标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Flights to and from Indonesia’s capital resume after volcanic eruption forced a 2-day closure

    Flights to and from Indonesia’s capital resume after volcanic eruption forced a 2-day closure

    When the lingering ash plume from the ongoing eruption of Anak Krakatau forced a 48-hour shutdown of major aviation hubs across western Indonesia, nearly 3,000 flights were grounded and more than 340,000 passengers were left stranded, throwing regional travel into chaos. In the early hours of Tuesday, the most critical airports — including Jakarta’s two primary gateways Soekarno-Hatta International and Halim Perdanakusuma, Husein Sastranegara Airport in the West Java tourist hub of Bandung, and two smaller regional facilities in Banten province — officially resumed service just after midnight, Indonesia’s Transportation Minister Dudy Purwagandhi confirmed.

    While atmospheric conditions have improved across most affected regions, three additional airports — including Radin Inten II Airport serving Lampung at Sumatra’s southern tip — remained shuttered through 10 a.m. local time Tuesday as a precaution. One South Sumatran airport, Atung Bungsu in Pagar Alam, had already restarted full operations on Monday morning. This cautious, phased reopening follows a deliberate, risk-averse strategy, as officials note wind patterns in the region remain highly unpredictable.

    “We are taking a conservative approach because wind direction is highly dynamic,” Purwagandhi explained in an official statement. “We want to ensure that volcanic ash has moved away from airports around Anak Krakatau.”

    Even after initial air quality testing at multiple reopened airports returned no detectable traces of volcanic ash, the temporary extended closures allowed critical maintenance teams to fully inspect and clear ash residue from runways, taxiways, ground support equipment, and parked aircraft that may have been exposed during the eruption. Volcanic ash poses extreme safety risks to aviation, as it can melt in jet engine turbines to form glass deposits that cause mid-flight engine failure and damage critical aircraft navigation systems.

    After days of sustained explosive activity marked by lava fountains and loud rumbling, Anak Krakatau’s active eruptive phase calmed on Sunday, but the volcanic island remained geologically active Tuesday morning. Two new small eruptions were recorded at 5:08 a.m. and 5:34 a.m. local time, though thick cloud cover prevented monitoring teams from measuring the height of the resulting ash columns.

    The two-day shutdown of multiple airports between Sunday and Monday disrupted a total of 2,961 flights, 622 of which were international services, leaving passengers stranded at terminals across the region and disrupting connecting travel globally. Beyond aviation disruptions, Indonesian public health authorities have also authorized temporary shifts to online learning for schools in ash-affected regions, a precaution designed to limit student exposure to fine volcanic ash particles that can irritate the respiratory system.

    Located in the Sunda Strait between Indonesia’s two most populous main islands, Java and Sumatra, Anak Krakatau translates to “Child of Krakatau” — a reference to its origin as a new volcanic cone that formed after the catastrophic 1883 eruption of the original Krakatau volcano, which was one of the most explosive volcanic events in recorded history. The 1883 eruption triggered global climate anomalies that caused a multi-year period of global cooling, disrupting agricultural production across the world. Anak Krakatau itself has a history of deadly activity: a 2018 eruption triggered an underwater landslide that generated a tsunami which killed more than 430 people along the coasts of Sumatra and Java.

    Indonesian authorities have kept Anak Krakatau at the nation’s second-highest volcanic alert level since July, and have ordered a permanent exclusion zone extending 3 kilometers (1.9 miles) around the active crater. Residents, commercial fishing crews, and tourists are all prohibited from entering the area to avoid risk from sudden new eruptions, pyroclastic flows, and flying volcanic debris.

    Indonesia, a sprawling archipelago nation that sits along the Pacific Ring of Fire — the global zone of intense seismic and volcanic activity that circles the Pacific Ocean basin — is home to more than 120 active volcanoes, making volcanic eruptions a frequent hazard for communities and infrastructure across the country.

  • US presence in Gulf ‘not enough’ for security, Qatari official says

    US presence in Gulf ‘not enough’ for security, Qatari official says

    Against the backdrop of mounting retaliatory strikes from Iran tied to the ongoing US-Israeli campaign against the Islamic Republic that launched in late February, a top Qatari foreign policy official has publicly called for Gulf nations to shift toward greater self-sufficiency for their national security, pushing back on long-standing reliance on American military protection in the region.

  • A food safety officer has become a social media star in India – why?

    A food safety officer has become a social media star in India – why?

    When veteran Indian Administrative Service officer Tukaram Mundhe stepped into the role of Maharashtra’s food commissioner in May this year, few anticipated that his regulatory work would ignite a nationwide debate and turn a low-profile civil servant into an unexpected social media sensation. What began as a routine series of compliance checks has grown into one of the most high-profile public health campaigns in modern India, exposing deep-rooted gaps in the country’s food safety infrastructure while drawing sharp criticism over its unorthodox enforcement tactics.

    The spark for the campaign came when graphic photos and videos from inspection raids began circulating online. Shocking imagery captured cockroaches scurrying across commercial kitchen floors, thick spider webs clinging to food preparation walls, spoiled produce rotting in storage corners, and clear signs of pest infestation at counters where customers order meals. To many people’s surprise, some of the most unhygienic conditions were documented not at low-budget street stalls, but at an exclusive members-only club in Mumbai — India’s financial hub and the capital of its wealthiest state, Maharashtra.

    Since taking office, Mundhe has personally overseen more than 4,000 inspections of food businesses across Maharashtra, ranging from small street stalls to high-end restaurants, quick-commerce warehouses, and celebrity-backed food brands. A career bureaucrat with more than 25 years of public service, the 51-year-old commissioner has stressed that food safety regulations apply equally to all establishments, regardless of their size, social influence, or brand reputation. His department has already suspended nearly 300 business licenses, issued more than 1,000 mandatory improvement notices, and publicly challenged Bollywood celebrities over advertisements that allegedly promoted restricted food products indirectly.

    “These actions are taken in public health interest. We will continue to take them against violations,” Mundhe told the BBC in an interview, rejecting claims that the campaign is designed to target businesses unnecessarily.

    For Mundhe, this level of public attention and accompanying controversy is nothing new. A reputation for uncompromising enforcement has followed him throughout his career, leading to a repeated pattern of transfers between posts — so frequent, in fact, that local reports claim the number of transfers exceeds his total years in service. Mundhe dismisses the speculation, saying simply, “I have stopped counting my transfers.” Admirers frame the frequent moves as proof that his unyielding approach to rooting out corruption and non-compliance has repeatedly angered powerful political and business interests, while critics argue his confrontational style creates unnecessary friction with colleagues and elected officials.

    This is not the first time Mundhe has won public acclaim for his work. As municipal commissioner of Nagpur at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, his proactive public health measures earned widespread praise, and when he was transferred out of the city mid-crisis, thousands of local residents gathered outside his residence to bid him farewell, in an outpouring of public affection rarely seen for a sitting civil servant. Earlier in his career, he also earned recognition for innovative water conservation work in Maharashtra’s drought-stricken rural regions. But his current food safety campaign has catapulted him to a level of national fame that outstrips any of his previous work, with inspection clips and press briefing videos racking up millions of views across Instagram, TikTok, and other social platforms, and even dedicated podcasts and viral reels cementing his status as an unlikely public celebrity. He currently boasts more than 3.8 million Instagram followers, a following most politicians and entertainment personalities would envy.

    Mundhe’s crackdown comes amid growing evidence of a systemic national food safety crisis. Data presented to India’s parliament in July laid bare the scale of the problem: of more than 223,000 food samples tested across the country between 2025 and 2026, nearly one in five failed to meet regulatory standards, meaning they were unsafe for consumption, substandard, or mislabeled. Former chief of India’s national food regulator Pawan Agarwal notes that poor hygiene in Indian food operations has been an open secret for decades, but Mundhe has broken with convention by making the problem public.

    “What Mundhe has done differently is make it visible,” Agarwal explained. Unlike India’s traditional regulatory system, where food safety cases and consumer complaints can languish in backlogged courts and bureaucratic pipelines for years, Mundhe’s enforcement actions are playing out in real time in front of the public, a transparency that has resonated strongly with consumers.

    Yet the high-visibility approach has drawn fierce pushback from India’s $60 billion hospitality industry. Restaurant and hotel associations argue that Mundhe has bypassed statutory due process required under national food safety law, which mandates that businesses be given a reasonable window to correct violations before regulators suspend or revoke operating licenses. Immediate license suspension is only permitted in extreme cases that pose an urgent threat to public health, and regulators are required to formally document their justification for emergency action.

    “While compliance is non-negotiable, high-handed approaches – like public naming-and-shaming, instant suspensions over minor procedural or rectifiable issues and treating administrative oversights with harsh penal measures – create panic rather than reform,” said Niranjan Laxman Shetty, legal chairman of the Indian Hotel and Restaurant Association, the country’s leading hospitality industry body. Multiple food business owners have come forward publicly to claim they were shut down over minor, easily corrected violations without receiving prior warning or an opportunity to fix the issues before their licenses were suspended.

    The campaign has also faced repeated legal challenges, with courts overturning a number of license suspensions, ordering compensation for affected businesses, and criticizing the aggressive tactics. In one high-profile case in August, the Bombay High Court ordered Mundhe’s department to pay 500,000 rupees (approximately $5,291) in compensation to a Mumbai sweets shop, after the shop’s license remained suspended even after a follow-up inspection found it 98% compliant with regulatory standards. The court acknowledged that Mundhe’s intentions were “laudable” but ruled that the department had “gone overboard” in its enforcement. Judges also raised a key question: was the department applying the same strict scrutiny to government-run food establishments that it applied to private businesses?

    Mundhe moved quickly to address that criticism: within 24 hours of the high court’s observation, his team launched inspections of all canteens operating within the high court complex itself, and flagged multiple violations. For Mundhe, the action was proof that the rules apply equally to every establishment, no matter its connection to government.

    “Had the food business operators or establishment complied with existing regulations, I would not be needed to take those actions,” he said, adding that the campaign’s goal is not to shut down legitimate businesses, but to ensure all food sold to the public is safe. “We are not here to close down or suspend every licensee. We are here to ensure food is safe, food is not substandard, it is not misbranded and it is good for consumption.”

    Beyond headline-grabbing restaurant raids, Mundhe’s department has rolled out a series of broader regulatory reforms: it has banned the longstanding practice of wrapping food in printed newspaper, cracked down on unapproved synthetic food dyes, and removed banned non-dairy “analogue paneer” from market shelves. More recently, the department has shifted its focus to school food environments, ordering all school canteens, hostel kitchens, and government midday meal suppliers to obtain valid operating licenses, and banning the sale of food high in fat, sugar, and salt within 50 meters of any school campus. It also launched a public consumer complaints portal that has already received more than 16,000 reports of unsafe food in its first three months of operation.

    Despite the immediate changes, many public health experts question whether the impact of Mundhe’s campaign will outlast his tenure as food commissioner. Agarwal, the former food regulator chief, notes that while the campaign has successfully generated nationwide awareness of food safety among both businesses and consumers, this progress relies entirely on the effort of one individual, making it inherently unsustainable. “The challenge is to build systems that outlast an individual officer,” Agarwal argues.

    Still, even in the short term, the campaign has already changed day-to-day practices for many food vendors across the state. Yuvraj Yadav, a small-scale sandwich seller in a Mumbai suburb, says he long used discarded newspaper to wrap his products despite knowing that printing ink chemicals can leach into food, a common practice among low-cost street vendors. After learning of Mundhe’s ban on the practice, he switched to food-safe greaseproof paper. “We started this a few months ago after newspapers were not allowed for packing as it’s bad for health,” Yavid explained. For millions of Indian consumers, that small shift is a tangible sign of the change Mundhe’s campaign has already brought, even as the debate over his methods continues to divide the nation.

  • UK has still not responded to legal petition detailing colonial-era war crimes in Palestine

    UK has still not responded to legal petition detailing colonial-era war crimes in Palestine

    It has been 365 days since a landmark legal petition documenting alleged British war crimes during its colonial occupation of Palestine between 1917 and 1948 was submitted to the UK’s top government officials – and the administration has yet to issue any formal response, leaving activists and backers of the document increasingly frustrated. The Britain Owes Palestine campaign delivered the 400-page, meticulously researched petition to the prime minister, foreign secretary, defence secretary, and attorney general on 7 September 2023, a date that has now marked its one-year anniversary. The timing of this anniversary falls just two weeks before another key milestone: one year since the UK government formally granted diplomatic recognition to the State of Palestine, a move that campaigners say creates even greater urgency for the government to address the petition’s demands.

    The petition was not a casual grassroots filing: it was drafted by a team of highly respected legal and historical experts, including leading human rights barristers Ben Emmerson and Danny Friedman, British-Israeli historian Avi Shlaim, international law scholar Professor John Quigley, and University of Nottingham public international law assistant professor Victor Kattan, one of the project’s lead organizers. From its launch, the document has earned widespread cross-party and public support, backed initially by 75 members of the UK Parliament, members of the House of Lords, and prominent cultural figures. Notable early backers included former Labour shadow chancellor John McDonnell, British-Palestinian MP Layla Moran, award-winning writer Robert Macfarlane, and acclaimed actress Juliet Stevenson. In the year since submission, that support has only grown, with an additional 45 cross-party MPs and peers adding their names to an open letter endorsing the petition, alongside public figures like author and comedian Alexei Sayle and Grammy-nominated singer Paloma Faith.

    At the core of the petition is a clear demand: that the UK government formally acknowledge and apologize for its unlawful conduct during its decades-long mandate over Palestine. The legal case laid out in the document traces its origins back to 1917, when the British government issued the Balfour Declaration, a policy that pledged British support for a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. The campaign argues this declaration set in motion a chain of events that ultimately led to the 1948 Nakba – the “catastrophe” that displaced an estimated 750,000 Palestinians from their ancestral homes and cleared the way for the establishment of the State of Israel.

    The petition’s legal analysis concludes that British actions between 1917 and 1948 violated the international law that was in effect at the time. In a public statement shared with independent news outlet Middle East Eye, the campaign emphasized that the British Empire deliberately denied Arab Palestinian people the right to self-determination, and held that the Balfour Declaration itself and the subsequent British mandate over the region had no basis in international legal authority. Beyond policy violations, the document documents serious atrocities committed by British forces during the mandate period, including war crimes and crimes against humanity: systematic murder, torture, arbitrary detention, and the mass demolition of Palestinian civilian homes.

    A key framing of the campaign’s argument connects historical British colonial policy to ongoing conflict in the region today. Campaign organizers reject the narrative that current Israeli practices – including expansion of illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank, mass home demolitions, arbitrary detention, and forced displacement of Palestinian communities in the West Bank and Gaza – represent a departure from the colonial era. Instead, they argue these contemporary injustices are a direct continuation of the legal and political structures Britain put in place during its rule.

    For the petitioners, the core end goals remain modest but non-negotiable. “An official apology from the highest levels of the British government and a conversation about appropriate reparations is our main ask,” Kattan explained in an interview ahead of the one-year anniversary. “The petition sets out findings that engage the government’s legal and moral obligations, and it asks for nothing more than the thoughtful consideration that any claim of this scale should receive. The petitioners are fully entitled to a proper and reasoned response.”

    In recent months, the UK government has adopted increasingly public stances on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with media reports indicating the administration is planning to announce more robust measures against illegal Israeli settlement expansion in the West Bank later this month. Against this backdrop, and ahead of the one-year mark of UK recognition of Palestine, the Britain Owes Palestine campaign is ramping up pressure for action. The group notes that a formal apology would be the foundational baseline for the UK to credibly contribute to future peace efforts and post-conflict reconstruction in the region: it is “the bare minimum if Britain is to play a proper role in peace efforts and reconstruction,” the campaign said.

  • Journeying through Syria’s shattered cities as war turns to peace

    Journeying through Syria’s shattered cities as war turns to peace

    It began with an unplanned detour at a wedding in Hama, but what three peace and conflict researchers discovered during their week-long 2026 field trip across Syria would upend distant, secondhand narratives of a country still reeling from more than a decade of war. Between June 1 and 7, 2026, Bahadir Dincer, Bahar Baser, and Zeynep Sahin-Mencütek became the first independent researchers to travel freely across government-held areas of Syria following the collapse of the Assad regime, documenting the messy, uneven coexistence of destruction and recovery that rarely makes global headlines.

    The team’s journey started on a warm June morning in Damascus, where they set out to visit four key regions: Rural Damascus, Aleppo, Raqqa, and Hama. Before leaving the capital, they took a short detour through the war-scarred districts of Jobar and Yarmouk. Jobar, once one of the capital’s fiercest frontlines between 2013 and 2018, remains almost entirely reduced to rubble. A young local activist who had recently returned home put it simply: “Even though Jobar has always been part of Damascus, it was forgotten during the war and remained forgotten afterwards.” While returning residents clear rubble and patch damaged structures on their own, most long-term Damascenes have never set foot in the district since the regime fell, leaving recovery fragmented and incomplete.

    Yarmouk, once Syria’s largest Palestinian refugee camp, paints an equally stark picture. The researchers encountered an elderly couple sitting on plastic chairs outside one of the only partially repaired homes, surrounded by crumbling ruins. The scene encapsulated a core contradiction of post-war Syrian life: life has returned to devastated areas, but for most residents, that means learning to live alongside wreckage rather than rebuilding beyond it. Even in Eastern Ghouta, where entire neighborhoods still bear the marks of intense fighting, small signs of daily life emerge: a bread shop opens beside a collapsed apartment block, children play on potholed streets that once saw active combat, and families ride together on a single motorcycle through former frontlines. Recovery, it turns out, often moves far faster than formal reconstruction.

    As the team traveled north along the M5 highway toward Aleppo, the road itself told a story of shifting fortunes. Abandoned factories and depopulated villages lined the route, constant reminders of the war’s enduring legacy, but new signs of normalcy appeared just as frequently: roadside fruit vendors, newly reopened roadside cafes, and even newly imported SUVs – a sight that would have been unthinkable on Syrian roads just a year earlier, their driver noted. Outside Hama, they stopped at a fully stocked roadside supermarket, where local hospitality offered a quiet reminder that cultural traditions and daily routines persist even amid chaos.

    Arriving in Aleppo, a city the researchers had only studied through news reports and refugee testimonies for more than a decade, they encountered a city divided between restoration and ruin. Parts of the historic Old City’s famous souk have been restored, drawing visitors back to its narrow stone streets, but large swathes of the Old City and working-class districts like Shaar and Hanano remain piled with rubble. Local guide Amr explained that returning residents have cleared blocked streets themselves, without formal government support, just to access the remains of their homes. Yet as evening fell, the city came alive: cafes buzzed with conversation, crowded restaurants hosted family dinners, and pedestrians filled the streets to escape the summer heat. Aleppo is neither fully frozen in conflict nor fully rebuilt – it exists in the in-between, where destruction and daily joy coexist.

    The next morning, the team set out on the long drive east to Raqqa, a route their driver Ahmed had not traveled in more than 15 years. For Ahmed, who grew up in Raqqa before displacement forced him to resettle in Damascus, the drive was as much a journey of personal rediscovery as it was research: a weathered roadside wall unlocked childhood memories of playing with his brothers, and a shuttered abandoned cement factory reminded him of the familiar landmarks that structured life before the war. When they crossed the Euphrates into Raqqa, rolling green fields replaced the arid plains west of the river, offering a brief moment of calm after a bumpy drive over cratered highway.

    Raqqa carries a unique weight of trauma: after decades of neglect under the Assad regime, it became a hub of anti-regime protest, then the de facto capital of the Islamic State, then a region under separate Kurdish-led SDF administration until just months before the researchers’ visit. The cumulative effect of overlapping conflicts leaves the city and its residents visibly exhausted. Yet even here, small signs of connection and renewal emerge. During Friday prayers at a packed city mosque, the imam announced a national collection for flood-affected communities in Deir ez-Zor – a small act that carried enormous weight after years of fragmented governance and divided communities. Two local sisters who had recently returned to Raqqa shared their story of family separation: one had returned from Turkey to resume teaching, another from Jordan, while the rest of their large family remains scattered across Turkey, Germany, and other parts of Syria. “The others have scattered like leaves in the wind,” one sister said. “But we wait, hoping they will come home again.”

    On the drive back to western Syria, the team encountered one of the most widely celebrated changes of the post-Assad era: freedom of movement. Where the road once was dotted with checkpoints that could delay travelers for hours, now convoys of commercial trucks move freely between regions, and even foreign researchers passed through checkpoints without delay. “Five months ago, I would have been stopped at ten checkpoints to get here,” a young 20-something shopkeeper who had recently returned from Turkey told the team. “Economically, life may have been easier then. But we had no freedom of movement. Now I can travel without anyone stopping me.” For Syrians across every region the team visited, this simple right to move unimpeded was described as a quiet revolution: “the road has become a road again,” multiple residents said.

    For most Syrians, the post-Assad era is described as liberation – a shift that is felt not in abstract political speeches, but in small daily changes: working traffic lights, police officers managing intersections, the ability to speak openly without fear. This quiet hope is not just spoken, but acted on. In Aleppo, the team visited a former Baath Party youth center that has been transformed into a community education and support center for returnees, run by Syrians who gave up stable lives abroad to come home. “My country is trying to stand up again,” Esma, a teacher who returned from Turkey, told the team. “People here need us. If not now, when will we contribute?” In Raqqa, families gather for picnics along the banks of the Euphrates, young boys swim in the river, and local operators run sightseeing boat trips – ordinary activities that carry profound meaning, as people reclaim public spaces once defined by war.

    Yet for every sign of hope, the researchers encountered constant reminders of the immense challenges that remain. More than 90% of Syrians live below the poverty line, 16.5 million require humanitarian aid, and the World Bank estimates total reconstruction costs will exceed $200 billion. As of mid-2025, the UN’s humanitarian response plan had received only 14% of its required funding, leaving basic infrastructure like water, electricity, and sanitation networks non-functional across large parts of the country. Nearly a quarter of all housing stock is damaged or destroyed, more than two million children remain out of school, and millions of acres of farmland are still littered with landmines and unexploded ordnance that kill civilians every week.

    Experiences of recovery are deeply uneven too: wealthy Damascus neighborhoods like Abu Rummaneh boast crowded cafes and full restaurants, while just kilometers away, entire districts like Jobar remain abandoned. The return of displaced Syrians, many of whom settle in Damascus before returning to their hometowns, has put additional pressure on already strained housing, services, and food prices. The researchers heard firsthand from returnees navigating these barriers: a local research assistant who returned from Turkey cannot afford an apartment and lives in a room at the youth center where he works, and a university-educated taxi driver who returned from Idlib five years earlier relies on a constantly breaking old taxi for his only steady income. Returning home, it turns out, is only the first step toward rebuilding a life.

    For policy debates in Europe that frame post-Assad Syria as ready for large-scale refugee returns, the researchers’ findings offer a sobering correction. The real question facing Syria today is not whether Syrians want to return – most do – but whether conditions exist for them to stay permanently. With widespread unemployment, severe housing shortages, and fragile public services, many returnees simply exchange one form of uncertainty for another. Rapid large-scale returns would overwhelm Syria’s already strained institutions and economy, leaving communities worse off. As one Damascus resident put it, “returnees will drown Syria” – not because they are unwelcome, but because the country is not yet able to absorb them.

    The team’s journey ended where it began, with that wedding in Hama. As guests filled the church courtyard, traditional Ewiha wedding chants echoed through the building, punctuated by the joyful high-pitched ululation of zalghouta that has marked Arab celebrations for generations. On the surface, it was an ordinary wedding. But for the researchers, it was the most powerful reminder of what they had learned across 7 days of travel: Syrians are not just rebuilding buildings and infrastructure. They are rebuilding ordinary life, holding onto cultural traditions and social bonds even when the odds are stacked against them. Hope and hardship coexist, the team found – and so do recovery and ruin. This is the unspoken reality of Syria today.

    This article is based on a two-year research project including more than 200 interviews with Syrian returnees, displaced people, officials, and humanitarian workers, republished with permission from The Conversation.

  • Israel threatens senior Palestinian officials with ‘all-out war’ in occupied West Bank

    Israel threatens senior Palestinian officials with ‘all-out war’ in occupied West Bank

    Tensions across the occupied West Bank have spiked sharply after Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz issued a stark warning: Israel will launch an all-out military campaign in the territory if any militant operations planned by groups affiliated with the Palestinian Authority (PA) are uncovered.

    Speaking to reporters on Monday, Katz outlined the scope of the potential operation, confirming that Israeli forces would target senior PA leadership, the organization’s formal security apparatuses, and what Israel classifies as “terrorist infrastructure” throughout the occupied West Bank. He added that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already issued formal orders to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to finalize preparations for the campaign, should the regional security situation deteriorate further.

    Katz emphasized that Israeli leadership would not tolerate a return to the sustained uprising that marked the Second Intifada, a period of widespread conflict between 2000 and 2005 that claimed thousands of lives, the majority of them Palestinian alongside hundreds of Israeli civilians and security personnel. “We will not allow a return to the reality of an intifada lasting for years, as was the case in the past,” he stated. “We will not allow a return to the reality of October 7 – we will ensure the security of Israeli residents and communities everywhere.”

    Historical context frames Katz’s warning: during the Second Intifada, multiple factions tied to the PA, including the al-Aqsa Martyr Brigades linked to the PA’s ruling Fatah party, participated in armed operations against Israeli targets. In the decades following the intifada, the PA has faced widespread domestic criticism for its long-standing security coordination with Israeli intelligence and military forces, including actions to suppress Palestinian armed groups and political activists in the West Bank.

    Katz noted that any large-scale offensive against PA-linked targets in the West Bank would mirror the “security zone” model Israel has already implemented in the Gaza Strip and southern Lebanon, a framework that creates heavily restricted military-controlled areas along Israel’s border.

    The warning comes amid a fresh wave of deadly violence in the West Bank on the same day. The IDF confirmed it shot and killed a Palestinian man who carried out a stabbing attack against an Israeli settler in the northern West Bank. Israel’s national emergency service, Magen David Adom, reported that the injured settler, a man in his 20s, was transported to a nearby hospital in moderate to serious condition.

    Separately, the Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that Jewish settlers fatally shot a second Palestinian man in Hajeh village, located east of the West Bank city of Qalqilya. The ministry also verified earlier reports that both Israeli forces and settlers opened fire on Palestinian residents in the village, leaving multiple other people wounded.

    This ongoing escalation comes amid already heightened Israeli-Palestinian friction across the West Bank, with a sharp rise in settler violence and military raids since the October 7 attacks that triggered the current ongoing Gaza conflict.

  • Germany asks ICJ to dismiss Gaza genocide case brought by Nicaragua

    Germany asks ICJ to dismiss Gaza genocide case brought by Nicaragua

    On the opening day of preliminary hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague on Monday, Germany formally pushed to dismiss a landmark case filed by Nicaragua that accuses Berlin of facilitating genocide in the Gaza Strip through its ongoing military support for Israel. The proceedings currently focus on Berlin’s challenges to the court’s jurisdiction and the admissibility of Nicaragua’s claims, rather than the core question of whether Germany violated international law, with a ruling expected at an undetermined future date.

    German officials argued to the ICJ that Nicaragua failed to meet basic procedural requirements before launching its 2024 lawsuit. In remarks to the court’s panel of judges, Julia Monar, legal adviser at the German foreign ministry, said Nicaragua had not established that a formal legal dispute existed prior to filing, and that portions of the suit fall outside the ICJ’s legal mandate. Monar added that Nicaragua had “not interested in hearing Germany’s view on its allegations, but simply in bringing Germany before this court,” noting that the Central American nation also failed to provide adequate notification of the claims or sufficient time for Germany to prepare a response before initiating proceedings.

    At the heart of Germany’s preliminary objections is its reliance on the ICJ’s long-standing Monetary Gold principle. Berlin maintains that Israel qualifies as an indispensable third party to the case, whose legal responsibility would be the very core of any ruling against Germany. Since Israel is not a party to the proceedings and has never consented to the ICJ weighing its conduct, Germany argues the court cannot hear the claim. This stance reflects Berlin’s position that any finding of German complicity in alleged genocide or humanitarian law violations would first require the court to rule that Israel itself has broken the 1948 Genocide Convention.

    Nicaragua is set to counter these arguments on Tuesday, arguing that the proceedings center exclusively on Germany’s independent conduct and obligations under international law, not a formal finding against Israel. Nicaragua’s suit accuses Germany of multiple violations of the Genocide Convention and international humanitarian law: Berlin has continued sending weapons and military support to Israel despite documented awareness that the arsenal could be used to commit widespread harm in Gaza, and it violated its duty to prevent genocide by suspending critical funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), deepening the already catastrophic humanitarian crisis in the enclave.

    Recent official data underscores the scale of Germany’s military supply relationship with Israel. As the second-largest arms supplier to Israel, trailing only the United States, new German government figures show that approvals for military exports to Israel surged dramatically in the first half of 2026, reaching a provisional total of €799.4 million ($865 million). This marks a nearly fourfold increase from the full-year total of €201 million recorded in 2025. Of the exports approved between April and June 2026, 67 percent were tied to a major maritime defense project, while 21 percent stemmed from bilateral German-Israeli industrial cooperation serving the German military.

    Independent arms data confirms the depth of this relationship. A March 2026 analysis from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute found that between 2021 and 2025, Germany accounted for 31 percent of all major conventional weapons imports to Israel, cementing its position as Israel’s second-largest supplier, compared to 68 percent from the United States. German policy has shifted incrementally in recent months: Chancellor Friedrich Merz imposed partial restrictions on arms exports to Israel in August 2025, halting approvals for equipment that could be deployed in Gaza, but the government lifted those restrictions three months later after a US-brokered ceasefire took effect, announcing that future export applications would be reviewed on a case-by-case basis.

    This is not the first time Nicaragua has sought action from the ICJ in this matter. In 2024, the country requested binding provisional measures that would have ordered Germany to immediately suspend all military supplies to Israel and reverse its funding cut to UNRWA. The ICJ declined to grant those measures in April 2024, noting that German arms exports had declined at that time and that Berlin maintained a formal legal framework for reviewing export licenses. However, the court also rejected Germany’s bid to have the case thrown out entirely at that stage, ruling that there was no manifest lack of jurisdiction over the claim. Germany submitted its formal preliminary objections in 2025 after Nicaragua filed its full written case, pausing all proceedings on the core merits of the claim.

    Legal experts say the outcome of this preliminary phase will carry major implications for international law around the duty to prevent genocide. Mike Becker, an ICJ expert and law professor at Trinity College Dublin, explained that the case offers a critical opportunity for the court to clarify long-unresolved questions about states’ obligations to prevent genocide and ensure compliance with international humanitarian law. “The ICJ could decide that none, or only some, of Nicaragua’s claims can proceed to the merits,” Becker told Middle East Eye. If any portion of the claim survives Germany’s current challenge, Becker noted, a final ruling on the merits would not come until a later phase of proceedings, and could take years to resolve.

    This case runs parallel to a separate high-profile ICJ case brought by South Africa against Israel, which accuses the Israeli state of committing genocide in its 2023–present military campaign in Gaza. Multiple independent bodies have already backed the core allegation that Israel’s campaign amounts to genocide: a panel of sitting UN special rapporteurs and the International Association of Genocide Scholars, the world’s largest body of genocide academics, have both formally concluded that Israel’s operations in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide.

    As of 2026, the death toll from Israel’s campaign in Gaza stands at more than 73,650 Palestinians, according to on-the-ground counts. A fragile ceasefire brokered by the United States has been in place since October 2025, but even during the truce, Israeli forces have killed at least 1,300 Palestinians in Gaza, leaving the enclave’s population trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian situation that Nicaragua’s case argues Germany helped enable.

    Following Nicaragua’s response to Germany’s objections on Tuesday, both parties will present a second round of legal arguments Wednesday and Thursday. The ICJ will issue its ruling on the preliminary objections at a later date, with no timeline currently set for a final decision on the case if it proceeds to the merits phase.

  • Settled Springboks recall Willemse and promote Van den Berg for 4th rugby test in Baltimore

    Settled Springboks recall Willemse and promote Van den Berg for 4th rugby test in Baltimore

    BALTIMORE – Ahead of this Saturday’s decisive fourth test series decider against New Zealand in Baltimore, South Africa’s Springboks have opted for stability, announcing just two changes to the starting XV that secured a thrilling 29-24 victory over the All Blacks last weekend in Johannesburg.

    The only adjustments to the matchday squad come in the backline, where veteran utility back Damian Willemse returns to his regular fullback position to replace the injured Cheslin Kolbe. Kolbe, who filled in for Willemse after the latter picked up a hamstring injury in the series’ second test, has been ruled out of the clash after suffering a broken jaw. The second change sees scrumhalf Morné van den Berg earn his first starting spot of the series, with veteran Cobus Reinach dropping down to the reserve bench.

    Notably, the entire Springboks forward pack remains unchanged following their dominant performance in Johannesburg. That win pushed South Africa to a 2-1 series lead, leaving the side just one victory away from claiming the four-test series on neutral American soil.

    In an official statement announcing the lineup, Springboks head coach Rassie Erasmus explained the decision to retain almost the entire starting combination that delivered back-to-back match wins. “We feel that the team is well settled and all the players delivered in their respective roles in the last two matches, so we believe selecting the same matchday squad, and naming Damian back in his regular position, makes sense,” Erasmus said.

    Willemse’s return to the starting lineup comes as a welcome boost for the side, Erasmus added, noting the fullback’s existing chemistry with his teammates will make his transition back into the side seamless. “It’s good to have (Willemse) back. He knows the guys around him very well, so it will simply be a matter of him picking up where he left off before last week,” the coach explained.

    For van den Berg, the starting spot is a reward for consistent impact off the bench throughout the series. Erasmus highlighted the young scrumhalf’s strong performances as justification for his promotion to the starting lineup: “He has made a fantastic impact coming off the bench, so he deserves a chance to start.”

    The full Springboks lineup for Saturday’s decider is as follows: Starting XV: Damian Willemse, Kurt-Lee Arendse, Jesse Kriel, Damian de Allende, Ethan Hooker, Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu, Morné van den Berg; Jasper Wiese, Pieter-Steph du Toit, Siya Kolisi (captain), Ruan Nortjé, Eben Etzebeth, Wilco Louw, Malcolm Marx, Ox Nché. Reserves: Deon Fourie, Gerhard Steenekamp, Thomas du Toit, Lood de Jager, André Esterhuizen, Cameron Hanekom, Cobus Reinach, Manie Libbok.

    On New Zealand’s side, multiple key injury setbacks mean major changes to their starting lineup are all but guaranteed when the All Blacks name their side this Thursday. The side has already been forced to rule out three key players: captain and number 8 Ardie Savea (shoulder injury), flanker Luke Jacobson (elbow injury) and center Quinn Tupaea (knee injury), all of whom suffered season-ending injuries in previous matches of the series.

    Saturday’s match in Baltimore will mark the final clash of the four-test series, with South Africa holding a one-match advantage looking to close out the series win.

  • Ed Miliband is tearing up the script to become the UK’s most formidable foreign secretary in decades

    Ed Miliband is tearing up the script to become the UK’s most formidable foreign secretary in decades

    Over recent weeks, no British foreign secretary in modern memory has faced a more intense wave of criticism than Ed Miliband, after he unveiled plans for punitive measures targeting Israeli settlements to halt escalating settler violence and preserve the fading possibility of an independent Palestinian state. The controversial policy, set to be officially announced Tuesday, will introduce a full ban on trade with Israeli settlements built illegally in occupied Palestinian territory, bringing UK policy into alignment with the International Court of Justice’s landmark July 2024 advisory opinion that deemed the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands illegal, according to senior Whitehall sources.

    The backlash against Miliband has come from two overlapping fronts. On one side, pro-Palestinian campaigners have argued the long-awaited measure is far too incremental, dismissing it as largely symbolic. They have expressed particular frustration that the Labour government has refused to label Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, end all UK arms sales to Israel, or impose personal sanctions on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On the other, the response from Washington, Jerusalem and domestic political opponents has been exceptionally harsh, marked by unprecedented personal attacks and explicit threats.

    In an extraordinary break from standard diplomatic protocol, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee took to social media platform X over the weekend to accuse the British government of rampant antisemitism, writing: “The Brits have lost it. The Jew hate of their government knows no boundaries and knows no facts.” The attack carries extra weight: Huckabee is not Jewish, while Miliband comes from an ethnic Jewish background. Netanyahu himself drew widespread condemnation last month when he labeled the UK the “Islamic Republic of Britain,” and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar issued a direct threat last week: “If Britain acts against Israel, Israel will act against Britain.” Yair Netanyahu, the prime minister’s son, escalated tensions further by claiming the Falkland Islands, a British overseas territory, rightfully belongs to Argentina – a claim that was echoed by U.S. President Donald Trump, who suggested he would not side with the UK if Argentina invaded the islands.

    Domestically, the centre-right Conservative opposition, amplified by right-aligned British media, has joined the chorus of criticism. The *Sunday Telegraph* gave prominent front-page coverage to an interview with Conservative shadow foreign secretary Tom Tugendhat, who openly sided with Israel against his own country’s sitting government, repeating Israeli warnings that the new sanctions could put British national security at risk. Conservative Friends of Israel, a prominent pro-Israel advocacy group, went further, accusing Miliband of orchestrating “a morally indefensible move that further singles out and demonises the world’s only Jewish state and a close ally.”

    Yet just two months into his tenure as foreign secretary, Miliband has shown uncharacteristic resolve in the face of this multi-pronged assault. No British foreign secretary in the 21st century has successfully defied simultaneous pressure from both the White House and the Israeli government, and Miliband’s rejection of long-standing British foreign policy orthodoxy – even amid fierce pushback from major domestic media outlets – represents a sharp break from decades of precedent. During his first address to parliament as foreign secretary last Tuesday, he pledged a “comprehensive reset” of UK policy toward Israel, insisting that Britain “will not acquiesce in the destruction of the two-state solution.” He reassured pro-Palestinian MPs from Labour, the Greens and the Scottish National Party who had pressed for action against settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank that they would not have to wait long for concrete action.

    Well-informed sources speaking to Middle East Eye confirm that within the new Burnham government, Miliband has been the primary internal driving force behind the policy he will announce this week. He has also adopted unflinchingly blunt language when describing the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza: “I just came out of this meeting talking about Gaza to people who’ve been there and are there on the ground, and frankly it was horrific what is unfolding.” Last week, he emphasized that “we as a UK government, as the prime minister has said, have got to act and act more decisively than we have.” Observers note that this forceful public anguish sets Miliband apart from his two immediate predecessors as Labour foreign secretary, David Lammy and Yvette Cooper, who both received identical high-level briefings on Gaza’s humanitarian crisis but chose not to speak out with the same urgency. This moral clarity has also tied Miliband’s political credibility to the policy: backing down in the face of future U.S. or Israeli pressure would open him to immediate charges of hypocrisy.

    The push for a settlement trade ban comes at a pivotal moment for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel’s new E1 settlement project east of Jerusalem is on track to split the occupied West Bank into two disconnected segments, a development that would permanently eliminate any possibility of a contiguous, viable Palestinian state. For that reason, the planned British ban carries profound geopolitical significance. As Ben Jamal, former director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, noted recently: “Such a ban has been a core demand of the Palestine solidarity movement for many years, as a key basic step towards ending UK complicity with Israel’s violations of international law.” Early indicators already suggest the policy could have immediate impact: unconfirmed reports have emerged that Netanyahu has already ordered the removal of unauthorized settler outposts in response to Britain’s proposed move.

    If implemented fully, the ban will fulfill the UK’s legal obligation under the 2024 ICJ advisory opinion, which required all UN member states to take active measures to end the illegal occupation. For the ban to deliver on its stated goals, it will need to cover both goods and services, prohibit all new investment in settlement-based businesses, and include robust enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance. While a handful of other European nations – including Ireland, Spain and Belgium – have already introduced similar restrictions, Whitehall sources confirm the UK’s upcoming sanctions will be significantly stronger than existing European measures.

    Though the ban has already triggered anger from the Netanyahu government and the Trump administration, it could also serve as a defining diplomatic moment for Andy Burnham’s new government, establishing the UK as a major power willing to act independently of U.S. policy in the Middle East. And if the early reports of Netanyahu ordering outpost removals are confirmed, it would prove that tough, principled diplomacy can deliver tangible results nearly immediately.

    Critics of Miliband have repeatedly claimed he is acting to appease British Muslim voters, but public polling directly undermines this narrative. In fact, Miliband’s policy aligns closely with broad-based British public opinion: only 16% of UK adults oppose a ban on goods from illegal Israeli settlements. This broad public support explains why more than 140 backbench Labour MPs have publicly called for a full trade ban, and earlier polling of Labour Party members found that 87% back the measure. This widespread backing means Miliband is politically secure, and crucially, he retains the full backing of Downing Street. Even so, Labour insiders stress that Miliband’s support for the policy stems from deep-held personal conviction, not just political calculation.

    Miliband’s record on Palestine stretches back more than a decade. When he served as Labour leader in opposition during the 2014 Israeli bombing of Gaza that killed 1,600 Palestinian civilians – including 550 children – Miliband sharply criticized the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government’s refusal to condemn the action, at a time when only six Israeli civilians were killed. He accused then-Prime Minister David Cameron of taking the wrong position and condemned his “inexplicable silence” on “the killing of innocent Palestinian civilians caused by Israel’s military action.” That same year, he became one of the first major British party leaders to back unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood, a position the Conservatives rejected. More recently, sources confirm Miliband was a leading voice in cabinet pushing former Prime Minister Keir Starmer to formally recognize Palestinian statehood, a step Starmer finally took last September. Earlier this year, Miliband and Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood privately lobbied Starmer to refuse backing for the joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran in February.

    The current policy shift marks a dramatic break from the recent trajectory of British foreign policy. The previous Conservative government led by Rishi Sunak openly rejected international law on the issue in late 2023 and early 2024, publicly mocking the ICJ’s ruling on the genocide case brought against Israel by South Africa, while then-Foreign Secretary David Cameron privately lobbied the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor to abandon plans for arrest warrants for senior Israeli ministers. Under Starmer, the two previous Labour foreign secretaries only introduced half-measures: a partial, not full, arms embargo, while intelligence sharing from surveillance flights over Gaza continued throughout Israel’s military campaign. When Lammy publicly stated that Israel had broken international law, Downing Street quickly walked back the comment, and the government only issued non-binding advice against investment in settlements, rather than a formal ban.

    Moving forward, Burnham and Miliband face a clear choice. Weakening the planned sanctions to appease the Trump administration would signal that no substantive change has occurred, and the UK will continue the largely pro-Israel approach of the Starmer government. But if they move forward with a full, enforced ban as planned, they will have demonstrated that Britain is finally ready to pursue an independent foreign policy that prioritizes international law and human rights over great power pressure.

  • Israeli strikes kill 11 in southern Lebanese village, including two infants

    Israeli strikes kill 11 in southern Lebanese village, including two infants

    Overnight attacks carried out by Israeli forces on the southern Lebanese town of Kfar Rumman left 11 people dead, including two infants, Lebanese state media confirmed Monday. The violence marks a sharp escalation of hostilities in the region just weeks after a renewed ceasefire between Israel and Lebanese armed group Hezbollah.

    According to Lebanon’s official National News Agency (NNA), the first and deadliest strike leveled a three-story residential building in the town, killing nine people and wounding five more. In a separate coordinated attack, an Israeli drone targeted a civilian vehicle in the same town, killing two local paramedics identified as Ali Shahrour and Hadi Farhat. The pair were active volunteers with the Islamic Scout Association, the NNA reported.

    By Monday morning, local rescue teams were still sifting through the concrete rubble of the destroyed residential block, searching for any trapped survivors or additional fatalities. Photos from the attack site distributed by international outlets show the entire building collapsed into a pile of debris, scattered with children’s school textbooks and broken household furniture. Adjacent structures also suffered heavy structural damage, forcing dozens of nearby residents to evacuate the area to avoid further risk, Agence France-Presse reported.

    Kfar Rumman is located just kilometers from Nabatieh, one of the largest urban centers in southern Lebanon. Many of the town’s residents had only recently returned to their homes after being displaced by months of cross-border fighting, following the truce agreement reached in June. Notably, the Israeli military did not issue any advance evacuation warning to local residents before launching the strikes on Kfar Rumman, in contrast to a separate attack carried out the same period in nearby Deir Zahrani. In that incident, the IDF warned civilians to evacuate a building it claimed housed a Hezbollah facility before destroying it 22 minutes after the alert was sent.

    The Israeli military justified the latest wave of attacks by stating it had responded to a drone laden with explosives that was launched toward its troops, though it did not confirm whether the drone caused any Israeli casualties. It added that ongoing Hezbollah activities in southern Lebanon forced it to carry out a forceful response.

    The current cycle of cross-border conflict dates back to March 2, when Hezbollah launched strikes on Israel in retaliation for the killing of a senior Iranian leader and repeated Israeli violations of an earlier ceasefire arrangement. Israel responded with widespread air and ground strikes across southern Lebanon, triggering months of sustained fighting.

    As of Sunday, Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health reported that the ongoing conflict has killed 4,362 people and wounded an additional 12,378 since hostilities resumed earlier this year. While fighting calmed after a truce was first reached in April and renewed in June—following a bilateral memorandum between Washington and Tehran to de-escalate broader regional tensions—Israel has continued to carry out frequent strikes across southern Lebanon and maintain military control over a swath of Lebanese territory.

    Israeli forces currently occupy a self-declared buffer zone that stretches up to 10 kilometers inside Lebanese territory. A June report from Amnesty International found this zone covers approximately 6% of Lebanon’s total sovereign land. Even after the June 26 renewal of the ceasefire, Israeli strikes have continued: on Sunday alone, attacks killed at least seven people, including two women, and wounded 20 others.

    Israeli authorities have ramped up military operations in areas surrounding Nabatieh since last Thursday, when the IDF announced it had seized the strategically important Ali al-Taher ridge from Hezbollah. Hezbollah has not yet issued an official response to Israel’s claim of control over the site.

    Israel has repeatedly accused Hezbollah of violating the terms of the ceasefire by attempting to rebuild its military infrastructure in southern Lebanon. “Repeated drone attacks. Weapons storage. Terror infrastructure. Command centres embedded in civilian areas,” Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs wrote in a post to X on Monday. “These violations will not be accepted.” The current ceasefire agreement includes formal provisions requiring Hezbollah to disarm and withdraw its fighters north of the Litani River.

    Lebanese President Joseph Aoun has issued an urgent appeal to the United States and the broader international community to intervene immediately to halt Israel’s ongoing attacks. In a statement Sunday, Aoun called the latest strikes—which have damaged official government buildings and destroyed a non-operational hospital—a “dangerous escalation” that now targets Lebanese state institutions and civilian health infrastructure. He called on Washington and other global powers “to urgently act to stop these violations” of Lebanese sovereignty and the existing ceasefire.