标签: Africa

非洲

  • Fractured opposition battles Nigeria’s Tinubu as presidential campaigns begin

    Fractured opposition battles Nigeria’s Tinubu as presidential campaigns begin

    West Africa’s most populous nation kicked off official campaigning for its 2025 general election on Wednesday, setting the stage for an unprecedented contest where incumbent President Bola Tinubu seeks a second term against a deeply fragmented opposition bloc, against a backdrop of soaring public frustration over unmet economic and security promises.

    The presidential and parliamentary polls are scheduled for January 16, 2025, with state gubernatorial elections to follow three weeks later on February 6. While 18 opposition candidates have qualified to challenge Tinubu’s reelection bid, political analysts broadly agree the race will boil down to a three-way contest, pitting the incumbent against the two top contenders he defeated in the 2023 election: former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the African Democratic Congress, a veteran candidate who has run for the presidency multiple times, and former Anambra State governor Peter Obi of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, who upended the 2023 race with a groundswell of youth support that upended traditional political dynamics.

    Nigeria’s political history has handed incumbents a distinct structural advantage when the opposition vote is split across multiple high-profile candidates, a pattern that played out in Tinubu’s 2023 victory. Back then, he secured the presidency with one of the lowest vote shares for any elected Nigerian leader, a result that laid bare his underlying unpopularity even as he claimed victory.

    When Tinubu first took office in 2023, he campaigned on a pledge to build on his predecessor’s work to deliver tangible “democratic dividends” to Nigerian citizens, who had long grappled with deadly insurgent violence, systemic government corruption, and widespread extreme poverty and food insecurity. Two years on, however, critics say the president has failed to deliver on almost all of his core promises, leaving him deeply unpopular among the nation’s majority young electorate.

    Tinubu’s signature flagship economic reforms, implemented shortly after his inauguration, triggered a cascade of price hikes that have pushed Nigeria into its worst economic crisis in a generation. Within days of taking office in May 2023, he scrapped a decades-old national fuel subsidy that had kept energy costs affordable for low-income households, and moved to unify the naira’s distorted multiple exchange rates, a policy that ended the currency’s artificial overvaluation and triggered a steep devaluation. While the Tinubu administration argues the reforms stabilized public finances and prevented a potential economic collapse, winning praise from international investors, the policies sent inflation soaring to multi-decade highs, making basic goods and services unaffordable for millions of households.

    Security challenges have also worsened during Tinubu’s tenure. Mass kidnappings for ransom and jihadist violence, long concentrated in Nigeria’s far north, have spread to previously peaceful regions of the country, leaving more residents vulnerable to death and displacement and deepening public anger over the government’s failure to keep citizens safe.

    The biggest boost to Tinubu’s reelection odds comes from the opposition’s failure to unite behind a single consensus candidate to challenge the incumbent. A planned broad coalition between Atiku, Obi and other major opposition figures formed in 2025 collapsed before it could even launch, leaving anti-incumbent voters split across dozens of candidates.

    “Voters are overwhelmingly dissatisfied with the administration’s handling of inflation, insecurity and unemployment but because the anti-incumbent vote is split, the president has the edge,” explained Ikemesit Effiong, a partner at Lagos-based risk advisory firm SBM Intelligence.

    Tinubu has also solidified his political advantage through a wave of high-profile defections from opposition ranks, which have left 31 of Nigeria’s 36 state governorships in the hands of his ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The shift has sparked widespread concerns from civil society groups that Nigeria could be sliding toward a de facto one-party state, claims the national government has repeatedly denied. But analysts note that sitting and former Nigerian governors wield enormous grassroots political influence, and are frequently accused of colluding with local electoral officials to sway results, meaning the wave of defections is likely to further boost Tinubu’s chances on election day.

    Even ordinary voters acknowledge the opposition’s disunity has all but sealed the election’s outcome. “No matter how bad things are, Tinubu will still win because [opposition candidates] are not working together,” Juliet Onah, a resident of Nigeria’s capital Abuja, said.

  • Liberia agrees to take 1,200 deportees from the United States

    Liberia agrees to take 1,200 deportees from the United States

    MONROVIA, Liberia – In a major expansion of the Trump administration’s aggressive campaign to curb unauthorized migration into the United States, the West African nation of Liberia has formally agreed to take in up to 1,200 third-country deportees over the next 12 months, national officials confirmed in a press briefing Tuesday.

    The first group of 20 deportees is scheduled to arrive in Liberia as early as this Thursday, according to Information Minister Jerolinmek Piah, who addressed reporters on the agreement. Unlike traditional deportation arrangements that send individuals back to their country of origin, this deal covers migrants from a broad range of regions, including other African nations, North America, South America and the Caribbean, Piah clarified.

    This agreement is far from an isolated policy. The Trump administration has negotiated a number of comparable third-country deportation arrangements with other African nations in recent years. Immigration rights advocates estimate that thousands of migrants have already been sent by the U.S. to roughly 24 countries that are not the migrants’ home nations, as part of a sweeping, largely covert crackdown on unauthorized immigration.

    One of the most contentious issues surrounding these deals centers on migrants who have already received formal protection orders from U.S. immigration judges. These orders prohibit sending the individuals back to their home countries due to documented risks to their personal safety, but there is no clear guarantee that third-party host nations will honor these protections. Piah declined to answer questions about whether any of the 1,200 deportees bound for Liberia hold such court-ordered protection.

    Upon their arrival in Liberia, Piah said, deportees will have two primary options: they may choose to submit formal asylum applications to remain in the country, or they are free to depart for another destination at any time, with no restrictions placed on their movement by Liberian authorities.

    Liberia will not be responsible for bearing the full costs of managing this deportation intake program, Piah added. The U.S. has committed to providing financial and logistical support to help Liberia process the arrivals and reinforce its national migration management infrastructure.

    Framing the agreement as a reflection of the nation’s long-standing identity, Piah emphasized that Liberia’s decision to accept the deportees is rooted purely in humanitarian principle, aligned with the country’s historic traditions of offering safe haven to those in need.

  • Aston Villa agree deal for West Ham’s Wan-Bissaka

    Aston Villa agree deal for West Ham’s Wan-Bissaka

    In one of the most high-profile moves of the 2026 summer Premier League transfer window, Aston Villa has struck an agreement to bring experienced right-back Aaron Wan-Bissaka to Villa Park from West Ham United. The 28-year-old DR Congo international, who previously featured for Manchester United and Crystal Palace earlier in his career, will make the move on an initial season-long loan agreement that includes a mandatory permanent transfer clause triggered at the end of the 2026-27 campaign.

    Wan-Bissaka has already been granted formal permission to travel to the Midlands to complete his mandatory medical examination, though full financial details of the agreement have not been publicly disclosed. Prior to the finalization of the deal, West Ham had set a £25 million asking price for the defender, who sat out West Ham’s first two Championship matches of the new season as transfer negotiations progressed.

    This transfer caps off a frantic summer of transfer activity for both Premier League sides. West Ham has pulled off a series of big-money sales this window, offloading midfielder Mateus Fernandes to Tottenham Hotspur for £85 million and winger Crysencio Summerville to an undisclosed club for £60 million, while securing the future of club captain Jarrod Bowen with a new long-term contract.

    Aston Villa has also been one of the busiest clubs in the top flight this summer, anchored by a club-record sale of attacking talent Morgan Rogers to Chelsea for £117 million. Despite the high profile arrivals at the club, post-transfer accounting leaves Villa with the lowest net spend across the entire Premier League at roughly negative £110 million, meaning the club has generated more revenue from sales than it has spent on new signings.

    Unai Emery’s side has already added multiple new faces to their first-team squad ahead of the new campaign, including central midfielders Johan Manzambi and Joao Gomes, and young highly-rated centre-back Modou Keba Cisse. They have also secured Chelsea winger Alejandro Garnacho on a loan deal with an obligation to buy, echoing the structure of the Wan-Bissaka transfer.

    Aston Villa will kick off their 2026-27 Premier League title challenge this Sunday with an away fixture against Brighton & Hove Albion, kicking off at 14:00 BST. Emery’s side will also compete in the UEFA Champions League this season, having secured a fourth-place Premier League finish and lifted the Europa League trophy in the 2025-26 campaign. Fans can access exclusive pre-match, post-match and breaking content about Aston Villa via BBC Sounds, with dedicated programming covering all updates from the club.

  • Nigeria influencer arrested after seizure of cocaine worth $28m destined for the UK

    Nigeria influencer arrested after seizure of cocaine worth $28m destined for the UK

    In a major coordinated strike against an international drug trafficking ring, Nigerian law enforcement has taken into custody a high-profile social media influencer accused of serving as the Nigerian linchpin of a cartel moving large quantities of cocaine from South America to consumer markets in Europe and Asia. Officials with Nigeria’s National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) confirmed the arrest of 49-year-old Afolabi Kazeem Micheal, who built a public brand as ‘KC Luxury’ for his 700,000 Instagram followers, portraying himself as a legitimate dealer in gold and high-end luxury goods.

    The investigation unfolded after authorities discovered 184.5 kilograms of cocaine concealed inside brown shipping boxes at a Lagos courier facility on August 3. NDLEA officials value the seized narcotics at approximately $28 million (£21 million), which was bound for final distribution in the United Kingdom. The seizure confirmed long-standing intelligence that the transnational network had used Nigeria as a key transit hub for moving cocaine to the UK, other European nations, and Asian markets for years, the agency said.

    Ten days after the drug seizure, NDLEA operatives intercepted Micheal at Lagos’ Murtala Mohammed International Airport as he waited to board a business-class flight bound for Paris, France. Acting on verified intelligence that the suspect planned to flee the country to avoid prosecution, tactical teams apprehended him directly at the boarding gate, just moments before he would have escaped the jurisdiction of Nigerian law, NDLEA head General Buba Marwa told reporters.

    When taken into custody, Micheal was found carrying more than $12,840 in cash held across three separate currencies (euros, British pounds, and Nigerian naira) along with a collection of high-value jewellery. NDLEA says these assets are consistent with proceeds generated by his alleged involvement in the illicit drug trade. A second suspect, 33-year-old Lawal Mujab Kehinde, was also taken into custody in connection with the plot. Kehinde, who is accused of working for the logistics firm used to transport the cocaine, allegedly handled packaging of the narcotics for export in exchange for cash payments. Neither Micheal nor Kehinde has issued a public response to the allegations, and neither has been formally charged in a Nigerian court as of the latest updates.

    In addition to the two arrests in Nigeria, law enforcement counterparts in the UK have also taken multiple other suspected members of the same trafficking network into custody, according to NDLEA. The BBC has confirmed it is seeking official comment from UK authorities on the coordinated operation.

    Marwa emphasized that the successful bust was a direct result of robust cross-border intelligence sharing and collaborative law enforcement work between international agencies. He issued a blunt warning to remaining members of the network still at large, stating that the NDLEA will not hesitate to track suspects to any location, including airport departure gates, to hold them accountable for their alleged criminal activities.

  • Fighting in southwestern Somalia kills dozens of people, including 4 civilians

    Fighting in southwestern Somalia kills dozens of people, including 4 civilians

    On Tuesday, a senior hospital official in Somalia confirmed that hours of intense combat between government forces and armed militias in the southwestern city of Baidoa has left a devastating trail of casualties, including at least four civilian deaths and 98 injured people.

    The outbreak of violence began just after 5 a.m. local time on Monday, when coordinated attacks targeting government military outposts on Baidoa’s outskirts triggered full-scale fighting across the city. The urban area is currently a refuge for more than 500,000 people who have already been displaced by years of ongoing conflict and widespread drought across the Horn of Africa nation. Initial explosions rocked a military installation east of the city, followed immediately by heavy gun battles around a second base in the Bonkay neighborhood south of Baidoa. Armed fighters soon pushed into the city center, exchanging sustained fire with Somali government troops.

    Regional security analyst Samira Gaid, who works with the Somali research firm Balqiis Insights, outlined the complicated dynamics of the assault. Fighters loyal to Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed Laftagareen, the former president of Somalia’s South West state, managed to displace forces aligned with the new regional administration from parts of Baidoa for roughly six hours before being pushed out of the city. In a parallel set of attacks, fighters from al-Shabab, the al-Qaida-linked extremist organization that has waged an insurgency in Somalia for more than 15 years, assaulted two additional military positions on Baidoa’s outskirts. The coordinated timing of the two separate offensives has led Somali authorities to allege direct operational collaboration between Laftagareen’s militias and the extremist group, a claim that has not yet been independently verified.

    Official casualty figures remain inconsistent, with no independent confirmation available to date. Somalia’s federal government says at least 30 attacking fighters were killed, while regional South West state authorities have reported a higher death toll of approximately 50 assailants killed. Neither side has released an official casualty count for government troops involved in the fighting. Dr. Abdikafi Omar Mohamud, head of the emergencies department at Baidoa’s Bay Regional Hospital, confirmed the civilian toll: four civilians killed, and 98 injured — among them 28 women and one elderly man who were struck by stray bullets during the urban combat.

    The sudden influx of wounded patients has placed an overwhelming strain on Baidoa’s already fragile healthcare system, which was already struggling to serve both permanent residents and the massive population of displaced people encamped around the city. Baidoa sits roughly 245 kilometers (150 miles) northwest of Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu. Mohamud told reporters that his hospital only had 40 functional beds available when the fighting began, forcing staff to erect an emergency tent to accommodate the surge of wounded people. In addition to overcrowding, medical teams are also grappling with severe shortages of essential life-saving medicines, Mohamud added.

    By Tuesday, calm had gradually returned to Baidoa. Security forces deployed to patrol major thoroughfares, conducting inspections of damaged buildings and vehicles that were caught in the crossfire. Local residents slowly began to emerge from their homes, where they had sheltered throughout the hours of fighting, though government troops maintained a heavy security presence across all key strategic areas of the city.

    The latest eruption of violence is the direct result of months of simmering political tension over leadership of the South West state and its disputed electoral process. In March, Somalia’s federal government rejected Laftagareen’s contested indirect re-election to the regional presidency. Laftagareen, who had led South West state since 2018, announced his resignation after federal troops seized full control of Baidoa on March 30.

    South West Internal Security Minister Isak Mohamed Korsaar reaffirmed the government’s claim of collaboration to reporters on Tuesday. “The militias that attacked us were not alone,” Korsaar said. “We have confirmed that they were accompanied by al-Shabab.” Korsaar added that government forces have recovered the bodies of slain al-Shabab fighters and taken multiple extremist fighters alive as captives.

    Gaid, the regional security analyst, warned that the assault highlights a dangerous pattern that benefits extremist groups in Somalia: internal political disputes that devolve into armed conflict create open opportunities for al-Shabab to expand its influence and stage attacks. “When elite disputes are settled militarily, they create the conditions that the terrorist group exploits,” Gaid explained. “It is Somali civilians who pay for it.”

  • Vieira named new Senegal head coach

    Vieira named new Senegal head coach

    One of the most iconic midfielders in modern football history is making a historic homecoming to lead one of Africa’s top men’s national teams. Patrick Vieira, the former Arsenal and France World Cup-winning captain, has been named the new senior men’s head coach of the Senegal national team, filling the vacancy created by Pape Thiaw’s dismissal after the side’s last-16 exit from the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

    Born in Dakar, Senegal’s capital, Vieira’s connection to the country runs deep: he relocated to France with his family at just 8 years old, went on to earn more than 100 international caps for France, and lifted the 1998 FIFA World Cup and 2000 UEFA European Championship titles with Les Bleus. Now, decades after leaving his birth nation, he has returned to take the reins of the Teranga Lions.

    The Senegalese Football Federation (FSF) confirmed the appointment in a statement, noting that the hire aligns with the organization’s goal of reinforcing its top-tier technical leadership and matches the country’s ambitious long-term sporting targets. As of the announcement, final terms of Vieira’s contract and his official starting date remain under negotiation, but his first fixtures at the helm are widely expected to come next month during 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) qualifying matches.

    Vieira’s most recent post was head coach of Italian Serie A side Genoa, where he departed by mutual consent last November when the club sat at the bottom of the league table. During the 2024-25 season, he steered Genoa to a 13th-place finish and safety from relegation, notching eight wins and nine draws across 26 matches. In the partial 2025-26 season before his exit, however, the club only secured two victories, both coming in the Coppa Italia domestic cup competition.

    The 47-year-old boasts an extensive coaching resume across top European and North American leagues. After retiring from a decorated playing career in 2011, he took his first senior managerial role at Major League Soccer’s New York City FC in 2016. He returned to Europe to manage Ligue 1 side OGC Nice, guiding the club to a seventh-place finish in his debut 2018-19 campaign. He was relieved of his duties in December 2020, then took over as manager of Premier League club Crystal Palace a year later, leading the Eagles to a 12th-place league finish and an FA Cup semi-final run in the 2021-22 season. A 12-match winless streak led to his dismissal in March 2023, after which he joined French side RC Strasbourg as the first managerial appointment following the club’s takeover by BlueCo, the ownership group that also controls Chelsea. He left Strasbourg by mutual consent in July 2024.

    Vieira inherits a Senegal side navigating off-field turmoil stemming from the controversial 2025 AFCON final. Predecessor Thiaw made global headlines in January when he ordered his players to leave the pitch in protest after Morocco was awarded a stoppage-time penalty. After a 17-minute delay, the team returned to play; Brahim Díaz’s penalty was saved, and Senegal scored an extra-time winner to claim the title. However, the Confederation of African Football’s appeals board overturned the result in March, awarding the championship to Morocco due to Senegal’s temporary walk-off. Senegal has since appealed that ruling to the Court of Arbitration for Sport, with the case scheduled to be heard on 8 October.

  • Kariba ferry death toll rises to 93, making it Zimbabwe’s deadliest transport disaster

    Kariba ferry death toll rises to 93, making it Zimbabwe’s deadliest transport disaster

    One week after a devastating ferry overturn on Zimbabwe’s Lake Kariba, the country’s deadliest transport accident on record, the confirmed death toll has climbed to 93, according to Zimbabwe’s state-run *Herald* newspaper.

    The vessel was officially certified to carry just 90 passengers, but preliminary estimates indicate at least 168 people were crowded on board when a powerful storm wave capsized the craft. Police updated the casualty count Tuesday, confirming that nine additional bodies were recovered by search divers in the days following an earlier count of 84 over the weekend. Recovery teams are now retrieving remains farther from the original sinking site, with many bodies drifting across the border into Zambian waters, per the *Herald*.

    Straddling the Zimbabwe-Zambia border, Lake Kariba ranks among the largest man-made reservoirs on Earth, serving as a critical multi-purpose resource for both nations: it supports commercial and artisanal fishing, regional transport links, and generates hydroelectric power that supplies millions of households across the region. For rural Zimbabwean communities, ferries are an affordable and essential transport option, and the ill-fated vessel was carrying a mix of traders and parents returning children to their homes for the start of school holidays. To date, 67 passengers have been pulled alive from the lake, provincial affairs minister Marian Chombo confirmed.

    In the wake of the tragedy, President Emmerson Mnangagwa declared a national state of disaster, and professional divers have continued round-the-clock search and recovery operations. A memorial service for the victims was held last week at a local stadium in Kariba to honor those lost.

    Identification of recovered remains has emerged as a major challenge for authorities. As of Tuesday, 83 of the 93 recovered bodies have been formally identified, 39 of which are children. For many remains, family members have only been able to confirm identities through clothing and personal belongings, leading officials to warn that DNA testing will soon be required to match unrecognized remains. “We are running out of time and DNA may now be needed to assist in the identification process,” Chombo told the *Herald*.

    Survivor accounts have painted a grim picture of unsafe conditions on the ferry before the capsizing. Itayi Marumisa, a 40-something trader from Mola village who survived the accident, told Agence France-Presse that the vessel was heavily overloaded not just with people, but with cargo, and that passengers had already raised alarms about rough lake conditions before the wave hit. “The life jackets were buried under the luggage, and not more than 30 people managed to get them,” Marumisa said. “Children were screaming and most of the passengers were vomiting, but the captain did not seem to care.”

    Local communities are reeling from the scale of the loss, with multiple families facing total wipeouts of their loved ones. Tight Bhusumani, a local councillor for Mola who lost his own child in the disaster, told the *Herald* that the tragedy has left deep scars across the region. “We have distressing cases where a child lost both parents and other siblings, leaving them as the only surviving member of the family,” he said. Dozens of families are still waiting for confirmation of whether their missing relatives, who were believed to be on board the ferry, are alive or dead, he added.

  • Zambia’s president wins second term with 60% of the vote

    Zambia’s president wins second term with 60% of the vote

    Zambia’s incumbent President Hakainde Hichilema has won a second consecutive five-year term in office, the country’s electoral commission officially announced Friday, after the 64-year-old incumbent captured an absolute majority of valid ballots cast in the nation’s general election. Final results put Hichilema’s vote share at 60%, a comfortable lead that secured him an outright first-round victory under Zambia’s electoral rules, which require candidates to win more than 50% of the vote to avoid a runoff. His closest competitor, opposition leader Brian Mundubile, finished with 38% of the vote, while the 12 other minor candidates on the ballot failed to gain any meaningful traction, trailing far behind the two front-runners. The outcome was widely predicted by pre-election and exit polling, but it capped off a bitterly contested campaign marred by pre- and post-voting tensions. Even before official results were released, 55-year-old Mundubile prematurely claimed victory and leveled unsubstantiated allegations of widespread voting irregularities, claiming discrepancies between local polling station tallies and the final official results, and alleging improper military influence at national vote-counting centers. In response to the opposition’s claims, the Zambian government accused Mundubile of plotting an armed insurrection, charges the opposition candidate has dismissed as a politically motivated fabrication. The fallout from the accusations led to the arrest of 11 people, including multiple senior opposition figures, deepening divides ahead of the result announcement. A day after polls closed, the electoral commission temporarily suspended vote counting and result publication, citing verified reports of violence targeting election workers and the theft of marked ballots in scattered constituencies across the country. The suspension was lifted within hours the same day, but international observers flagged the move as a threat to the process’ credibility. In his first public address after being officially declared the winner, Hichilema struck a unifying tone, acknowledging the widespread public trust that delivered his victory and highlighting Zambia’s longstanding commitment to democratic governance. “We are truly humbled by the trust you have placed in our hands,” he said, emphasizing that the election reaffirmed Zambia’s identity as a peaceful, rule-of-law democracy that resolves political differences at the ballot box rather than through extraconstitutional means. “To those citizens who preferred the ideas presented by our opponents, we hear you, and we will continue to work for you,” he added. Within minutes of the result being made public, hundreds of jubilant Hichilema supporters, clad in the signature red of his United Party for National Development (UPND), poured into the streets of Lusaka, Zambia’s capital, to celebrate the incumbent’s win. Zambia has a long and notable track record of peaceful democratic transitions dating back to the country’s return to multiparty democracy in 1991, with all presidential handovers over the past three decades occurring through legally certified electoral processes. As of the official result announcement, it remains unclear whether Mundubile and the opposition will formally challenge the outcome in court or through other political channels. Regional and international observer missions that monitored the vote largely praised election day as a mostly peaceful and orderly process, and called on all political actors to accept the official outcome and maintain calm. However, observer groups raised a series of concerns about structural flaws in the lead-up to the vote. Delegations flagged incomplete late electoral reforms, uneven media access that favored the incumbent, and ongoing threats to independent media freedom that skewed the playing field. The European Union’s election observation mission warned over the weekend that systemic restrictions on opposition campaigning throughout the pre-election period created an uneven electoral contest that undermined fairness, while the brief suspension of vote counting was singled out as a move that risked eroding public voter confidence in the integrity of the final results.

  • This school teaches Senegal’s brightest girls to push back against patriarchal norms

    This school teaches Senegal’s brightest girls to push back against patriarchal norms

    Nestled on Senegal’s historic Goree Island, just off the capital Dakar’s coast, the Mariama Ba Boarding School stands as a radical experiment in gender empowerment – one that is reshaping the trajectories of a small but growing group of young Senegalese women, even as broader systemic barriers to gender equality persist across the country.

    For Ndeye Awa Diop, admission to the school at age 12 marked a complete reversal of the life she had been raised to expect. Growing up in a rural Senegalese community, Diop was taught the traditional expectations imposed on girls in this majority-Muslim West African nation: remain quiet, defer to elders, and be seen rather than heard. So shy she could not meet others’ eyes, Diop spent her first weeks at the school homesick and too afraid to raise her hand in class. Seven years later, the 19-year-old serves as president of the student body, on the cusp of graduation, and ready to pursue a career as an international business lawyer. “I learned to be a leader,” Diop said, adding that the sisterhood of her classmates carried her through the hardest early days. For Diop, who is the first girl from her village to earn a spot at the school, the shift in mindset has been profound: unlike most young Senegalese women of her age, starting a family is not her immediate priority. “To be a strong woman is not to be afraid to be alone,” she said.

    Senegal has made notable public progress toward gender equity in recent decades. Progressive national legislation requires that women make up half of all political parties’ candidate slates, and formal law guarantees women equal access to land ownership, at least on paper. In primary education, girls’ enrollment rates now outpace those of boys, a major milestone for a region where girls’ access to schooling has long lagged. Yet deep-rooted cultural and economic barriers keep millions of girls from reaching their potential. When household finances are stretched, families almost always prioritize keeping boys in school over girls, even when girls demonstrate stronger academic performance. Girls often miss classes once they reach menstruation due to lack of proper hygiene infrastructure, and early marriage and teenage pregnancy drive many out of school before graduation. Today, fewer than 20% of Senegalese girls complete high school, and national literacy data shows just 84 literate women for every 100 literate men. “The current challenge isn’t access to school for girls, but rather the completion of schooling up to secondary level and, of course, the transition to the job market,” explained Maissa Abdellaoui, a girls’ education specialist with UNICEF.

    Against this backdrop, the Mariama Ba school was founded in 1985 by Senegal’s first president, Leopold Sedar Senghor, named for one of the nation’s most iconic female writers. Mariama Ba, the school’s namesake, was a trailblazing author whose work explored the tension between traditional Senegalese life and modern women’s aspirations, openly criticizing the nation’s widespread practice of polygamy and deeply entrenched patriarchal norms. Though she was a lifelong advocate for gender equality and a three-time divorcee at a time when divorce for women was virtually unheard of, Ba rejected the label of feminist, which she viewed as a Western import.

    The school itself is housed in a former French military barracks on Goree Island, a site of profound historical weight: as Africa’s westernmost point, it was once the largest hub of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Today, the car-free island is a serene space of cobblestone streets, and the school’s courtyards bloom with bougainvillea, baobabs and palm trees, with the constant sound of ocean waves and birdsong in the background. Selectivity is extreme: each year, just 35 girls are admitted from 150 top-performing applicants who qualify to take the entrance exam, and all tuition and boarding costs are fully covered by the Senegalese government. The school boasts a 100% high school graduation rate, a statistic unheard of across the rest of the nation.

    Over six years of secondary education, students follow a tightly structured daily routine: wake before dawn, shower, prayer, breakfast, classes, study hall, and an early end to the day to prepare for the next. Alongside rigorous academic training, students take art classes, compete in sports, and attend regular talks with prominent female leaders – many of whom are alumni of the school itself. Headmistress Ramatoulaye Diagne Sarr explains that this strict discipline is intentional: the school exists to train the next generation of female leaders that Senegal will depend on in coming years. In one recent humanities class, 15-year-old students led a heated, thoughtful discussion of the history of slavery – a topic that feels deeply personal given the school’s location – guided by teacher Paul Felix Thiao. “Often in society, we see that men tend to dominate women,” Thiao said. But places like the school show that “if we give them more freedom, if we give them more opportunities, they can go far.”

    Despite the school’s transformative impact on its students, challenges to widespread female empowerment remain acute across Senegal. UN data shows that women own just 2% of the nation’s agricultural land, make up the majority of the country’s informal, unprotected workforce, and Senegalese law still formally recognizes only men as heads of household. For 18-year-old student Marie Diop, navigating these cultural norms is a daily struggle. “In Senegal, people’s mentality remains very, very, very strict regarding women’s independence,” she said. “In fact, each day you are fighting a battle to make people understand that … women have the capacity to manage, to be in charge.” Even within the school, structural inequities persist: while every headmistress in the school’s history has been a woman, the majority of teaching staff are still men.

    Alumni of the school say the experience upended the expectations they grew up with, and many now return to serve as mentors to current students. Matel Sow, 27-year-old head of the school’s alumni association, grew up in a small village in eastern Senegal, and had to convince her father to let her attend the school. Today, she holds degrees from Dakar’s prestigious Cheikh Anta Diop University and the University of Texas, and works as an associate at the nonprofit International Budget Partnership. Over time, Sow said her father shifted his perspective, telling her: “You can do what you want, I trust you, as long as you stay true to your core values and roots” of tradition and religion. As a working mother of a two-year-old girl, Sow said she has built an equal partnership with her husband that has helped her navigate the competing pressures of work and family.

    While the Mariama Ba school’s track record is impressive, experts emphasize that it remains the only institution of its kind in Senegal, and that systemic change is needed to extend the same opportunities to all girls. Abdellaoui, the UNICEF specialist, praised the school’s model but noted that the nation’s most vulnerable girls – those from low-income rural communities outside Dakar – still lack access to this level of support. Headmistress Sarr acknowledged that the majority of current students come from the capital region, leaving room to expand access to more girls from across the country. Even so, Sarr said the school serves a critical purpose as a proof of concept: it shows what girls can achieve when given the resources and support to thrive, serving as a model for girls across the nation “who are hesitating, who think it’s impossible to climb the ladder.”

  • A physics graduate, a soccer player, a teen who couldn’t swim: They died in the Ceuta migrant surge

    A physics graduate, a soccer player, a teen who couldn’t swim: They died in the Ceuta migrant surge

    On the rugged North African coastline, where Morocco meets the Spanish exclave of Ceuta, a deadly wave of irregular migration unfolded last month, leaving dozens dead, countless families shattered, and exposing the deep-rooted drivers pushing people to risk everything for a chance at a better life in Europe. What began as viral misinformation spread across social media platforms snowballed into the deadliest migration crisis between the two nations in modern memory, with more than 70,000 aspiring migrants – from Morocco and beyond – flooding across the border breakwater by swimming or climbing over barriers.

    Official data puts the confirmed death toll at at least 90, but human rights organizations argue the actual number of fatalities is far higher, and dozens of families still wait to recover the remains of their loved ones, trapped in bureaucratic limbo between Moroccan and Spanish authorities. Nearly all surviving migrants have been returned to Morocco, and both governments have since ramped up border security measures, placing blame on unregulated social media rumor-mongering and sophisticated human smuggling networks. But for the migrants who joined the surge, the choice was rooted in systemic economic despair: chronically high unemployment and stagnant low wages that leave even skilled workers unable to access basic needs or build stable futures.

    The human cost of this crisis is etched into the stories of three men who did not return. Thirty-one-year-old Ayoub Akbili, a resident of Tangier just an hour from the border town of Fnideq, had never considered irregular migration before. A college graduate with a physics degree, he could not secure work in his field and was forced to take a job at a local auto parts factory, earning roughly $421 a month – slightly above Morocco’s national median salary. While Morocco’s macroeconomic outlook is relatively robust, with projected 4.5% growth this year driven by ambitions to become a regional automotive manufacturing hub, policymakers have failed to translate that growth into inclusive, well-paying jobs for young, educated workers.

    It was while working his 2 p.m. to 10 p.m. shift that Akbili saw viral Facebook posts claiming the Ceuta border was open to new crossings. Desperate to earn enough to pay for his mother’s urgently needed hernia surgery, he made the split-second decision to go, persuading his roommate and relative Abdelhakim Saadaoui to join him. The pair paid $129 – equivalent to two months’ rent for a local apartment – for a driver to take them to the border perimeter. When they arrived, Saadaoui recalled, the scene was total chaos: crowds of people stretching as far as the eye could see, moving toward the frontier like a swarm of ants. Moroccan police deployed stun grenades and tear gas to disperse the crowd, and Saadaoui chose to turn back. Akbili pressed on.

    The two stayed in contact by phone until Akbili suddenly stopped answering calls. A Moroccan Interior Ministry document obtained by the Associated Press confirms Akbili died just before midnight on July 31, his death classified as “unnatural” caused by severe head trauma after a fall from a cliff. He was buried quickly in his hometown of Khenifra, but his cousin Zakaria Akbili questions the official account, noting his cousin’s phone and wallet remained intact on his body – a detail he says contradicts the claim of a fatal cliff fall, and he is calling for a full independent investigation.

    For 28-year-old Hamza Haibouri, a second-division professional soccer player with Morocco’s Kenitra Athletic Club, the draw of Europe was the chance to turn his athletic talent into a stable, successful career. Haibouri, who had visited France as a child and dreamed of returning to play at a higher level, was vacationing in the coastal town of Martil, 40 kilometers from Ceuta, when he saw the crowds heading for the border and decided to join. A deeply religious man who had played soccer professionally his whole adult life, he had not been able to secure a playing contract all year, and relied on the roughly $540 a month he had earned in previous seasons to get by. His club’s official fan club later announced his death during the crossing attempt.

    The youngest victim, 19-year-old Abdelouahed Iken, was still finishing high school in the southern Moroccan city of Agadir when he saw glossy social media posts from a friend who had migrated to Italy, showing off a comfortable, prosperous life abroad. When rumors of an open border spread, Iken told his mother he was traveling to his home village, but instead journeyed more than 850 kilometers north to Ceuta with a group of friends. Unable to swim, he bought a cheap life jacket for the water crossing, but surviving friends told his family they watched him struggle in the currents before drowning. His family first learned of his death through a Facebook post, and are still fighting to bring his body home.

    For many Moroccans, Europe remains a symbol of opportunity, stability, and upward mobility that feels out of reach at home. Migrants who successfully establish lives overseas often return with visible markers of success – designer clothing, new cars, European currency – making them objects of both admiration and envy for those who stay. The economic impact of migration is already significant: Moroccan government data shows remittances from overseas Moroccans hit $6.6 billion in the first half of this year alone, accounting for more than 3% of the country’s entire gross domestic product.

    Yet for the families of those who died, the tragedy is compounded by bureaucratic gridlock and prohibitive costs to recover their loved ones’ remains. Family members report being asked to pay up to 2,500 euros in repatriation fees to bring bodies back from Ceuta, a sum far out of reach for most working-class Moroccan families. While the AP could not independently confirm the exact fee amount, repatriation requires multiple official documents: authorization from the Moroccan consulate, a transit permit from Spanish mortuary authorities, a sealed coffin, and a medical certificate confirming the death was not caused by a contagious disease.

    A spokesperson for Ceuta’s regional government told the AP Friday that all required paperwork for repatriation has been completed, but Moroccan national authorities have not accepted the documents to allow transfer. The Moroccan government did not respond to multiple AP requests for comment on the delay, cost allocation, or potential government assistance for grieving families. Forensic officials in Ceuta have completed autopsies for all 82 migrants whose bodies were recovered on Spanish soil, but family members still face long waits and bureaucratic hurdles. Haibouri’s sister completed DNA testing to confirm his identity, and was only given his identification and driver’s license – authorities refused her request to see her brother’s body, and she has been told the repatriation process will take 20 days or more. “You can’t imagine the families’ suffering,” said Bilal Ratib, Haibouri’s childhood friend.

    Morocco’s Trade Union Network for Migration has issued an urgent call for both governments to cover all repatriation costs and cut through red tape to return bodies to their families. Back in Tangier, Akbili’s roommate Saadaoui still struggles with the loss. He moved out of the apartment they shared, unable to bear living without his friend. “He was telling me at the border, ‘I will never come back,’” Saadaoui recalled. “And indeed, he will never come back.”