标签: Africa

非洲

  • Partey signs for Al-Shabab in Saudi Pro League

    Partey signs for Al-Shabab in Saudi Pro League

    Saudi Pro League club Al-Shabab has officially announced the acquisition of Ghanaian international midfielder Thomas Partey, bringing a high-profile but controversial player to the Middle East’s increasingly ambitious football circuit.

    The 33-year-old defensive midfielder arrives at the Riyadh-based club after a five-year spell with English Premier League outfit Arsenal, where he notched 167 first-team appearances between his 2020 transfer from Atletico Madrid and his departure in 2025. After leaving Arsenal, Partey spent a short period at La Liga side Villarreal, but the Spanish club opted against extending his contract this summer, leaving him eligible to sign as a free agent for Al-Shabab.

    Partey’s transfer goes ahead despite ongoing high-stakes legal proceedings hanging over the player. He is scheduled to face trial in the UK next year, after entering a plea of not guilty to seven counts of rape and one count of sexual assault. The charges stem from allegations made by four separate complainants, with the alleged incidents dated between 200 and 2022.

    This is not the first time Partey’s legal situation has disrupted his football career in recent months. During this summer’s FIFA World Cup held in Canada, Partey was barred from entering the country ahead of Ghana’s opening group stage match against Panama. The entry denial was directly tied to his pending UK criminal charges. When applying for entry, Partey incorrectly claimed to Canadian border officials that he had never been arrested or charged with any criminal offense. Following resolution of entry logistics for the remainder of the tournament, Partey was allowed to join his teammates and featured in Ghana’s three subsequent group and knockout matches. The Black Stars were ultimately eliminated in the round of 32 by Colombia.

    For Al-Shabab, the signing comes at a difficult start to their 2024-25 domestic campaign. The club finished 13th in the 16-team Saudi Pro League table last season, and dropped all three points in their opening fixture of the current term. The squad already features a number of recognizable European-based imports, including former Burnley captain Josh Brownhill and ex-Wolverhampton Wanderers winger Daniel Podence.

    Partey, who has earned 61 senior caps for Ghana throughout his international career, becomes the latest high-profile player to make the move to the Saudi Pro League, which has continued to attract top talent from European leagues amid heavy investment from the region’s sports stakeholders.

  • Corruption charges dropped against South Africa’s police intelligence boss

    Corruption charges dropped against South Africa’s police intelligence boss

    South Africa’s National Prosecuting Authority has formally withdrawn all fraud and corruption charges against Lieutenant General Dumisani Khumalo, the head of the country’s embattled Crime Intelligence division, and six other senior police officers, bringing an end to a high-profile case that has hung over the national police service since mid-2025.

    Khumalo and his co-accused were taken into custody in June 2025 over allegations that they had unlawfully appointed a civilian candidate, Dineo Mokwele, to a critical senior position within the Crime Intelligence unit. All seven defendants have consistently maintained their innocence throughout the proceedings, and none were placed on administrative suspension following their arrest, allowing them to remain on active duty throughout the legal process.

    The formal dismissal of the case was finalized this week at a Pretoria court, following a mandatory case review carried out last month by the country’s chief prosecutor. The outcome comes amid a sweeping national investigation into widespread corruption and infiltration of state institutions by organized criminal networks, which has put the South African Police Service under unprecedented public and political scrutiny.

    South Africa’s national police force has faced longstanding, systemic challenges for decades, including repeated allegations of political interference in operational matters, entrenched corruption at multiple levels, and persistent criticism over its failure to curb the country’s chronically high rates of violent and organized crime. To address growing public concern over these issues, President Cyril Ramaphosa launched a formal judicial inquiry last year, chaired by Justice Sandile Ngcobo and widely known as the Madlanga Commission, to investigate systemic corruption within the police service. The inquiry was called after a senior serving police officer testified that organized crime syndicates had successfully infiltrated key levels of national government.

    Speaking to reporters outside the Pretoria courthouse following the withdrawal of charges, Khumalo voiced relief that the case had concluded, saying the decision confirmed that “the truth at least is out.” Khumalo, who has more than 25 years of experience in various South African police units, took over leadership of the troubled Crime Intelligence division in 2022.

    The case against the officers centered on prosecutors’ claims that Mokwele was unqualified for her senior technical support role in Crime Intelligence, with investigators describing her hiring as a politically motivated “token appointment.” The appointment was subsequently brought under examination by the Madlanga Commission, where testimony revealed a very different picture: multiple witnesses confirmed that Mokwele held roughly a dozen professional qualifications that fully met and exceeded the requirements for the position.

    In July, Andrea Johnson, the former head of the National Prosecuting Authority’s specialized high-level corruption investigation unit, appeared before the commission to address the allegations against Mokwele. Johnson publicly admitted that she had not reviewed Mokwele’s full qualifications before making critical public comments about the appointment, and issued a formal apology for her earlier remarks.

    The withdrawal of charges marks a significant development in South Africa’s ongoing efforts to root out corruption within law enforcement, even as the Madlanga Commission continues its work to uncover wider systemic issues within the national police service.

  • Ebola vaccine trial to start in DR Congo as warning issued over speed of infections

    Ebola vaccine trial to start in DR Congo as warning issued over speed of infections

    The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has launched a new phase of its battle against a historic Ebola outbreak, rolling out an existing vaccine for clinical trials to test its effectiveness against the rare Bundibugyo strain that is currently driving the spread of the virus. As the World Health Organization (WHO) warns that infections are growing at an exponential rate across large swathes of northern and eastern DRC — an area larger than the entire country of France — the death toll from the three-month outbreak has already climbed to nearly 2,500, with half of these fatalities recorded in just the last 20 days.

    This outbreak is already the deadliest ever recorded in DRC and the second-worst Ebola outbreak in global history, outstripped only by the devastating 2014–2016 West Africa epidemic that killed more than 11,000 people. Experts now believe the Bundibugyo strain has been circulating in the country since as early as February, but initial cases were misdiagnosed as more common regional illnesses including typhoid and malaria, creating a critical delay in response efforts.

    Multiple barriers have continued to slow containment work. Years of armed conflict in eastern DRC has left large areas of territory inaccessible to official public health teams, while deep-rooted local suspicion of government health authorities and traditional burial practices that involve close contact with deceased bodies have further accelerated transmission. A new analysis from international children’s charity Save the Children estimates that at least 180 Congolese children have been orphaned, losing both parents or primary caregivers to the virus since the outbreak began.

    In a new effort to turn the tide of the crisis, the existing Ervebo vaccine — which is already proven to protect against the more common Zaire strain of Ebola — will be deployed in a large-scale clinical trial. Under the plan agreed with global health bodies, 20,000 doses of Ervebo will be used to test how well it works against the Bundibugyo strain, for which no effective vaccines or treatments have yet been validated. An additional 50,000 doses will be prioritized for frontline health workers, who have faced extraordinarily high risk of infection during the response. Both the WHO and the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention have welcomed the vaccine allocation, framing it as a critical reinforcement for the under-resourced response to the rapidly spreading outbreak. Strict new safety protocols have also been put in place for burials to cut the risk of transmission from infected remains.

    The ongoing conflict has added unprecedented complexity to the crisis. The M23 rebel alliance, which seized control of major eastern cities including Goma and Bukavu in early 2025 and holds large portions of North Kivu province, has launched its own parallel Ebola response in the territories it controls. After confirming two positive Ebola cases in a village under its control, M23 authorities recently announced a 30-day suspension of shared taxis and passenger boat travel between rebel-held and government-held areas of North Kivu, effective this Saturday. All other cross-area transport will remain operational but subject to strict public health screening. The rebel group had declared its territories Ebola-free in late June, and the new restrictions highlight how armed divisions have fragmented the response to a unified public health threat.

    Ebola is an extremely virulent viral disease, and the Bundibugyo strain is one of the rarest variants, with only two documented prior outbreaks recorded globally. Initial symptoms of infection mirror those of common regional illnesses, including sudden fever, headache, and fatigue, and can develop anywhere from two to 21 days after exposure. As the infection progresses, patients often develop severe vomiting and diarrhea that can lead to fatal organ failure. The virus spreads through direct contact with infected bodily fluids such as blood or vomit, making infection control particularly challenging in low-resource, conflict-affected settings.

  • Two Mexicans arrested as police uncover big meth lab on South African farm

    Two Mexicans arrested as police uncover big meth lab on South African farm

    Following a two-month long probe into suspicious activity at a rural farm, South African law enforcement has dismantled one of the largest illegal crystal methamphetamine production operations uncovered in the country this year, carrying out an overnight raid that resulted in five arrests and the seizure of roughly $37 million in drugs, production equipment, and undisclosed cash.

    The raid targeted a property outside the border town of Musina, located in Limpopo province just kilometers from South Africa’s boundary with Zimbabwe. Of the five suspects taken into custody, two are Mexican citizens, two are Zimbabwean, and one is a Malawian national. All five are scheduled to make their initial court appearance on Monday, where they will face formal charges related to the illegal manufacturing and possession of controlled illicit substances.

    In an official statement following the operation, police described the bust as exposing a highly sophisticated, industrial-scale criminal enterprise built specifically to produce dangerous illicit drugs for widespread distribution across regional and global markets.

    This latest bust is far from an isolated incident. Over the past two years, South African police have uncovered a string of large-scale crystal meth production operations operating out of isolated rural farms across the country, with a consistent pattern of Mexican national involvement. Just three months prior to this raid, in May 2026, authorities arrested 11 people including four Mexicans after discovering a $6 million meth operation on a remote farm northwest of Johannesburg. Going further back, in September 2025, five Mexican suspects were arrested when police broke up a $20 million crystal meth lab on a farm in eastern South Africa, and in July 2024, three Mexicans were among those arrested at another Limpopo province lab holding $108 million in seized drugs.

    The expanding trend of Mexican cartel activity on the African continent extends far beyond South Africa’s borders, counter-narcotics officials confirm. In May 2026, Nigeria’s national drug enforcement agency announced it had dismantled a multi-million dollar Nigeria-Mexican meth production syndicate operating out of a remote dense forest in the West African country, a case that remains active in the country’s courts.

    Data from US Africa Command (Africom) underscores the rapid growth of this threat: since the start of 2023, counter-narcotics forces have carried out raids on 14 meth labs operated by Mexican criminal groups across the continent, with discoveries documented in Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, and South Africa. Regional security experts say the pattern of these busts makes one trend clear: Mexican criminal cartels are increasingly shifting their operations to use Africa not just as a transit hub for drug trafficking to European and Asian markets, but as a full-scale production base for illicit methamphetamine.

    This expansion plays into existing vulnerabilities across Southern Africa. According to the 2022 Global State of Harm Reduction report, South Africa is already ranked as one of the largest consumer markets for crystal methamphetamine in the world. The United Nations has also warned that the country’s expansive geography and loosely regulated, porous border regions make it an ideal transit point for illicit drug traffickers moving product between continents.

  • The inside story of how Trabzonspor pulled off Salah deal

    The inside story of how Trabzonspor pulled off Salah deal

    In a transfer move that sent shockwaves across the global football community, Egyptian superstar Mohamed Salah has put pen to paper on a two-year contract with Turkish side Trabzonspor, capping off an unlikely pursuit that defied widespread expectations. The historic signing was celebrated in front of a roaring crowd of 35,000 passionate fans at Trabzonspor’s Papara Park stadium, where even club president Ertugrul Dogan — the architect of the deal — could barely contain his excitement over pulling off one of the most surprising high-profile transfers in recent football history.

    Dogan, a native Trabzon local who built his business empire across real estate, hazelnut trading, and the biofuel energy sector before taking over as club president in 2023, has openly described the capture of Salah as a transformative moment for his boyhood club. The deal has already sent ripples of excitement across global football, with many observers left wondering how a mid-sized Turkish club, without Champions League football and just one domestic league title since its 1970s and early 1980s heyday, convinced one of the game’s biggest names to spurn more high-profile suitors from Saudi Arabia and the United States.

    Trabzonspor is based in the coastal Black Sea city of Trabzon, a city of 800,000 located in Turkey’s far northeast near the Georgian border that does not even rank among Turkey’s 20 largest urban centers. But Dogan argues the city and its club hold a unique, intangible appeal that sets it apart from other destinations. “We’re the biggest one-club city in the world,” Dogan told BBC Sport Africa and BBC Turkish in an exclusive interview. When Salah asked why he should choose Trabzonspor, Dogan’s answer was simple: “You can be sure you will meet a group of supporters unlike any you have experienced before. You’ll feel the genuine love those people have inside them.”

    For Dogan, the signing of Salah is the centerpiece of a broader club strategy that balances investment in emerging young talent with high-profile experienced stars. In the most recent off-season, Trabzonspar turned a significant profit by selling 20-year-old Ivorian midfielder Christ Inao Oulai to Fiorentina and 22-year-old Brazilian forward Felipe Augusto to Zenit St Petersburg after just one season at the club. Those outgoing transfers were replaced by promising young prospects from across Europe and Africa, while Cameroon goalkeeper Andre Onana returned for a second season on loan from Manchester United. But the Salah deal stands alone as a potential game-changer for the club’s global profile.

    Dogan has been transparent about the financial terms of the deal, confirming Salah will earn €17m per year, plus 20% of all revenue from merchandise bearing his name. While the transfer does not promise an immediate direct financial return, Dogan says the intangible value of global attention and fan engagement is immeasurable. Even after raising season ticket prices to help fund the deal, fan enthusiasm has outstripped all expectations: nearly 70% of Salah’s annual salary was already covered by season ticket sales within just five days of the announcement. The club initially targeted 25,000 season ticket sales, but now projects to pass 30,000, with major corporate sponsors from Turkey, Europe, and the Arab world reaching out to get involved with what fans have dubbed “Salah-mania.”

    Salah, who scored 191 Premier League goals and sits fourth on the league’s all-time top scorers list after nine seasons with Liverpool, was widely expected to move to either the Saudi Pro League, where many elite global stars have landed in recent years, or join Lionel Messi in Major League Soccer in the United States. But Dogan says the deal came together surprisingly quickly once negotiations entered their final stage. Trabzonspor had initially been tracking Salah since the 2022 World Cup, while the player was in talks with multiple suitors, and respected an unwritten Turkish club convention that holds no club will disrupt another’s ongoing negotiations. Once other interested Turkish clubs pulled out of the running, talks progressed rapidly, with the full deal concluded in just five to six days.

    Initial discussions took place over Zoom while Salah was on holiday in Mykonos, Greece, before the player traveled to Istanbul for his medical. Dogan intentionally chose Istanbul for the medical to show Salah the scale of fan support across the entire country, not just in Trabzon — and the gamble paid off: thousands of fans turned out at the airport to greet the superstar mid-week on a working day. Salah made his debut as a second-half substitute in a 1-1 away draw against Kasimpasa on the opening weekend of the new Turkish Super Lig season, and is set to make his much-anticipated home debut in Trabzon this coming Sunday.

    Trabzonspor, nicknamed the Black Sea Storm, has enjoyed mixed success in recent seasons: it claimed the 2021-22 Super Lig title shortly before Dogan took over as president, and has finished third, seventh, and third in the league under his leadership, while claiming the Turkish Cup last season. The club is currently competing in the Europa League play-offs, holding a narrow 1-0 first-leg deficit against Hungary’s Ferencvaros heading into the second leg. Beyond the immediate buzz of the transfer, Dogan says he hopes the signing of Salah will put Trabzon on the map as a global destination for top young talent, helping develop prospects to move on to bigger European clubs while creating a blueprint for sustainable future success. For Dogan and Trabzonspor’s millions of passionate fans, the signing of Salah has already delivered a moment of joy that will last for years to come.

  • Would Marmoush joining Tottenham be a masterstroke or risk?

    Would Marmoush joining Tottenham be a masterstroke or risk?

    North London Premier League side Tottenham Hotspur are progressing in negotiations with Manchester City to acquire Egyptian forward Omar Marmoush, as the club continues its aggressive summer transfer rebuild under manager Roberto De Zerbi, according to a report from BBC Sport. While no final deal has been agreed yet, the potential signing would push Tottenham’s total summer transfer expenditure past the £300 million mark, capping off a transformative window for the club.

    Tottenham have already committed £229.5 million to bring in centre-back Jan Paul van Hecke and midfielders Sandro Tonali and Mateus Fernandes, and just this week confirmed a £75 million agreement for Manchester City winger Savinho to bolster their attacking options. The club’s move for Marmoush comes amid growing uncertainty around their existing forward group: starter Dominic Solanke has struggled with repeated injury issues over the past 18 months, while Brazilian attacker Richarlison is entering the final 12 months of his current contract.

    The 27-year-old Marmoush’s path to Manchester City was a rapid ascent. After joining Eintracht Frankfurt on a free transfer from Wolfsburg in 2023, he emerged as one of the most promising young forwards in Europe. In his breakout 2024-25 first half season, he scored 15 Bundesliga goals from just 8.9 expected goals, added nine assists in 17 league appearances, and notched 20 goals and 13 assists across all competitions before his January 2025 move. He also made history by becoming the first player in Europe’s top five leagues since Lionel Messi in 2019 to score directly from a free kick in three consecutive matches, highlighting his quality from set pieces.

    Manchester City paid £59 million to secure Marmoush’s signature in January 2025, and his early performances at the Etihad Stadium showed immediate promise. He scored his first career hat-trick against Newcastle United, netted the match-winning goal in City’s FA Cup quarter-final trip to Bournemouth, and followed that up with a long-range strike against the same side in the Premier League that earned him the league’s Goal of the Season award. However, his stint at City has been mixed, highlighted by a high-profile penalty miss in the 2025 FA Cup final against Crystal Palace: with City trailing, Erling Haaland passed the penalty opportunity to Marmoush, whose effort was saved by goalkeeper Dean Henderson, as City went on to lose the trophy at Wembley.

    Former Manchester City defender Nedum Onuoha argues that penalty miss should not define Marmoush’s tenure at the club. “When I see Marmoush, I don’t see the penalty miss,” Onuoha told BBC Sport. “I see the strength he has with some of the runs he makes in behind.”

    Across his 18 months at City, Marmoush has scored 16 goals in 62 appearances in all competitions. Eight of those goals came in the 2025-26 season, but his first-team opportunities have dropped sharply. He started just eight Premier League matches last campaign, playing only around 700 minutes – fewer than he managed in his half-season after arriving in 2025. He finished the season with three goals and three assists in league play, with an expected goals total of 3.53 that suggests his finishing was not the root of his limited minutes.

    The core issue for Marmoush at City was a logjam in attacking positions, with the club’s system built around starting centre-forward Erling Haaland, and new attacking reinforcements added over the transfer windows. “All the positions Marmoush could play are being filled by people who are specialists in those roles,” Onuoha explained. “Haaland is essentially always going to be the number nine, while City also regularly play with number 10s and Guardiola likes his wingers to stay wide.”

    While Marmoush is primarily a central number nine, he has built a reputation as a flexible forward capable of playing across the entire front line. At Frankfurt, he was used mainly through the middle but also featured as a second striker and left-sided forward, a role distribution City mirrored during his time at the club. That positional flexibility is seen as a perfect fit for De Zerbi’s system at Tottenham, which relies heavily on forwards interchanging positions, dropping deep to receive the ball, and exploiting the space created when opponents are pulled out of shape.

    Onuoha noted that Marmoush is at his most dangerous when running in behind opposition defences, a skill that aligns directly with how De Zerbi wants his team to attack. “As much as he is good dropping towards the ball, I think he is better when he plays on the shoulder,” he said. “He needs to be in a team that will constantly play balls in behind and force the opposition to run back towards their own goal. That’s when you see a better version of Marmoush.”

    Opta data from the 2025-26 Premier League season backs up that assessment: Marmoush averaged 11.46 runs in behind per 90 minutes, nearly matching Solanke’s 11.61 and outpacing Richarlison’s 10.03. Crucially, he also offers more ball progression than Tottenham’s current forward options. He averaged 5.67 progressive carries per 90 minutes, compared to just 3.24 for Solanke and 2.48 for Richarlison. He also led both Tottenham forwards in shots per 90, chances created per 90, successful take-ons, and touches in the opposition penalty area, producing 0.77 goals and assists per game – ahead of Richarlison’s 0.69 and Solanke’s 0.27. While his limited minutes mean the sample size is smaller, the stylistic difference between Marmoush and Tottenham’s existing forwards is clear: he is far more inclined to take opponents on and create his own shooting opportunities, a valuable asset when teams sit deep to block Tottenham’s direct attacking play.

    Crucially, Marmoush would not need to replace either Solanke or Richarlison to be an effective addition. His ability to play off another striker opens up the possibility of the two starting together, with Solanke using his physical presence to occupy central defenders while Marmoush moves into wide areas or drops between the lines to link play. That combination could play directly into De Zerbi’s preferred style of breaking pressing opposition defences. “Solanke is different to Marmoush. He’s got more of a physical presence,” Onuoha said. “I could see the goalkeeper playing a flat ball into Solanke, Marmoush coming underneath him to receive it, and that becoming the start of the attack. The two of them could complement each other. Playing in a front two might bring out more of Marmoush’s strengths.”

  • In Benin, malnutrition and misinformed views contribute to widespread stunting in children

    In Benin, malnutrition and misinformed views contribute to widespread stunting in children

    In the rural commune of N’dali in northern Benin, smallholder farmer Sabi Bera Zakari holds a common but dangerous misperception about childhood malnutrition. While he occasionally worries that his children do not gain enough weight, he does not see stunted growth — impaired height development from chronic poor nutrition — as a problem to address. His view is not an anomaly in this dry, drought-prone region, where decades of efforts to curb stunting have failed to reverse one of the highest prevalence rates on the African continent.

    Development sociologist Boris Gloni, a former representative for The Hunger Project who has worked on anti-hunger initiatives across Benin for years, quickly identified that two of Zakari’s young daughters show clear signs of stunting. For years, Gloni has worked to shift harmful cultural and knowledge gaps around the condition, which the Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition (GAIN) reports affects more than 30% of all children under age 5 in Benin — a startling statistic for a nation rich in natural resources with a widespread tradition of small-scale subsistence farming.

    Stunting, defined as height below the average for a child’s age caused by chronic malnutrition, often hides in plain sight: children who experience it may appear outwardly healthy to untrained parents. But public health experts warn that stunting that occurs during a child’s first 1,000 days — from conception to age two — is almost always irreversible, causing permanent damage to cognitive development and long-term physical health that limits opportunities throughout a person’s life.

    Deep-rooted misinformation and cultural norms are major barriers to progress. Gloni notes that many community members incorrectly believe feeding children protein-rich foods like milk and eggs regularly will make them permanently greedy, pushing them to steal to satisfy their cravings. Most households raise goats and chickens not for family consumption, but as a living emergency fund — animals are sold for cash only when a crisis hits, and even eggs are often sold rather than fed to growing children. “Our perception is wrong,” Gloni said. “People don’t have knowledge.”

    Dietary habits worsen the problem, compounded by worsening climate volatility. Most rural families in northern Benin rely heavily on starchy staples such as yams, cassava and maize, with almost no variation to add protein, vitamins or micronutrients. Many women work long hours in their garden plots from dawn to late afternoon, leaving young children without consistent access to food throughout the day, which further erodes nutrition.

    Northern Benin, a region of dry savannah, faces repeated, sporadic drought that disrupts crop and livestock production. In the most severe dry seasons, entire families survive on foraged wild vegetable soup, with almost no nutrient intake. Benin’s government has set a target to reduce national stunting prevalence to below 30% by 2030, but progress so far has been discouraging.

    Community volunteers like Douro Wonkourou Idrissou, a nutrition support worker in N’dali, travel door-to-door to screen children for malnutrition using color-coded measuring tapes that assess wasting by measuring upper arm circumference. While he cannot conduct formal height screenings for stunting, Idrissou says he feels deep sadness when he sees children falling far short of healthy growth markers. He says parents bear some responsibility for poor nutrition outcomes, but also lack the support and knowledge to make changes.

    Rolland Essou, who coordinates The Hunger Project’s work in northern Benin, says that despite years of intervention, stunting rates in the region have stagnated — and some data even shows national rates rising, not falling. This includes after the launch of the World Bank-funded “1,000 Days” program, a pilot initiative run by Benin’s National Agency for Food and Nutrition that began in 2024. The program provides micronutrient supplements for pregnant people and infants, and has established school canteens serving daily hot meals, but these efforts have not yet moved the needle on overall prevalence.

    Essou explains that systemic barriers will keep stunting a major challenge for years to come. Households most affected by childhood malnutrition tend to be led by young, illiterate parents with multiple children to feed, stretching limited resources even thinner. Zakari, for example, could not immediately name the ages of his children, and had to check his national ID to confirm his own age.

    Zakari’s neighbor Fati Aboubacar, a mother of five, says economic constraints make proper nutrition impossible for many families. Her household can only afford to serve eggs once a week. Even families that own livestock often cannot justify using them for food, Aboudou Salamatou, Zakari’s wife, explained: “When a chicken pecked at the dirt near her feet, she said the bird was one of many kept as money ‘in the bank,’ not for eating. Even the eggs the chickens lay may be sold for cash. “We would like to vary our food, but we don’t have the means,” she said. “When we have a little money, we invest it in the field, in health and in other problems.”

    NGO workers say intervention needs to begin even before birth to be effective. Razak Kotchoni, project manager for CASCADE Benin in Borgou, says the same harmful cultural norms that bar children from regular protein consumption also apply to pregnant people. Pregnant women are often discouraged from eating nutrient-dense cornmeal porridge because of the myth that it will cause excessive, uncontrollable hunger. “These standards are contributing factors to malnutrition,” Kotchoni said.

    His organization deploys community facilitators to lead reflective dialogues with elders, parents and other community members to challenge harmful traditional practices. One successful strategy has been training “model mothers” who demonstrate healthy nutrition practices to spread awareness through peer outreach. While some parents now reach out to volunteers like Idrissou when they notice their children are not growing properly, many others remain indifferent to the risk, he says.

    As Benin works toward its 2030 target, public health workers and community volunteers say closing knowledge gaps and addressing deep systemic poverty will be critical to turning the tide on a preventable public health crisis that robs generations of children of healthy development.

  • Why Nigeria’s one-time political giant may face extinction

    Why Nigeria’s one-time political giant may face extinction

    When Nigeria emerged from decades of military rule in 1999, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stood as the undisputed architect of the country’s new democratic era. Founded just a year earlier, the party swept its founding presidential candidate Olusegun Obasanjo into office, cementing a grip on national power that seemed unbreakable. For 16 consecutive years, the PDP controlled the presidency and held sway over 35 of Nigeria’s 36 states, with its chairperson famously boasting in 2008 that the party would rule for 60 years. Today, that once unassailable political giant teeters on the edge of collapse, its future hanging in the balance as Nigeria prepares for January’s general election, which officially kicked off this month.

    The PDP’s slow unraveling began with a political earthquake in 2015, when the party lost its hold on the presidency to Muhammadu Buhari and the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC), a coalition of opposition factions and disaffected former PDP members. The transfer of power from PDP incumbent Goodluck Jonathan to Buhari marked the end of an era, and thrust the PDP into unfamiliar territory as an opposition party. Political analyst Ishaq Buhari notes that the party, long accustomed to the perks and structures of federal power, never adapted to life outside government. “They were a party that was so used to power, being in opposition was a new challenge they struggled with from the start,” he explained.

    If 2015 delivered a crippling blow, 2025 shattered the PDP’s foundational structures entirely. A tidal wave of high-profile defections and bitter internal infighting tore through the party’s ranks, with sitting state governors leading the exit. At the start of 2025, the PDP still held eight state governorships. By year’s end, five governors – from Delta, Akwa Ibom, Enugu, Bayelsa, and Rivers – had defected to the ruling APC, citing the PDP’s fading political relevance and a desire for closer collaboration with the federal government. By late 2025, the PDP lost its last remaining governorship in Oyo State, leaving the once-dominant party with no executive control at the state level. Top party talent has also fled, including former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the PDP’s 2019 presidential candidate, who left the party in 2025.

    Compounding these losses is a paralyzing leadership dispute that has split the party in two and locked it out of the upcoming election ballot for all major offices. The conflict centers on Nyesom Wike, a founding PDP member who now serves in President Bola Tinubu’s APC-led government. Wike was controversially expelled from the party in November 2025, when a faction claiming to represent the majority of PDP members held a national convention in Ibadan, Oyo State, defying court injunctions to stop the gathering. The expulsion followed widespread accusations that Wike betrayed the PDP by secretly aiding the APC’s victory in Rivers State during the last presidential election. Yet despite the expulsion, Nigerian courts have ruled that Wike’s rival faction is the legally recognized PDP. As a result, only Wike-aligned candidates have been approved to appear on the electoral commission’s ballot for January’s presidential and parliamentary races, leaving the anti-Wike faction with no official representation.

    For a party that defined Nigerian democracy for a generation, the rapid collapse has stunned political observers. Still, a small cohort of die-hard PDP loyalists holds out hope for a comeback. Aminu Adamu, a PDP politician aligned with the anti-Wike faction, argues that the party can rebuild if it resolves its internal disputes, pointing to precedents of collapsed political parties in Thailand and Argentina that returned to power after years in the political wilderness. “All we need to do is put our house in order and start to build from there,” Adamu said. “If we make all the necessary corrections, by 2032 I really think PDP can be a major force again.” Other loyalists point to the party’s still intact grassroots network, which includes local offices, seasoned activists, and a longstanding base of historic supporters, as a foundation for rebuilding.

    Most political analysts, however, argue that the PDP cannot survive on its own. Analyst Deji Olarenwaju says the only path to survival for the party is a formal alliance with either the African Democratic Congress, Nigeria’s current largest opposition party, or Peter Obi’s Nigeria Democratic Congress. With the PDP in open disarray and only Wike-aligned candidates on the ballot, voters are deeply unlikely to trust the party’s brand this election cycle. Without a major strategic shift, the PDP that ushered in Nigeria’s democratic transition will likely fade into political irrelevance, marking one of the most dramatic downfalls in modern African political history.

  • Dozens dead after boat capsizes in north-western Nigeria

    Dozens dead after boat capsizes in north-western Nigeria

    A devastating maritime accident has left at least 46 people dead after a passenger boat capsized in Nigeria’s northwestern Sokoto State, marking another deadly entry in the country’s long history of fatal waterway incidents. Local authorities confirm that the vessel was carrying more than 70 passengers, a majority of whom were children, and search efforts to locate remaining missing people are still ongoing in the remote affected area.

    Ahmad Rufai, spokesperson for the Sokoto State Police, confirmed to the BBC on Thursday that 46 bodies have been recovered near the Gorau community in Gorony Local Government Area. Sixteen passengers were pulled from the water alive, but 15 people remain unaccounted for as of the latest update. Rufai noted that the accident site sits in a hard-to-access region, so security forces and emergency response teams have been dispatched to the location to support search and recovery operations.

    A witness who spoke to Reuters shared that the children on board were traveling alongside farm owners and agricultural laborers en route to rice harvest fields. The witness added that they saw roughly 50 bodies prepared for burial, wrapped in mats and traditional woven cloth, arranged outside the local community mosque awaiting funeral rites.

    Ezekiel Manzo, spokesperson for Nigeria’s National Emergency Management Agency (Nema), echoed the challenge of the site’s remoteness, confirming that emergency teams had already deployed to Gorau to lead the response effort.

    Fatal boat accidents are an all-too-common occurrence across Nigeria, a pattern experts and officials attribute to consistent overcrowding of vessels, poorly maintained aging wooden craft, and widespread failure to enforce existing water safety regulations. This latest disaster follows a string of similar deadly incidents across the country in recent months: just one month prior, five people drowned when a boat overturned in neighboring Jigawa State. In January of this year, 26 people lost their lives when a boat carrying farmers and fishermen capsized traveling between Jigawa and Yobe States. In December 2024, rescue workers recovered 54 bodies from the River Niger after a vessel carrying potentially more than 200 passengers overturned.

    Nigerian authorities have previously outlined a set of targeted measures to reduce preventable deaths on the country’s waterways, including mandating safer boat construction, requiring accessible life jackets for all passengers, systematic dredging of high-traffic waterways, posting dedicated safety guards at major jetties and terminals, and enforcing requirements that all boat operators hold formal training and valid operating licenses. However, infrastructure gaps and limited regulatory capacity have left most of these recommendations unimplemented or unevenly enforced across rural areas.

    For millions of Nigerians, especially those living in rural and riverine communities, waterways serve as a critical primary transportation route. Many rural villages are situated along riverbanks, while widespread poor road conditions and a chronic lack of bridge infrastructure make overland travel impractical or impossible for most daily trips. Wooden vessels remain the default option for moving people and goods to markets, neighboring communities, and work sites including agricultural plots like the rice fields where this latest group was heading.

  • Thousands of migrants in Ceuta wait in limbo while Spain figures out what to do with them

    Thousands of migrants in Ceuta wait in limbo while Spain figures out what to do with them

    On a late August morning in the Spanish North African exclave of Ceuta, the sands of El Trampolin Beach sat empty after weeks of holding a makeshift camp for thousands of stranded migrants. Just hours earlier, Spanish police had escorted the last of the beach encampment residents to temporary shelters across the territory. By mid-morning, new arrivals were already picking through the discarded remains of the camp, searching for anything usable: a frayed abandoned mattress, weathered plastic chairs, worn bed sheets, and scraps of waterproof tarp. This quiet turnover lays bare the ongoing, unresolved humanitarian emergency that has gripped Ceuta three weeks after a historic mass border crossing.

    In late July 2026, more than 72,000 migrants poured across the border from neighboring Morocco into the small territory, which is home to just 84,000 Spanish residents. The crossing left at least 90 people dead, and while the majority of migrants eventually returned to Morocco, daunted by the challenges of surviving in Ceuta and the near-impossible odds of reaching mainland Europe, thousands remain unaccounted for and unsheltered. Today, conflicting official and non-official estimates put the remaining migrant population somewhere between 5,000 and 10,000 people, including roughly 2,000 minor children.

    Most of those who crossed are from Morocco, but significant numbers of people fleeing conflict in Sudan, Mali, and Yemen also made the journey, all seeking better opportunities or international protection. For weeks, many of these stranded people lived in primitive conditions along Ceuta’s beaches, sleeping on cardboard sheets, building rough shelters from reeds, and keeping their meager possessions in tattered plastic bags. Many more hid in the surrounding hills, camped outside the official migrant reception center, or wandered the territory’s streets with no fixed place to stay.

    The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has warned of severe humanitarian and operational gaps in the response, particularly around access to safe shelter, basic public services, and consistent food supplies. The agency is pushing Spanish authorities to speed up processing of asylum claims, estimating that roughly 1,200 of the remaining migrants meet the criteria for international protection. “They help the minors and the youngsters, but they haven’t found any solutions for us,” explained 20-year-old Moroccan migrant Khadija Rifai, who crossed into Ceuta with her husband in late July. Her husband was deported back to Morocco, but she hid from authorities to stay in the territory, hoping to eventually reunite with him and move to mainland Spain. “Even though we suffered here in Ceuta, we hope that once we reach the mainland, life will be good and we will have a house, a car, and everything we dreamed of,” she added.

    Spanish national authorities have taken steps to address the crisis, announcing that they have secured 1,800 shelter spots in a repurposed parking lot and a military facility that is occasionally used for large religious gatherings. The national government has also allocated 6.5 million euros ($7.6 million) in emergency funding to support local response efforts, and aid groups have been distributing roughly 4,000 meals to migrants every day since August 3. A ministry spokesperson emphasized that each case requires individual processing: police first must identify all irregular entrants, confirm their nationality and background, screen for asylum eligibility, and determine who can stay and who must be deported, either voluntarily or through forced removal.

    Even with these interventions, hundreds of migrants, including many women and children, remain sheltered only in informal, locally run makeshift centers, and dozens more continue to roam Ceuta’s streets. Local political leaders have grown increasingly critical of the national government’s response. Ceuta Mayor Juan Jesús Vivas, a member of the center-right Popular Party, argued that moving migrants from beach camps to other sites within the territory does not amount to a real solution, and accused the national government of failing to take decisive enough action to resolve the crisis.

    For the migrants who remain, life is defined by uncertainty. Many have participated in public protests calling for faster asylum processing and permission to travel onward to mainland Europe. For 18-year-old Chadian migrant Mohamed Yaqoub, who hid in the woods for days after being chased by Spanish soldiers shortly after his crossing, the immediate priority is securing legal documentation. Yaqoub hopes to eventually continue his studies in France, but exiting Ceuta for mainland Europe or other EU countries requires official exit checks that are nearly impossible for irregular migrants to pass. “We ask them to allow us entry and give us the necessary papers and documents,” Yaqoub wrote in a note to The Associated Press. “The most important thing for us is to get the papers.” Despite the uncertainty and hardship, most migrants say they are willing to wait as long as it takes for a path forward to open up.