Kizito Mihigo, a popular Rwandan singer and fellow government critic. The organization noted both figures held significant moral authority that resonated widely with the Rwandan public, presenting a unique challenge to the ruling government.

President Paul Kagame’s political party has controlled Rwandan governance since the end of the 1994 genocide. The government has enacted sweeping policy measures to heal ethnic divides, including removing ethnic identifiers from national ID cards and integrating genocide education into national school curricula. Every April, the country holds nationwide solemn commemorations to honor genocide victims, and hundreds of community initiatives led by government and civic groups work to promote national unity. Kagame is widely credited by international supporters with establishing decades of relative stability and economic growth after the genocide.

However, critics have long accused Kagame’s administration of systematically eliminating all political dissent. Detractors characterize his rule as an authoritarian regime that has erased nearly all organized opposition, with opponents regularly imprisoned, forced into exile, disappeared, or dying under suspicious circumstances while in state custody.