标签: Africa

非洲

  • A son of late Zimbabwe leader Mugabe is ordered deported from South Africa

    A son of late Zimbabwe leader Mugabe is ordered deported from South Africa

    JOHANNESBURG – In a landmark ruling handed down Wednesday, a South African magistrate has ordered the immediate deportation of Bellarmine Mugabe, the youngest son of Zimbabwe’s former longtime autocratic ruler Robert Mugabe, after the 29-year-old entered guilty pleas to two criminal charges earlier this month.

    Magistrate Renier Boshoff ruled that law enforcement officials must transport Bellarmine Mugabe directly to Johannesburg’s OR Tambo International Airport for expulsion back to his native Zimbabwe. The conviction stems from an arrest in February, when Mugabe and his cousin, Tobias Matonhodze, were taken into custody following a shooting incident at Mugabe’s Johannesburg residence that left a domestic employee injured. Initially, both men faced far more severe attempted murder charges connected to the shooting, but investigators have never recovered the weapon used in the attack.

    As part of a plea deal with South African prosecutors, Bellarmine Mugabe pleaded guilty to two reduced charges that are not linked to the shooting: illegally residing in South Africa without valid immigration status, and brandishing an item designed to convince others it was a functional firearm. As part of his sentencing, Mugabe was given the option to pay a fine of roughly $36,000 or serve a two-year prison term, with the deportation order taking effect regardless of his fine payment.

    In contrast, Matonhodze pleaded guilty to the full attempted murder charge and additional related offenses, receiving a three-year prison sentence. The magistrate ruled that Matonhodze will also be deported to Zimbabwe once he completes his custodial sentence. Addressing Bellarmine Mugabe directly during the hearing, Boshoff acknowledged the unusual nature of the plea arrangement, noting, “I do not know whether the second accused took the rap for you. Number two pleaded guilty on all these counts… and I can only act on what is before me.”

    Bellarmine Mugabe is the youngest child of Robert Mugabe and his second wife, Grace Mugabe. Robert Mugabe, who ruled Zimbabwe as an autocrat for 37 years, was ousted from power in a 2017 military coup and died two years later at the age of 95. This latest legal action is not the first time the Mugabe family has faced high-profile criminal scrutiny in South Africa. In 2017, when Grace Mugabe still held the position of Zimbabwe’s first lady, she was accused of assaulting a young model with an electrical cord at an upscale Johannesburg hotel, in front of her sons. Though a court initially ordered her to appear for trial, she was ultimately granted diplomatic immunity and avoided prosecution.

  • Russian paramilitary carried out air strikes in Mali as rebels advanced, footage shows

    Russian paramilitary carried out air strikes in Mali as rebels advanced, footage shows

    Mali has been plunged into a dramatic new phase of its decade-long insurgency after a coordinated multi-group rebel offensive killed the country’s top defense official and forced a strategic retreat by Russian-backed government forces, newly verified video and satellite evidence confirms.

    On Saturday, a coalition of jihadist fighters from Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda-linked group, and Tuareg separatists from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) launched simultaneous attacks across multiple regions of the West African nation. The deadliest strike targeted the residence of Defense Minister Sadio Camara in the garrison town of Kati, located just 12 miles outside the capital Bamako. A suicide bomber drove an explosive-laden vehicle into the compound, sparking a fierce firefight that left Camara dead, according to a Malian government spokesperson. Satellite imagery of the aftermath confirms the entire residence was leveled in the blast, with widespread damage to adjacent properties in the neighborhood.

    In response to the Kati attack, the Kremlin-controlled Africa Corps — the Russian paramilitary force that backs Mali’s ruling military junta — launched a series of retaliatory air strikes against rebel positions near the capital. Verified footage posted by the Africa Corps shows attack helicopters launching missiles at ground targets, while drone footage captures a direct missile strike on a rebel convoy speeding along an outer Kati highway, triggering a massive fireball. BBC Verify’s geolocation analysis confirmed all clips were filmed in the Kati area, matching the group’s claims of offensive operations near Bamako.

    Despite this show of force, the Africa Corps and Malian government forces have confirmed they have fully withdrawn from Kidal, a strategically critical northern hub that served as the center of government counterinsurgency operations in the region. Kidal was captured by joint Wagner Group and Malian forces in a bloody 2023 battle, and hosted a large heavily armed garrison for over a year. However, intensifying rebel attacks in recent weeks left the base increasingly untenable.

    Before the official withdrawal announcement, BBC Verify verified footage showing military convoys evacuating the Kidal base. The Africa Corps claimed it removed all heavy equipment ahead of the pullout, but footage posted by advancing rebels shows multiple armored personnel carriers, patrol vehicles and jeeps were abandoned during the hasty retreat. Verified video from the base after the withdrawal shows rebel fighters freely roaming the abandoned facility. Malian forces have also withdrawn from the more northerly town of Tessalit, and scattered clashes have been reported on the outskirts of Bamako near the Africa Corps’ main headquarters in the capital.

    Mali has been mired in a widespread insurgency for more than a decade, and the current military junta seized power in a 2020 coup, arguing the previous civilian government had failed to contain the growing rebel threat. Since the junta took power, it cut security ties with Western nations including France, which pulled all its peacekeeping and counterinsurgency troops out of the country by 2022, and turned to Russian mercenary forces first the Wagner Group and after restructuring of Russian irregular forces, the Kremlin-controlled Africa Corps. Under the terms of the partnership, the Africa Corps provides security support to the junta in exchange for cash and access to Mali’s valuable natural resource reserves.

    However, the paramilitary force has been unable to reverse the growing momentum of rebel groups across the country, with a senior French military official estimating last year that the Africa Corps only has around 2,500 personnel deployed across Mali. Late last year, Bamako itself was placed under a rebel blockade, and Saturday’s offensive marks a major new escalation in the conflict, according to regional analysts.

    “This is a major escalation of the conflict between the military government and rebel groups,” said Jean-Hervé Jezequel, Sahel director for the International Crisis Group. “Where JNIM originally focused on seizing rural and peripheral areas, it is now directly targeting major population centers.” BBC Verify has confirmed 22 separate videos of rebel movements across seven Malian locations since Saturday’s offensive began, confirming the broad scope of the attacks. The Africa Corps has claimed that as many as 12,000 rebel fighters participated in the coordinated offensive, a figure that has not been independently verified.

    Analysts warn the fall of Kidal and the death of Camara represent significant strategic setbacks for both the Malian junta and the Russian Africa Corps model of security partnership. “Other countries that have hired the Africa Corps are watching this very closely,” said Dr. Sorcha MacLeod, a former member of the UN working group on mercenaries and a lecturer at the University of Copenhagen. “The model Moscow offers isn’t working, and it’s already costing poor countries millions of dollars in natural resources. It’s unsustainable.”

    Charlie Werb, an analyst with Aldebaran Threat Consultants, noted that while the loss of abandoned armored vehicles will be a tangible loss for the Malian military, it remains unclear whether rebel groups will be able to integrate the heavy equipment into their speed and maneuver-focused insurgent tactics. The setbacks in Mali have already raised new questions about the long-term viability of Russia’s irregular security partnerships across the Sahel, as rebel groups continue to expand their control of territory across the region.

  • France urges citizens to leave Mali after rebel attacks

    France urges citizens to leave Mali after rebel attacks

    Over the weekend of late April 2026, Mali was thrown into a fresh state of crisis after a wave of coordinated large-scale attacks launched by separate separatist and jihadist militant groups rocked multiple regions across the West African nation, prompting former colonial ruler France and the United Kingdom to issue urgent evacuation orders for all their citizens still present in the country.

    Witnesses reported loud explosions echoing across neighborhoods and sustained bursts of automatic gunfire in multiple locations starting Saturday. The violence stretched from the capital city of Bamako to northern frontier regions and central population hubs, marking one of the most broad coordinated assaults on Malian state positions in recent years. Among the most high-profile casualties was Malian Defence Leader Sadio Camara, who was killed in a targeted suicide bombing in the garrison town of Kati, which hosts a major military base just outside Bamako. In the far north, separatist fighters from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), an ethnic Tuareg group pushing for an independent breakaway state, successfully seized full control of the strategic city of Kidal, with clashes continuing into Sunday even after the initial assault.

    Official accounts confirm the attacks were coordinated between two distinct factions: FLA separatists focused on capturing northern territory aligned with their decades-long independence campaign, while Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda-linked jihadist network, carried out simultaneous bombings and raids on military and government targets across the country. The coordinated nature of the assault exposed critical gaps in the military junta’s security promises, after it seized power in a 2020 coup under the leadership of Gen Assimi Goïta.

    In his first public address since the attacks delivered Tuesday evening, Goïta sought to reassure the public, claiming that Malian armed forces had inflicted a “violent blow” to the attackers and that overall security across the country had been brought back under government control. His claims have not been independently verified, and ongoing tensions in Kidal and other northern areas cast doubt on the junta’s assertion.

    On Wednesday, France’s foreign ministry issued an updated advisory leveling its strongest warning yet for French citizens in Mali. “French nationals are advised to make arrangements to leave Mali temporarily as soon as possible on the commercial flights that are still available,” the statement read, adding that all travel to Mali, regardless of purpose, is strongly discouraged. For citizens who cannot immediately depart, the advisory orders them to shelter in place, restrict all non-essential movement, and stay in constant contact with their families and local authorities.

    The United Kingdom echoed France’s warning, maintaining evacuation guidelines that were first implemented over the weekend. The UK Foreign Office advises against all travel to Mali due to the highly unpredictable security landscape, and urges all British citizens already in the country to depart immediately via remaining commercial routes, if they assess it is safe to do so. The advisory explicitly warns against overland travel to neighboring countries, calling the route “too dangerous” due to consistent threats of terrorist attacks along major national highways. “If you choose to remain in Mali, you do so at your own risk,” the UK statement adds, noting that British citizens cannot rely on UK government support for emergency evacuation in the region.

    Mali’s current political landscape has been shaped by nearly a decade of overlapping insurgency and political upheaval. The Tuareg rebellion that first broke out in northern Mali in 2012 was quickly hijacked by Islamist militant groups, sparking a long-running security crisis that has destabilized large swathes of the country. Goïta’s military junta seized power in 2020 on a platform of restoring national security and pushing back armed insurgents, earning broad popular support at the time for its pledges to end the chronic instability. After the junta took control, UN peacekeeping forces and French counter-insurgency troops that had been deployed to the region withdrew from the country, and the military government turned to Russian mercenary groups to assist with counter-insurgency operations. Despite this partnership, jihadist insurgency has continued to spread, and large portions of northern and eastern Mali remain outside the control of the central government in Bamako.

  • ‘Historic homecoming’ as endangered antelopes flown to Kenya from Czech Republic zoo

    ‘Historic homecoming’ as endangered antelopes flown to Kenya from Czech Republic zoo

    In a landmark step toward reversing the decline of one of the world’s most endangered large mammals, four male mountain bongos – a rare antelope species endemic to Kenya’s central highland forests – have touched down in Nairobi after being transported from a Czech zoo, kicking off a new phase of a decades-long species recovery initiative.

    The rare arrivals were formally welcomed at Nairobi’s main international airport on Tuesday night by Kenya’s Cabinet Secretaries for Foreign Affairs and Tourism, alongside senior wildlife conservation officials. Following their entry, the antelopes were immediately transferred to the Mount Kenya Wildlife Conservancy (MKWC), a private protected reserve located at the base of Mount Kenya in central Kenya, where they will undergo a carefully structured acclimatization process before eventual release into the wild.

    Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS), the government agency leading the national recovery effort, framed the translocation as a historic homecoming that represents a meaningful milestone for the species’ long-term survival in its native habitat. Once numbering around 500 wild individuals in the 1970s, current estimates place the total remaining wild mountain bongo population at fewer than 100 – a lower count than the global population held in zoos and captive breeding facilities around the world, per KWS data.

    “This is a moment of hope, responsibility, and renewed commitment to securing the future of one of the world’s rarest large mammals,” said KWS Director-General Erustus Kanga in remarks following the arrival.

    Native exclusively to Kenya’s isolated highland forest ecosystems, the mountain bongo is a visually distinct large antelope defined by its rich chestnut-red coat, narrow vertical white stripes along its flanks, and striking long spiral horns. For decades, KWS and global conservation partners have collaborated on a coordinated program of captive breeding and repatriation to reverse steep population declines driven by habitat loss, poaching, and disease.

    The latest translocation builds on two prior large-scale repatriation efforts: an initial group of 18 antelopes was flown to Kenya in 2004 to launch the program, followed by 17 more repatriated from the Rare Species Conservation Foundation in Florida last year. Currently, around 400 mountain bongos are held in captive breeding facilities across North America, with additional populations housed in European zoos such as Prague Zoo, which supplied the four new arrivals.

    Before captive-bred bongos can be released into the wild, they must complete a multi-stage adaptation process designed to help them build the natural immunity required to withstand wild pathogens and environmental conditions. Ahead of their departure from the Czech Republic, Prague Zoo confirmed that each bongo would undergo acclimatization and continuous health monitoring as part of MKWC’s established breeding program, with the new individuals expected to boost the genetic diversity of Kenya’s growing founder population.

    By Wednesday morning, KWS confirmed via a social media post accompanied by photos of the new arrivals that the antelopes had reached their destination safely, and are “now settling in under close care.” The agency added that the translocation marks “a quiet but vital step in strengthening their population and securing their future.”

    The recovery effort has already shown promising early results: in 2022, MKWC told local media that previously repatriated bongos have successfully integrated into wild habitats and begun breeding naturally. That said, the program has faced setbacks, with some repatriated individuals succumbing to tick-borne diseases, a key risk for captive-bred animals new to wild ecosystems.

    Kenya’s national mountain bongo recovery plan, led by KWS, sets an ambitious target of growing the wild population to approximately 700 individuals by 2050, a goal that will require continued translocations of captive-bred bongos from global conservation institutions and expanded protection of the species’ native highland forest habitat.

  • Critically endangered antelopes return to Kenya from Czech zoo

    Critically endangered antelopes return to Kenya from Czech zoo

    NAIROBI, Kenya — In a landmark milestone for global endangered species conservation, four critically endangered mountain bongos have touched down in Kenya, marking the next step in their journey back to the wild forests that have been their species’ native home for centuries. The rare antelopes, recognizable by their striking striped coats, have spent decades under protective care at Dvur Kralove Zoo in the Czech Republic, a legacy of conservation emergency measures taken in the 1980s.

    Today, mountain bongos are classified as critically endangered by global conservation bodies, with fewer than 100 individuals remaining in their natural wild habitat across Kenya, according to official Kenyan government data. The species’ sharp population decline stems from two major threats: rampant poaching and devastating outbreaks of infectious disease. The 1980s rinderpest outbreak that swept through regional wildlife populations killed thousands of bongos, pushing the species to the brink of extinction. In a bid to save the genetically distinct lineages that survived the outbreak, conservationists relocated dozens of bongos to European zoos, where they could be protected and bred safely.

    The four newly arrived bongos traveled to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, Kenya’s main air hub, aboard a KLM cargo flight, secured in climate-controlled wooden crates designed to minimize stress during the long journey. They were officially welcomed at the airport by Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi and Cabinet Secretary for Tourism and Wildlife Rebecca Miano, who framed the arrival as a symbolic and practical “homecoming of the majestic bongos.”

    This relocation marks the third repatriation of zoo-bred mountain bongos to Kenya in recent years, following the last successful transfer in February 2025. Before the antelopes can be released into their natural wild habitat, they will undergo a mandatory period of quarantine and gradual acclimatization to prepare them for life outside captivity. After this adjustment period, they will be transferred to the Mount Kenya Wildlife Conservancy, a protected facility that already hosts 102 bongos as part of the species’ national recovery program.

    The conservancy, which manages Kenya’s National Mountain Bongo Recovery and Action Plan in close partnership with the national government, developed the repatriation project with a clear core goal: expanding the species’ existing gene pool through cross-breeding between newly arrived individuals and the conservancy’s current population. Conservation experts emphasize that increasing genetic diversity is the single most critical step to building long-term resilience for the small, vulnerable bongo population.

    Kenyan-born conservation filmmakers and explorers Jahawi and Elke Bertolli, who have long documented mountain bongo conservation efforts, shared their insight with the Associated Press on the significance of this arrival. Beyond boosting genetic variation, they noted, the bongo species plays an underrecognized key role in maintaining the health of Kenya’s montane forests — ecosystems that form the backbone of the country’s freshwater supply, serving millions of people across the region.

    Nicol Adamcova, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to Kenya, emphasized that the successful repatriation is a product of decades of collaborative partnership between the two nations. “This relocation reflects our shared long-standing commitment to protecting global biodiversity and reversing the decline of species on the brink of extinction,” she said.

    Prime Cabinet Secretary Mudavadi echoed that sentiment, highlighting what cross-sector, cross-border collaboration can achieve when aligned around a common conservation goal. “This milestone is proof of what we can deliver when policy, science, and international partnership come together for conservation,” he said. “I commend every stakeholder involved in this work, and I can assure you that the Kenyan government remains unwavering in its support to strengthen conservation frameworks and ensure our nation’s rich biodiversity continues to thrive for generations.”

    Tourism Minister Miano added that the addition of genetically diverse individuals to the bongo breeding program is a transformative step forward. “Strengthening the species’ genetic resilience through increased diversity puts us on a stronger path to pulling this iconic animal back from the edge of extinction,” she said.

  • Sudan’s war leaves Khartoum with unexploded mines and other weapons

    Sudan’s war leaves Khartoum with unexploded mines and other weapons

    Three years into Sudan’s devastating civil conflict between the national army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group, a hidden, slow-burning crisis is endangering thousands of civilians who have begun returning to recaptured areas of the capital Khartoum: tens of thousands of pieces of unexploded ordnance (UXO), including landmines, undetonated bombs, shells, grenades and rockets, scattered across residential neighborhoods, public spaces and vital infrastructure.

    Khaled Abdulgader experienced this threat first-hand last year, when he intervened to stop children playing with an unknown object he later learned was an explosive, mistaking it for a football. The device detonated in his hand, leaving him with two fingers amputated and deep shrapnel wounds to his chest. Even as he recovered, Abdulgader tried to frame his experience as a grim stroke of luck, saying, “I feel like, ‘Thank God it was just my hands.’” He is far from alone in his injury: official and aid data counts hundreds of Sudanese killed or maimed by accidental UXO blasts since the current war broke out, and children account for a shockingly high proportion of casualties.

    United Nations figures document 59 UXO-related casualties across Khartoum state in 2024, more than half of which were children. In just the first three months of 2025 alone, 21 of the 23 recorded UXO casualties were children. This deadly contamination is not an entirely new problem for Sudan: decades of successive conflicts across the country have left a total of 7,700 square kilometers of contaminated land — an area roughly equal to 7,700 standard football fields. But more than half of this current contamination stems from the 2023-present war, which has spread explosive hazards to previously unaffected areas including central Khartoum. Aid groups have documented that both warring parties, the Sudanese army and the RSF, laid extensive mines during their battle for control of the capital.

    Khartoum today remains a city visibly scarred by fighting: abandoned, burned-out buildings pocked with bullet holes line empty streets, but a growing wave of displaced residents is choosing to return home. According to the UN, roughly 1.7 million people have come back to Khartoum state since the army retook control of the capital last year, many of whom have no prior experience navigating the threat of unexploded ordnance. On a reporting trip through Khartoum’s streets, Associated Press journalists observed a military explosive specialist responding to a resident’s report of a suspected RPG tail fragment in a residential home, a tiny reminder of the danger lurking underfoot.

    Over the past 11 months, demining teams have cleared approximately 7.8 million square meters of land in Khartoum state, recovering and disposing of more than 36,000 explosive items, including hundreds of anti-personnel and anti-tank mines. Recovered ordnance that can be safely transported is destroyed in isolated areas away from populated neighborhoods, while larger or unstable devices are detonated on site. But the scale of the task is enormous, and demining is an inherently painstaking process: each trained demining worker can only safely clear between 10 and 15 square meters of land per day. Juma Abuanja, team leader for Sudanese demining organization Jasmar, warned that full clearance will take years of sustained work. “The presence of land mines and other explosive ordnance is of great concern to everybody,” Abuanja said.

    One of Jasmar’s ongoing projects is clearing a popular public park in Khartoum, one of at least seven known minefields across the state that range from downtown locations to outer suburbs and critical bridge crossings. The 123,000-square-meter clearance operation began last August and is scheduled to wrap up in May 2025; to date, teams have found more than 160 explosive devices, including both anti-personnel and anti-tank mines. Before clearance work began, at least one civilian was killed in an accidental blast in the park, which is now cordoned off and marked with prominent danger warnings. On a recent workday, demining team members took a mid-shift break under park trees, shedding their heavy protective vests and face shields to escape Khartoum’s scorching desert heat.

    Sudan’s transitional government says it is doing everything possible to mitigate the UXO risk, but faces crippling shortages of funding and personnel, a crisis amplified by the ongoing war. A government official, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the press, told the AP that authorities are rolling out public awareness campaigns through mosques, market gatherings, radio, podcasts and school educational materials to teach civilians how to identify and report unexploded ordnance. But multiple injured civilians interviewed by the AP said they had never encountered any of these warnings, which launched in late 2024. Compounding the problem, many civilians are hesitant to report suspected ordnance to authorities: a 2025 Human Rights Watch report documented that Sudanese security forces have detained civilians in recaptured areas on unproven allegations of collaboration with the RSF, leaving many afraid they will face questioning or prosecution if they report explosive remnants of war in their communities. For others, the danger is unrecognizable until it is too late.

    For 18-year-old Mogadem Ibrahim, the fatal mistake came when he picked up a piece of metal outside his Omdurman home last August, assuming it was scrap car part. When the device stuck to his hand and he pulled it free, it exploded. The blast shredded his left hand, costing him multiple fingers and leaving him unable to continue his work as a day laborer to support his family. “I feel depressed and worthless. I was supporting my family and now I’m sitting here and doing nothing,” he told the AP.

    As Sudan’s war enters its fourth year, the slow, dangerous work of clearing ordnance and protecting returning civilians continues, with no quick end to the crisis in sight. This reporting is part of AP’s Africa Pulse coverage, supported by the Gates Foundation; the AP maintains full independent editorial control over all content.

  • Oil tycoons deny paying bribes to former Nigerian minister

    Oil tycoons deny paying bribes to former Nigerian minister

    A high-profile bribery trial unfolding at London’s Southwark Crown Court has seen core figures, including former Nigerian oil minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, firmly reject all allegations of corruption laid out by prosecutors. The 65-year-old ex-cabinet member faces six total charges: five counts of accepting bribes and one count of conspiracy to commit bribery, all of which she has unreservedly denied.

    Prosecutors claim that a network of oil industry insiders bankrolled Alison-Madueke’s extravagant lifestyle, footing the bill for luxury shopping sprees, high-end private property stays, private jet travel, and chauffeured vehicles during her tenure in office from 2010 to 2015. None of the unindicted industry figures at the center of the prosecution’s allegations have appeared in court during the proceedings, but their pre-trial statements to UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) were formally read into the court record this week.

    Ghanaian oil executive Kevin Okyere, CEO of multiple energy firms, told NCA investigators in a 2016 statement that the only payment he ever made on Alison-Madueke’s behalf was a £3,900 shopping bill at London’s Peter Jones department store, a spontaneous gesture when the pair ran into each other at checkout and she found herself short of funds. Okyere confirmed that the full amount was later repaid to him in cash at his Abuja office, and called the bribery claim against him “completely untrue”.

    Nigerian oil tycoon Igho Sanomi echoed these denials in a 2017 statement to the NCA. He explained that he occasionally purchased goods for Alison-Madueke in London because accessing foreign currency for large purchases was notoriously difficult in Nigeria at the time, and every single transaction was fully reimbursed. Sanomi added that his companies always won government oil contracts through fair, competitive bidding, and that neither Alison-Madueke nor any other official ever improperly influenced contract allocations to his businesses.

    A statement from former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan, who appointed Alison-Madueke to the cabinet in 2010, was also presented to the court on Tuesday. Jonathan noted that it was common practice for third parties to cover temporary expenses for cabinet ministers during official overseas trips, and that all legitimate incidental support was properly documented and reimbursed where required. He also confirmed that he had personally approved Alison-Madueke’s use of private jets for some international travel, countering prosecution claims that these flights were unauthorised bribes.

    Alison-Madueke wrapped up nearly 11 days of testimony earlier this week, pushing back aggressively against prosecution claims that she failed to produce proof of reimbursements for thousands of pounds in luxury shopping at Harrods and other high-end London retailers. She told the court that following her 2015 arrest, she has been barred from returning to Nigeria by UK authorities for a decade, and all her financial and personal documents were seized by Nigerian government officials. She accused the current Nigerian administration, which is politically opposed to the government she served under, of deliberately refusing to cooperate with her defense.

    The former minister forcefully rejected claims she lied about receiving improper benefits from oil executives. “At no time did I do anything to influence or show favour to anyone,” she told the court. During six days of cross-examination by lead prosecutor Alexandra Healy KC, Healy walked Alison-Madueke through a long list of luxury goods, including designer Gucci handbags and high-end home furniture, that prosecutors allege were gifted to her as bribes. In one 2013 incident, prosecutors claim £170,000 worth of antiques and decorative items including Venetian lamps and vases were purchased for Alison-Madueke at a London dealer to furnish a private home she was building in Nigeria. Alison-Madueke countered that most of the items were not for her personal use, and argued that it was absurd to suggest she would risk her decades-long political career for luxury accessories and home decor. “I don’t think anyone would risk their career for furniture and handbags,” she said.

    Three other co-defendants are standing trial alongside Alison-Madueke. Her 69-year-old brother Doye Agama, a former archbishop, is charged with conspiracy to commit bribery, which he denies, and the court confirmed he will not be giving evidence during the trial. 54-year-old oil executive Olatimbo Ayinde also denies one count of bribery linked to Alison-Madueke and a separate count of bribing a foreign public official. None of the co-defendants have entered guilty pleas. The trial is ongoing at Southwark Crown Court, with further proceedings expected in the coming weeks.

  • African migrants warned to close shops during South Africa anti-migrant march

    African migrants warned to close shops during South Africa anti-migrant march

    Hundreds of demonstrators gathered in the streets of South Africa’s administrative capital Pretoria on Tuesday for an organized march against illegal immigration, triggering urgent safety advisories for African migrant communities across the country and reigniting fierce debate over long-simmering xenophobic tensions. The protest, organized by anti-immigration group March and March, saw participants march toward the Union Buildings, South Africa’s official seat of national government, carrying hand-painted signs, chanting slogans, and wearing branded T-shirts emblazoned with their messaging.

    One protester spoke to BBC correspondent Thuthuka Zondi, explaining that he joined the demonstration over frustrations that national politicians have failed to address what he frames as a crisis of unregulated migrant entry. “We are grateful that we now have groups like this that have come up to aid the voice of what we have always been preaching about — illegal immigration is a big problem to our society,” he said. The demonstration follows a years-long rise in anti-migrant political sentiment, fueled by widespread beliefs among some South Africans that foreign-born workers take available jobs from citizens and disproportionately draw on taxpayer-funded public services. South Africa currently faces one of the world’s highest unemployment rates, hovering near 33% — a statistic that anti-immigration groups have leveraged to grow their support base.

    In response to the planned demonstration and credible fears that the protest could escalate into targeted xenophobic violence, diplomatic missions and migrant community organizations have issued urgent warnings urging African migrants to practice maximum vigilance. Ghana’s High Commission in Pretoria issued an official advisory Tuesday urging all Ghanaian nationals in the country to prioritize personal safety, close their businesses, avoid protest hotspots, and maintain a low public profile to reduce the risk of confrontation. Similarly, Olaniyi Abodedele, chairman of the Nigerian Union of South Africa, instructed all community members to stay indoors and shutter their businesses amid the unrest.

    Abodedele told the BBC’s Pidgin service that the entire community is on edge, noting that xenophobic targeting often does not distinguish between legal and undocumented migrants. “As long as you are a Nigerian, you are profiled and you are stereotyped immediately,” he said, adding that many community members feel uncertain about what protection their home government will provide if violence breaks out. A second demonstration focused on restricting immigration is scheduled to take place Wednesday in South Africa’s largest city, Johannesburg, which hosts one of the country’s largest migrant populations alongside Pretoria.

    Speaking to the BBC on the sidelines of the Pretoria protest, affected Nigerian migrants expressed fear and frustration over the restrictions they have been forced to adopt. One small business owner, who closed his shop in line with the safety advisory, said he resented being targeted when most migrants only come to South Africa to earn a living. “It is not okay because we are blacks, we are brothers… everybody comes here just to survive,” he said. A security guard who was unable to report for work due to the unrest added: “It’s just making us scared — imagine if we’re scared in our own African continent — what if we go to Europe?”

    Senior political and international leaders have moved quickly to condemn rising xenophobic violence and anti-migrant rhetoric in South Africa. In his annual Freedom Day address Monday, which marks the anniversary of the country’s first post-apartheid democratic elections in 1994, President Cyril Ramaphosa rejected growing anti-migrant sentiment. Ramaphosa reminded South Africans that the wider African continent provided critical support to the anti-apartheid struggle, urging citizens not to let legitimate economic frustrations “breed prejudices and hatred towards our fellow Africans.” He also explicitly condemned recent targeted attacks on foreign-born residents.

    United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres echoed that condemnation in remarks released by his spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric on Monday. Guterres criticized “criminal acts perpetrated by individuals inciting violence and exploiting socio-economic conditions,” and also recalled the international and African solidarity that sustained South Africa’s fight against apartheid. The UN chief stressed that he is deeply concerned by ongoing reports of “xenophobic attacks and acts of harassment and intimidation,” adding: “Violence, vigilantism and all forms of incitement to hatred have no place in an inclusive, democratic society.”

    Xenophobic violence and anti-migrant sentiment have been persistent challenges in South Africa for decades, with occasional deadly outbreaks of targeted attacks on migrant communities. Official government data shows that approximately 2.4 million migrants live in South Africa, making up just under 4% of the national population. The vast majority of these migrants come from neighboring Southern African countries including Lesotho, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique, which have a long history of supplying labor to South Africa’s economy. In recent years, organized anti-migrant groups such as Operation Dudula and March and March have gained increasing public traction for their demands that all foreign-born nationals be expelled from the country. Earlier this year, Zulu King Misuzulu kaZwelithini drew widespread condemnation for using a derogatory slur to refer to foreigners and calling for all migrants to leave South Africa, 11 years after his father made a similar call.

    Past anti-immigration demonstrations in South Africa have escalated into violent attacks on migrant communities and their businesses, prompting civil society groups to repeat calls for calm and enhanced protection for vulnerable migrant populations. A second planned protest in Johannesburg on Wednesday has communities bracing for further tension across the country’s most populous urban center.

  • Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Three days after a massive, coordinated wave of attacks by al-Qaida-aligned Islamic militants and separatist fighters rocked the West African nation of Mali, the country’s ruling junta chief has made his first public appearance, meeting with a top Russian diplomatic delegation in the capital Bamako.

    Authorities confirmed that Assimi Goita, the military leader who took power via a 2020 coup, held talks with a Russian team led by Ambassador Igor Gromyko on Tuesday. Photos released by Goita’s office show the meeting taking place in Bamako’s presidential palace. Russia, a key strategic and military ally of Mali’s junta, has framed the weekend attack as an attempted coup against the current government.

    The coordinated attacks, launched simultaneously on Saturday by a coalition of militants and the separatist Azawad Liberation Front, targeted at least four population centers across Mali’s central and northern regions—areas long labeled as a global hotbed for terrorist activity. Assaults hit Bamako’s international airport, the nearby garrison town of Kati, and the northern cities of Kidal and Sevare.

    In the wake of the violence, the Azawad Liberation Front claimed its fighters seized full control of Kidal after Malian and Russian military forces withdrew from the strategic northern city. The attack also resulted in the death of Mali’s Defense Minister General Sadio Camara. As of Tuesday, the full scope of casualties across all attack sites and the current status of territorial control in contested areas remain unconfirmed, with the Malian government yet to release a detailed public account of the incident.

    The U.S. Embassy in Bamako responded to the ongoing instability by issuing an urgent security alert, warning of potential terrorist movements within the capital and confirming reports of forced school closures across the city. Bamako remains on high alert three days after the attacks, with many local residents reporting widespread anxiety over personal safety amid the unclear security situation.

    Russia’s Ministry of Defense has issued an unusually detailed statement on the violence, echoing the ambassador’s framing of the offensive as a failed coup attempt. The statement claimed the attack was foiled by joint operations between Malian security forces and the Russian Africa Corps, the unofficial military contingent that provides support to Goita’s junta. Russian defense officials claimed roughly 12,000 attackers participated in the offensive, armed with advanced weaponry. The statement also acknowledged the withdrawal from Kidal, framing the move as a pre-planned strategic decision by the Malian government, noting that outnumbered Malian troops stationed in the city fought off four large-scale assaults for more than 24 hours while fully encircled by enemy forces.

    To date, The Associated Press has not been able to independently verify the claims made in the Russian defense ministry’s statement, and the lack of official updates from Mali’s government has left critical details of the attack unresolved.

  • What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    A wave of coordinated cross-country attacks has sent shockwaves across West Africa, triggering one of the most serious security and political crises to hit Mali’s military government since it seized power in 2020. On Saturday, residents across multiple Malian cities woke to the sound of gunfire and explosions, carried out by a rare tactical alliance between two armed groups: the Tuareg separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM). The assaults culminated in Tuareg separatist fighters securing full control of the strategic northern city of Kidal after joint Malian and Russian forces withdrew from the area, leaving the junta led by Colonel Assimi Goïta scrambling to respond.

    Days passed before Goïta made any public appearance following the offensive, stoking widespread speculation about the stability of his rule and casting doubt on the effectiveness of Russian security support that the junta has leaned on since expelling French counter-insurgency forces from the country. Three days after the attacks, Mali’s presidency released images on social media showing Goïta meeting with Russian ambassador Igor Gromyko and visiting wounded attack victims at a local hospital, but the military leader has yet to issue an official public statement addressing the unfolding crisis. The most damaging blow to the junta’s ability to respond came with the assassination of Defense Minister Sadio Camara, a powerful figure within the ruling structure who served as Russia’s primary contact in Mali and the architect of the Russian mercenary deployment to the Sahel. Analysts warn Camara’s death will not only weaken military coordination for an expected counter-offensive but also strain the junta’s already fragile relationship with Moscow.

    The FLA has already made clear its ambitions to push further south beyond Kidal, raising the stakes for the beleaguered Malian military. FLA spokesman Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane told the BBC that the separatist group has its sights set on the major northern city of Gao, claiming most of the city’s entry points are already under separatist control, with the historic UNESCO World Heritage Site of Timbuktu as the next target after Gao is secured. “It will be easy to take over once we fully control Gao and Kidal,” Ramadane said.

    When Goïta’s junta seized power nearly six years ago, it rode a wave of popular support built on promises to end Mali’s decades-long persistent insurgency and security crisis. But over the past 12 months, the government has been pushed steadily onto the defensive, as JNIM expanded its campaign to include economic warfare through a widespread fuel blockade that has crippled military logistics. Now, with Kidal fallen and armed groups advancing south, the future of military rule hangs in the balance. While analysts note the military still retains control of major urban centers and core state institutions for the moment, the coming days will be critical as the junta attempts to launch a counter-offensive against the FLA-JNIM alliance. According to Beverly Ochieng, senior analyst at global risk consultancy Control Risks, the success or failure of that counter-attack will “determine the longevity of the junta.”

    The fall of Kidal has also dealt a significant blow to Russia’s reputation as a reliable security partner in the Sahel, a region where Moscow has spent years expanding its influence through military partnerships after Western forces withdrew. After the 2020 coup, the junta expelled French counter-insurgency troops that had been deployed to support the Malian military, replacing them with Russian fighters from the Africa Corps to curb the growing insurgency. “Russia’s reputation has taken a huge blow” after the Africa Corps failed to defend Kidal, said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

    In the wake of the security collapse, Mali is now widely expected to look beyond its exclusive reliance on Russian security support and diversify its military partnerships, analysts say. One potential new partner is Turkey, which has already built existing defense ties with Mali: Turkish drones played a decisive role in the Malian military’s 2024 recapture of Kidal, and there are already unconfirmed reports that Turkish security personnel have been deployed to train Mali’s presidential guard. Mali has also signaled a recent shift toward renewed engagement with the United States after years of strained relations. Earlier this year, Nick Hocker, head of the U.S. State Department’s African affairs section, traveled to Bamako to reaffirm U.S. respect for Mali’s sovereignty and outline a “new course” for bilateral relations, with plans to deepen security and economic cooperation with Mali and its fellow junta-led Sahel neighbors, Burkina Faso and Niger. The junta could also turn to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a bloc of military-led governments formed by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger that has already issued statements of support for Mali, though the bloc has yet to operate as a unified joint fighting force.

    For Russia, the crisis in Mali represents a major test of its broader regional strategy across Africa. If Russian-backed forces are seen as unable to protect a key ally like the Goïta junta, other pro-Moscow governments in the Sahel and beyond may reconsider their dependence on Russian security support, analysts warn.

    Saturday’s coordinated offensive marks the most significant challenge to Mali’s military rule in years, and growing public discontent over the security failure opens the door to a range of possible outcomes. One potential scenario is a second domestic military coup, with a new faction of officers seizing power from Goïta’s administration. Another possibility is that the FLA-JNIM alliance could displace the current junta, though deep ideological differences between the two groups would complicate any long-term power-sharing arrangement.

    The FLA positions itself as a Tuareg separatist nationalist movement, while JNIM is a committed al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamist group. The two movements have had a fraught, on-again-off-again relationship dating back to 2012, when Islamist militants hijacked an earlier Tuareg separatist rebellion in northern Mali. While FLA spokesmen have described JNIM fighters as “cousins” who share a common enemy in the Bamako junta, FLA leader Sayed Bin Bella clarified to the BBC that there is no formal merger between the two groups. “All the flags we have raised are our own, not those of al-Qaeda. If they wish to merge with us, they must withdraw from the global al-Qaeda organisation,” Bin Bella said.

    Ochieng notes that JNIM has in recent years downplayed the openly global jihadist rhetoric that defines core al-Qaeda ideology, opening the door to a possible power-sharing scenario similar to post-civil war Syria, where an al-Qaeda-affiliated group eventually rebranded and took control of large swathes of territory. Already, hard-line Islamist groups have criticized JNIM for its tactical alliance with the secular separatist FLA, and analysts say underlying ideological differences are almost certain to become a major source of future tension unless the FLA secures full control of northern Mali and distances itself from national-level politics in Bamako.