标签: Africa

非洲

  • Pirates hijack oil tanker off the coast of Somalia

    Pirates hijack oil tanker off the coast of Somalia

    After nearly a decade of sharp decline following coordinated international anti-piracy interventions, pirate activity off the coast of Somalia has reemerged as a critical threat to regional maritime security in recent years. The latest and most high-profile incident has underscored the growing risk: armed pirates have seized the oil tanker *Honour 25*, carrying 17 crew members and thousands of barrels of fuel, while it transited waters roughly 30 nautical miles from the Somali shore.

    Multiple regional security sources confirmed to the BBC that six armed assailants boarded and took control of the vessel late Wednesday. Shipping tracking data from ShipAtlas details the tanker’s weeks-long route ahead of the hijacking: it departed Berbera Port, located in the self-declared independent region of Somaliland, on February 20. Shortly after the outbreak of cross-border conflict tied to the U.S.-Israel Iran tensions, the *Honour 25* reached waters near the United Arab Emirates, then loitered near the Strait of Hormuz entrance before reversing course on April 2 to head for Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital.

    Puntland regional security officials, the governing body for Somalia’s semi-autonomous northeastern territory, confirmed the tanker was carrying 18,500 barrels of oil destined for Mogadishu. Following the hijacking, the vessel has been anchored near the Somali coast between the coastal fishing towns of Xaafun and Bander Beyla, under full pirate control. Additional reinforcements have since joined the hijacking party: five more armed men have boarded the *Honour 25*, according to anonymous regional sources. Investigators currently believe the hijackers launched their attack from a remote, unpatrolled stretch of coastline near Bander Beyla, though it remains unclear how the group was able to intercept and overwhelm the tanker without detection.

    The 17-person crew on board includes 10 Pakistani nationals, four Indonesians, one Indian, one Sri Lankan, and one Myanmarese national. No reports on their condition have been released to date.

    This hijacking comes amid a well-documented resurgence of piracy in the Indian Ocean region off Somalia’s coast. Once the global epicenter of maritime hijacking, the area saw pirate attacks drop to near-zero after 2011, when international naval coalitions launched widespread anti-piracy patrols and vessel security mandates. Over the past three years, however, attacks have rebounded, with fishing trawlers, cargo container ships, and now large oil tankers targeted by armed groups.

    The seizure of a fuel tanker bound for Mogadishu is expected to exacerbate already severe economic strain in the capital. Local fuel prices have already tripled in the wake of regional conflicts linked to escalating tensions between Iran and the U.S.-Israel alliance, and renewed fears of disrupted shipping will almost certainly push prices higher and deepen public anxiety.

    As of Thursday, neither formal Somali national government authorities nor the European Naval Force – the multinational body that coordinates official anti-piracy operations in Somali territorial waters – has issued an official statement confirming the hijacking or outlining next steps for response.

  • Former Nigeria striker Eneramo dies during match

    Former Nigeria striker Eneramo dies during match

    Former Nigeria international forward Michael Eneramo, a beloved figure who built a standout career across club football on three continents, has died following a suspected cardiac arrest that occurred mid-match during a friendly fixture, the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has confirmed. The 40-year-old collapsed on the pitch in the northern Nigerian city of Kaduna just five minutes into the second half of the game on Friday, and emergency personnel were unable to revive him.

    Eneramo earned 10 senior international caps for Nigeria’s Super Eagles over the course of his career, marking his debut against Jamaica in 2009. He notched his first and most memorable international goal in a 2009 friendly against the Republic of Ireland, before scoring a crucial strike in a 2–2 World Cup qualifying draw against Tunisia that secured Nigeria’s place at the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa. Despite his key contribution to the qualifying campaign, Eneramo was ultimately left out of the final tournament squad.

    Long before his international retirement, Eneramo built a formidable reputation across club football in North Africa, the Middle East and Europe. His most iconic tenure came with Tunisian giants Esperance, where his imposing physical frame and relentless attacking energy earned him the fan nickname Al Dababa, meaning “The Tank” in Arabic. The four-time African champions honored his legacy in a statement posted to social media platform X, writing: “He was a symbol of strength, determination and resolve, and created unforgettable moments” for the club.

    Ahead of making his senior international debut for Nigeria, Eneramo rejected an opportunity to switch allegiances and represent Tunisia at the international level, choosing instead to represent his country of birth. Over the course of his club career, he also took up spells with teams in Algeria, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, where he continued to earn widespread respect from fans, teammates and opponents alike for his work rate, physicality and consistent goalscoring output.

    NFF general secretary Dr. Mohammed Sanusi described the sudden passing of the former striker as “devastating”, extending his condolences to Eneramo’s loved ones and the wider Nigerian football community. “I can only pray that God will grant him eternal rest and also grant his loved ones and the Nigeria football family the fortitude to bear the loss,” Sanusi said in an official statement.

    Eneramo’s death is far from an isolated incident: he is the latest in a growing line of high-profile former African international footballers to die suddenly on the pitch from suspected heart-related complications. Other high-profile names include Cameroon’s Marc-Vivien Foe, who collapsed and died during a 2003 Confederations Cup semi-final, Ivorian midfielder Cheick Tiote, and Ghana striker Raphael Dwamena, all of whom passed away in similar on-pitch cardiac events.

    As far back as 2009, a FIFA-funded medical research study concluded that Black African athletes appear to face a disproportionately higher risk of adverse cardiac events during competitive sports activity. In response to repeated tragedies, former Ivory Coast and Chelsea star Didier Drogba has repeatedly pushed for mandatory regular cardiac screenings for all professional players across the continent, a call that has gained renewed attention following Eneramo’s death.

  • Behind Nigeria’s murky coup plot – the money, the prayers and a Nollywood arrest

    Behind Nigeria’s murky coup plot – the money, the prayers and a Nollywood arrest

    For months, whispers and official silence shrouded the alleged Independence Day coup plot that targeted Nigeria’s sitting government last year. This week, the first public proceedings have finally lifted the veil, exposing new details of what prosecutors describe as an elaborate conspiracy to overthrow President Bola Tinubu, bringing long-unanswered questions into the public domain.

    The plot was scheduled to unfold on October 1, 2025, Nigeria’s 65th Independence Day, when the nation was set to mark decades of freedom from British colonial rule. The annual celebratory parade, scheduled to be attended by President Tinubu, was abruptly canceled at the eleventh hour, with government and military officials offering no public explanation for the last-minute change. It was not until January 2026 that the military made a sparse, short statement confirming that 16 unnamed senior military officers would face court-martial over the alleged plot, finally confirming publicly that an attempted takeover had been foiled.

    Now, court documents filed by state prosecutors at the Federal High Court in Abuja, the nation’s capital, have named the alleged mastermind of the conspiracy and laid bare the plotters’ strategy to destabilize the country ahead of their power grab. Six individuals, all civilians – including one serving police inspector and multiple retired military personnel – are facing trial in the High Court, as civilians are ineligible to be tried before military tribunals. All six have pleaded not guilty to 13 charges ranging from treason and terrorism to money laundering. While they are not believed to be the top leaders of the conspiracy, their open trial is expected to shine a light on a plot that investigators say drew participants from across all branches of Nigeria’s security forces.

    Nigeria has a long history of military coups, but has maintained uninterrupted civilian rule since 1999. In recent years, however, a wave of successful military takeovers across neighboring West African nations, paired with rising economic hardship in Nigeria and widespread accusations of a political system rigged to favor a small elite, has fueled persistent speculation that the country could be next.

    Court documents identify Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, a 50-year-old Muslim born in western Niger State, as the plot’s chief strategist. Ma’aji spent much of his early military career deployed in the oil-rich Niger Delta, climbing the military ranks during the mid-2000s at the height of regional oil militancy, when heavily armed militant groups attacked oil infrastructure and kidnapped foreign workers for ransom. During this period, he built close professional ties to Timipre Sylva, a prominent oil businessman and former governor of Bayelsa State who helped broker a 2009 ceasefire and amnesty deal with militant groups in the region’s creeks. Multiple newspaper reports confirm Ma’aji coordinated security for Sylva during his unsuccessful 2015 campaign for a second term as governor, a relationship that investigators say is at the core of the alleged coup plot.

    Though Sylva, 67, has not been formally indicted in this week’s filings, his name appears on seven of the 13 charges, each entry marked with the notation “still at large.” A former oil minister during the final term of President Muhammadu Buhari, who left office in 2023, investigators allege Sylva was the plot’s key financier, bankrolling the effort to oust Buhari’s elected successor, Tinubu. A member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Sylva notably declined to back Tinubu’s 2023 presidential campaign.

    After the Independence Day parade was canceled, investigators raided Sylva’s Abuja residence. His spokesman has repeatedly denied any involvement, claiming the coup allegations and a separate arrest warrant for corruption are politically motivated. Sylva is currently in the United Kingdom for what his spokesman says is medical treatment, and has promised to return to clear his name – a step he has not yet taken.

    Prosecutors allege the conspiracy required substantial funding to secure equipment and buy influence, with charges noting six accused civilians received payments ranging from 2 million naira ($1,500) to 50 million naira ($37,000), which they “reasonably ought to have known forms proceeds of an unlawful act… terrorism financing.”

    Beyond financial details, a serving military investigator who spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity shared the full scope of the plotters’ plans. The conspirators intended to storm Aso Rock, Nigeria’s heavily fortified presidential villa in Abuja, on the morning of October 1, leveraging insider intelligence gathered from co-conspirators already embedded at the compound. One of the indicted civilians, Zekeri Umoru, worked as an electrician at the villa, giving the plotters critical insight into the site’s layout and security protocols.

    After seizing control of the villa, the plotters planned to immediately detain President Tinubu and other top government leaders. The investigator further alleged the conspirators intended to assassinate Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and House Speaker Tajudeen Abbas. Authorities got wind of the plot in the days leading up to Independence Day, however, and made the first arrests before the plan could be executed. Concerns over the plot’s scale and penetration of security forces led the military to cancel the Independence Day parade, with investigations and additional arrests continuing in the months after.

    Investigators say the conspirators also procured a fleet of sport utility vehicles to reach key strategic targets, including airports and other sensitive government sites. Of the 16 senior military officers arrested in connection with the plot, 14 are from the army, spread across multiple divisions, with one from the navy and one from the air force.

    One of the most high-profile names among the six indicted civilians is Sani Abdulkadir, a popular Islamic cleric from Zaria in Kaduna State. Abdulkadir was reported missing by his family in late 2025 after he traveled to Abuja to inquire why his bank account had been frozen, sparking public outcry over his disappearance. It was only revealed months later he had been taken into security custody. On Monday, a Federal High Court judge ordered his release, awarded him more than $3,500 in damages for proven human rights violations, and ordered security agencies to issue a formal apology. Just 24 hours later, prosecutors named him as a coup conspirator and ordered him re-detained, noting court records show he received $1,500 from a plot leader. Contrary to early speculation that he was recruited to spread radical Islam to destabilize the country, the investigator said Abdulkadir was brought on as a “spiritual ‘prayer-warrior’ for the operation” – a common role for clerics in northern Nigeria, where community leaders regularly offer prayers for supporters undertaking major endeavors.

    Earlier in 2026, an investigation by Nigerian newspaper Premium Times identified 40 total suspects, the vast majority serving military officers. Last week, the government inaugurated a closed-door military tribunal to try more than 30 of the accused officers, a decision that has drawn questions about transparency. One name that appears on leaked suspect lists but has not been brought into open court is Stanley Amandi, a popular Nollywood actor and director better known by his stage name “Stan K.” In January, the Actors Guild of Nigeria (AGN) confirmed to BBC Pidgin that Amandi, from the eastern city of Enugu, was arrested in September 2025 over allegations he was hired to serve as the plot’s propagandist. A legal source close to the investigation said Amandi was tapped to use his existing media connections and film production experience to build public support for the coup after the takeover.

    AGN leader Emeka Rollas Ejezie said the organization has reached out to Nigeria’s domestic spy agency, the Department of State Services (DSS), to arrange access for Amandi’s lawyer, wife, and doctor. The DSS has stated Amandi is not in their custody, and is instead being held by military intelligence, which has declined to comment on his detention or whereabouts. Amandi has not been able to respond to the allegations against him, and the AGN continues to push for confirmation of his location.

    The six defendants in the open High Court trial were remanded to DSS custody this Wednesday, with their next court date set for April 27 to hear bail applications. The limited details that have emerged so far have shaken Nigeria, where the last successful military coup took place in 1993 under General Sani Abacha. For many Nigerians, the trial offers the first chance to learn full details of what analysts say is the most serious coup attempt since the return to democracy in 1999 – a worrying development for a region that has already seen a string of military takeovers in recent years.

  • South Africa’s top envoy to Ghana summoned over attacks on foreigners

    South Africa’s top envoy to Ghana summoned over attacks on foreigners

    A wave of xenophobic harassment targeting African migrants in South Africa has sparked diplomatic backlash, with Ghana officially calling in South Africa’s senior diplomatic representative to respond to targeted attacks against its citizens, raising alarms across the continent over escalating anti-immigrant violence.

    The controversy ignited after viral video clips circulated on social media earlier this week, showing self-appointed anti-immigrant vigilante groups confronting and assaulting people they accused of residing in South Africa without legal authorization. One widely shared clip shows members of these groups accosting a Ghanaian national, demanding to inspect his immigration documentation. Even after the man produced valid, legal paperwork, the vigilantes continued to question the documents’ legitimacy before telling him to leave the country and ‘go fix your own country.’ Ghana’s foreign ministry confirmed that the Ghanaian man is in South Africa with full, legal immigration status.

    Following the emergence of the video, Ghanaian authorities stepped in quickly to support the targeted citizen. Ghana’s High Commission in Pretoria released footage of its top envoy, Benjamin Quashie, meeting with the man to offer consular assistance. While urging all Ghanaian migrants living in South Africa to remain law-abiding and respect local regulations, Quashie acknowledged the deeply stressful and dangerous environment the confrontations have created.

    Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed it had formally summoned Thando Dalamba, South Africa’s acting high commissioner to Ghana, to deliver an official protest over the string of recent xenophobic attacks targeting foreign nationals, including Ghanaian citizens. In an official statement released Thursday, the ministry emphasized that ‘such conduct undermines the dignity and rights of law-abiding citizens.’ Ghanaian Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa also held a direct conversation with his South African counterpart, Ronald Lamola, who expressed regret for the incidents and pledged to launch a full, thorough investigation into the attacks.

    South African officials have also publicly condemned the vigilante actions. Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia stressed that no private individual or organized group has the right to seize legal authority into their own hands, regardless of any grievances or frustrations community members may hold.

    Xenophobic tension and anti-immigrant violence are not new challenges for South Africa, where anti-foreigner sentiment has simmered for decades, occasionally flaring into deadly outbreaks that have left dozens dead and displaced thousands of migrants over the years. According to official South African statistics, approximately 2.4 million documented migrants reside in the country, accounting for just under 4% of its total population, though analysts estimate a far larger number of people live in the country without formal immigration status. Most cross-border migrants come from neighboring Southern African nations including Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Mozambique – countries with long histories of supplying migrant labor to South Africa’s economy – while smaller numbers originate from West African nations like Ghana and Nigeria.

    The latest incidents have already drawn broader concern across the African continent, with regional observers calling for South African authorities to take decisive action to protect foreign residents and crack down on violent vigilante groups targeting migrants.

  • Mining projects help improve lives

    Mining projects help improve lives

    Against the backdrop of deepening China-Africa economic and trade cooperation, Chinese-invested mining ventures across Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are driving tangible, life-changing improvements in access to affordable education, healthcare and basic infrastructure for local residents. The impact of these corporate social responsibility initiatives is most visible in quiet, daily shifts that have reshaped community expectations and long-term livelihood prospects.

    One of the clearest examples of this transformation can be found at Golden Eagle Community School, located in Chililabombwe’s Konkola Township in Zambia’s Copperbelt Province. When the school was first launched as a small community-led project in 2001, it was designed to serve children from low-income families whose parents could not cover official school fees. But for nearly a decade, the initiative struggled to stay operational: it operated out of inadequate spaces, with fewer than 300 enrolled students, only one fully trained teacher, and almost no desks or teaching resources. Without consistent sponsorship, community leaders faced constant challenges to keep the school open.

    Today, that landscape looks entirely different. Enrollment has surged to more than 580 students, and the school now boasts fully built classrooms, sufficient desks, and upgraded learning facilities — changes that community leader George Katabulwe directly attributes to targeted community investment from Lubambe Copper Mine, a project led by Chinese firm JCHX Mining Management. “Learners are now motivated. They are sitting at desks and learning in good classrooms,” Katabulwe explained, noting that improved infrastructure has drawn more children into school and raised hopes for long-term success among local families.

    Similar transformations are playing out near Kolwezi, a major mining hub in the DRC, around operations run by Sicomines, a joint venture with Chinese backing. For decades, local residents like Rachide Mund Jethro lived without access to the most basic public services: no drinkable water, no nearby healthcare facilities, and too few schools to serve growing populations. Before Sicomines built local clinics, expectant mothers faced deadly barriers to timely maternal care, Jethro recalled, with many losing children before they could reach a hospital. Today, new schools, paved access roads, clean water wells and fully functional clinics have transformed daily life across nearby communities. “Our children have schools and we can access clean water,” Jethro said. “Families are able to reach clinics easily, easing fears around childbirth.”

    Local resident Kasongo Ndayi Jacques echoed that sentiment, highlighting that students no longer need to walk multiple kilometers to reach overcrowded, under-resourced classrooms. “Now we have schools near us, good roads, some wells and good hospitals,” he said.

    Data shared by Sicomines shows the scale of the company’s community investment across the DRC, with a focus on four core areas: education, public health, clean water access, and agricultural livelihood support. In regions where the company has rolled out projects, student enrollment has jumped between 30 and 50 percent, between 5,000 and 15,000 households now have reliable access to clean drinking water, and supported health facilities treat between 10,000 and 20,000 patients every year. In 2025 alone, the company expanded its community outreach to more surrounding villages, adding new agricultural training programs alongside additional infrastructure investments.

    In Zambia, the impact of Chinese-led investment in local education is equally measurable. At Konkola New Day High School, Lubambe Copper Mine’s support has delivered new classroom blocks, student desks, and perimeter fencing, changes that have directly boosted student attendance and academic performance, according to head teacher Pule Mlenga. Today, pass rates at the school reach 84 percent for Grade 9 students and 86 percent for Grade 7 students, a sharp increase from pre-investment levels. “The pass rate has increased because learners are able to be found in school,” Mlenga said.

    Beyond infrastructure, the mine has also supported the school’s agricultural production program, where maize grown on school plots supplements student meals and generates extra income for school activities. This initiative has cut absenteeism, Mlenga noted, by ensuring students can stay on campus throughout the day without leaving to find food.

    For many young people, the investment has opened pathways to professional careers that would otherwise have been out of reach. Willard Siame, a recent graduate in environmental engineering from Zambia’s Copperbelt University, earned a community scholarship from Lubambe that allowed him to complete his degree, followed by an industry internship at the mine. Today, he works full-time in environmental compliance and sustainability, building a career in the sector that supported his education. “This scholarship really helped me in my studies,” Siame said. “It made sure that I focused mostly on my academics.”

    Over the past three years, Lubambe’s community programming has expanded beyond scholarships and classrooms to include new sanitation infrastructure, a maternity annex at a local clinic, clean water boreholes for schools, road maintenance, and agricultural support for local cooperatives. Company data shows that enrollment at supported schools has risen roughly 20 percent since projects launched, while pass rates have improved by 10 percent. Local clinics supported by the initiative treat an average of 200 patients each month, and access to maternal health services has increased by 20 percent.

    The mine has also driven broad-based local employment: approximately 3,000 Zambians hold direct or indirect jobs connected to its operations, and 95 percent of the mine’s total workforce is drawn from local surrounding communities. Agricultural support programs have additionally helped local groups boost food production and earn supplementary income to support ongoing community projects.

    For residents across both Zambia and the DRC, the true impact of these mining investments is not measured in production output or corporate balance sheets — it is measured in the small, permanent shifts that make daily life more stable and the future more hopeful. It can be seen in children walking into purpose-built classrooms that did not exist a decade ago, in expectant mothers accessing life-saving care just a few kilometers from their homes, and in families drinking clean water from community wells. For millions of people across these two southern African nations, these are the changes that matter most.

  • Addis Ababa makes bid to become diplomatic hub

    Addis Ababa makes bid to become diplomatic hub

    Nestled in the heart of Addis Ababa, a city already recognized as Africa’s diplomatic capital for housing the African Union (AU) headquarters and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Ethiopia is making an ambitious push to solidify its standing as the continent’s preeminent diplomatic and global events hub. This push centers on a major expansion project for the Addis International Convention Center (AICC), with the East African nation turning to long-standing Chinese infrastructure partners to deliver one of the largest conference facilities on the continent.

    The expansion initiative marks the second phase of the AICC’s development, launching just over 12 months after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed inaugurated the first phase of the complex in March 2025. The project, which underscores the deepening bilateral cooperation between Ethiopia and China on large-scale infrastructure and urban modernization, is scheduled to break ground within the next two years and reach full completion by 2032, according to Kirubel Kefyalew, AICC’s deputy chief executive officer and chief marketing officer.

    At the core of the expansion is a cutting-edge domed main conference hall built to accommodate over 5,000 attending delegates. The upgrade will also add two new large-scale exhibition halls, eight additional modern meeting rooms, and Class-A international standard office spaces to the existing complex. The current AICC already spans 19 hectares of prime land in Addis Ababa, featuring two large multipurpose halls that can each hold more than 4,000 attendees, alongside eight flexible configurable meeting spaces and a 15,000-square-meter open-air amphitheater that enables the venue to host large outdoor exhibitions and public events. Supported by advanced digital connectivity and integrated full-service event management, the existing facility is already equipped to host everything from high-level intergovernmental summits to industry trade fairs, corporate retreats and cross-continental cultural events.

    To further improve visitor experience for international delegates, the expansion plan also includes an adjacent standardized hotel apartment complex, located a convenient 15-minute drive from Addis Ababa’s Bole International Airport, the main air gateway for travelers entering Ethiopia.

    Kefyalew noted that Ethiopia is drawing on its decades of successful collaborative partnerships with Chinese firms to advance the project, pointing to a track record of Chinese-backed megaprojects across the country including the original AU headquarters complex, major expansions to Bole International Airport, and dozens of other critical infrastructure developments that have shaped Ethiopia’s modern growth. “We are looking to work with Chinese companies to achieve this vision, building on successful cooperation in megaprojects,” he said, confirming that Ethiopian officials are already in active discussions with Chinese business leaders to formalize the partnership.

    Recent municipal urban renewal initiatives across Addis Ababa have already boosted the city’s attractiveness as an events destination, with upgraded arterial road networks, new pedestrian walkways, dedicated cycling lanes, and expanded public green spaces creating a more modern, accessible urban environment for visitors and locals alike.

    The push for a world-class expanded convention center signals a broader strategic shift for Ethiopia: moving beyond simply hosting ad-hoc diplomatic gatherings to positioning itself as a competitive, leading player in the global Meetings, Incentives, Conferences and Exhibitions (MICE) industry. This transition is expected to drive substantial growth in business tourism, generate much-needed foreign exchange earnings, and stimulate expansion across Ethiopia’s hospitality, transportation, and professional service sectors, according to Kefyalew.

    “With these developments, Addis Ababa is steadily emerging not only as a gateway to Africa, but also as a leading destination for global conferences and exhibitions,” he added. The AICC itself is a tangible example of evolving Sino-Ethiopian cooperation, he noted, fitting into a wider trend of Chinese-backed infrastructure projects across Africa that tie physical development to expanded trade, deeper diplomatic engagement, and broad-based urban modernization.

    Since the opening of the first phase of AICC, the venue has already hosted eight major national and international events, marking a strong early start to its goal of establishing Addis Ababa as a premier global conference destination. The venue is purpose-built to host high-level summits, trade fairs, corporate meetings, and cultural events, with premium amenities including dedicated VIP lounges, fully equipped media and translation centers, breakout meeting spaces, and enterprise-grade digital connectivity.

    Leveraging Addis Ababa’s natural diplomatic advantage as the seat of the AU and UN’s regional economic body, the expanded AICC will position the Ethiopian capital to compete directly with long-established African MICE destinations, including South Africa’s Cape Town and Johannesburg, Kenya’s Nairobi, and Rwanda’s Kigali, for the opportunity to host major international global events.

  • Congolese refugees return from Burundi to take advantage of improved security

    Congolese refugees return from Burundi to take advantage of improved security

    Fresh stability has emerged along the Burundi-Democratic Republic of Congo border, as thousands of displaced Congolese civilians are heading back to their homes in eastern Congo after Rwandan-backed M23 rebels withdrew from the strategic town of Uvira.

    On Thursday, another contingent of 470 returnees crossed the reopened border, wrapping up a journey that began four months prior when they fled escalating violence across Uvira and its surrounding areas. These latest arrivals back to Congo first took shelter in Burundi’s Busuma refugee camp, located in Buhumuza province, and are part of a larger wave of repatriation that has seen at least 33,000 Congolese return to their home country since the start of March, per United Nations figures.

    The M23 rebellion, which rapidly seized large swathes of North and South Kivu provinces along the Rwanda-Congo border last year, pulled its forces out of the more southerly Uvira last month following mounting diplomatic pressure from the international community. The border crossing closure that Burundi enacted when rebels advanced on Uvira has now been lifted, clearing the way for organized voluntary repatriation led by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

    UNHCR officials confirmed that the repatriation operation will run for multiple consecutive weeks, with at least two scheduled bus convoys facilitating returns every week. The operation is strictly limited to civilians returning to areas confirmed to be safe; no organized returns are being arranged for regions still facing active insecurity. Brigitte Mukanga-Eno, UNHCR’s representative in Burundi, explained that the restoration of local government control in Uvira triggered the first wave of voluntary returns in March, which in turn built confidence for more displaced people to make the journey home.

    For many returnees, the end of displacement brings overwhelming relief after months of hardship in overcrowded refugee camps. “I am happy, very joyful,” shared Hassan Masemo, one of the 470 civilians who crossed Thursday. He added that he was deeply grateful to Burundian authorities for “reopening the border for us.” The Busuma camp, which was rapidly established in December 2025 to house the sudden influx of displaced Congolese, has long struggled with critical shortages of food and basic supplies, making a quick return home a top priority for most residents.

    Currently, Burundi still hosts more than 200,000 registered Congolese refugees, 66,000 of whom reside in the Busuma camp alone. It remains unclear how many more will choose to return in the coming weeks as security conditions continue to stabilize in eastern Congo.

    Eastern Congo’s mineral-rich territories have been plagued by persistent instability for decades, with government forces locked in conflict with more than 100 separate armed groups operating across the region. M23 is widely recognized as the most powerful of these armed factions. While neither Rwanda nor M23 has publicly confirmed that Rwandan military personnel fight alongside the rebellion, UN expert investigations have uncovered substantial evidence of Rwandan military backing. For its part, Rwanda frames its involvement as a defensive measure to protect its national borders from Hutu rebel groups that carried out the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

    On the diplomatic front, former U.S. President Donald Trump has emerged as a key international mediator pushing for lasting peace in the region. Washington’s diplomatic push aims to bring both Congo and Rwanda to commit to a permanent ceasefire, while analysts note the process could also open new opportunities for U.S. companies to access Congo’s extensive mineral reserves, a critical supply chain input for technologies ranging from commercial aircraft to consumer smartphones across the globe.

  • Red Cross envoy applauds Beijing’s humanitarian action

    Red Cross envoy applauds Beijing’s humanitarian action

    On the 10th anniversary of a landmark bilateral envoy role, the International Committee of the Red Cross’ top representative to China has publicly praised Beijing’s growing contribution to global humanitarian efforts, highlighting its unwavering commitment to upholding international humanitarian law and diplomatic work to de-escalate global crises.

    Balthasar Staehelin, who serves both as the personal envoy of the ICRC President to China and head of the ICRC East Asia Regional Delegation based in Beijing, is the third official to hold the unique envoy post. The position, created in 2016, was the first country-specific envoy role the ICRC had ever established, a designation Staehelin says carries profound symbolic weight for the organization’s relationship with China.

    “The creation and continuation of this role clearly signals that the ICRC recognizes China’s rising global influence, and that we have a critical need to deepen constructive dialogue with both Chinese government bodies and civil society organizations,” Staehelin explained in his remarks, marking 10 years since the post was first created.

    Over the past decade, collaboration between the ICRC and Chinese stakeholders has expanded dramatically, Staehelin noted. Amid a global surge in active armed conflicts, ICRC teams operating in conflict zones now routinely coordinate with Chinese diplomatic missions, UN peacekeeping contingents deployed by China, and Chinese firms operating abroad. The organization also partners with Chinese companies active across Africa to build capacity for corporate social responsibility and safe operations in high-risk unstable environments, spanning a far broader scope of engagement than ever before.

    During his nearly three years of work based in China, Staehelin has observed a growing willingness among Chinese stakeholders to explore new avenues for contributing to international conflict resolution. He pointed to policy guidance laid out in China’s 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-2030), which outlines a clear trajectory toward expanded engagement in international humanitarian assistance. “We are already seeing increased funding allocations and grants directed to international humanitarian organizations, as well as expanded bilateral aid. There is a clear upward trend of doing more, and that is very positive,” he said.

    This policy shift is backed by tangible on-the-ground action. Recent high-profile examples include emergency cash aid delivered to southern African nations hit by catastrophic flooding earlier this year, and ongoing implementation of a $100 million humanitarian aid pledge for Palestine announced by China last December.

    Staehelin also drew attention to China’s increasingly active role in international conflict mediation, pointing to two landmark breakthroughs brokered by Beijing: the 2023 reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and the historic Beijing Declaration signed by competing Palestinian factions. He further highlighted the launch of the International Organization for Mediation (IOMed), the world’s first intergovernmental legal organization focused exclusively on resolving international disputes through mediation, which was initiated by China and is hosted in Hong Kong.

    “All these developments point to a shifting landscape: China is not only becoming more active in delivering humanitarian aid, it is also emerging as a key actor that proposes tangible solutions to global conflicts,” Staehelin said.

    He traced this growing engagement to deep-rooted cultural values that align closely with the ICRC’s core mission. “A strong ethos of solidarity and people-to-people connection is deeply embedded in Chinese society. The idea of shared common humanity runs through Chinese thought and tradition, and that aligns perfectly with the ICRC’s humanitarian mission,” he added.

    Staehelin also noted strong alignment between the ICRC’s core ideals and China’s Global Governance Initiative. “China’s approach to global policy is fundamentally people-centered. This focus on people is where our two frameworks strongly resonate. The emphasis on delivering tangible, on-the-ground impact and upholding international humanitarian law are core elements of China’s Global Governance Initiative that the ICRC fully identifies with.”

    That shared commitment was formalized in September 2024, when China joined the ICRC and five other nations to co-launch the Global Initiative to Galvanize Political Commitment to International Humanitarian Law. “China brought its significant political influence and global weight to launch this initiative, and that is deeply appreciated by the ICRC,” Staehelin said. “What we also see, and what we hope all nations will emulate, is that China consistently and explicitly references the importance of international humanitarian law in its global policy proposals.”

    Staehelin emphasized that China’s consistent reaffirmation of respect for international humanitarian law in UN forums and conflict resolution proposals fills a critical global need. “It is essential to maintain a global consensus that international humanitarian law is absolutely vital to protect civilian lives and create the conditions for lasting stability and peace,” he said.

    Drawing on three decades of experience in international humanitarian work, Staehelin also offered a stark assessment of the current global context. “We have seen the number of active armed conflicts double over the past 15 years. At the same time, many countries are increasing defense spending while cutting overseas development assistance budgets. That means needs are growing faster than ever, but available funding is shrinking,” he noted.

  • Kenyan leader sparks uproar after  mocking Nigerians’ spoken English

    Kenyan leader sparks uproar after mocking Nigerians’ spoken English

    A controversial comment from Kenyan President William Ruto has ignited fierce cross-border debate across African social media, after he claimed Kenyans speak some of the world’s best English while suggesting Nigerian-accented English is incomprehensible without a translator.

    Ruto made the remarks during a public address to members of the Kenyan diaspora in Italy on Monday. He opened the discussion on national language proficiency by boasting of the quality of Kenya’s education system and the high standard of English spoken by Kenyans. “Our education is good. Our English is good. We speak some of the best English in the world,” Ruto told the crowd, which responded with laughter. He added, “If you listen to a Nigerian speaking, you don’t know what they are saying. You need a translator even when they are speaking English.” Ruto also went on to note that Kenya has strong human capital that only requires additional training to reach its full potential.

    The comment quickly spread across social media platforms, drawing sharp condemnation from Nigerians, other Africans, and global observers alike. Critics have accused Ruto of demeaning a neighboring African nation and parroting colonial-era biases about language standards. Well-known Zimbabwean journalist Hopewell Chin’ono pushed back against the framing that English proficiency correlates to national worth, writing online: “English is a colonial language, not a measure of intelligence, capability, or national progress.”

    Former Nigerian senator Shehu Sani also criticized Ruto’s jab, pointing out Nigeria’s rich literary legacy that includes globally acclaimed voices such as Nobel Prize in Literature winner Wole Soyinka, foundational author Chinua Achebe, and bestselling writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. “Ruto is mocking the English of the country with a Nobel Prize for literature winner. The Nation of Achebe and Chimamanda,” Sani wrote on platform X.

    Many online commentators also urged Ruto to redirect his focus to domestic challenges within Kenya, including the country’s ongoing cost of living crisis and high unemployment rates, framing the controversial comment as an unnecessary distraction from pressing public issues.

    Linguistically, both Kenya and Nigeria inherited English as an official language from their history as former British colonies, but each nation has developed distinct, culturally rooted spoken varieties shaped by local indigenous languages. Nigeria is home to more than 500 distinct indigenous languages that have shaped the unique cadence, intonation, and accent of Nigerian English. In Kenya, the mix of Bantu, Nilotic, and Cushitic language families has similarly given rise to a distinct local English accent.

    A small contingent of Kenyan online users have defended Ruto’s comments, arguing that critics misinterpreted his intent and missed the intended humor of the offhand remark. As of Wednesday, Ruto’s administration has not issued an official statement or apology addressing the backlash.

    The social media firestorm comes amid a recent pattern of tense, high-profile online exchanges between Kenyan and Nigerian public figures and citizens. Earlier this month, Nigerian President Bola Tinubu drew backlash from Kenyan online users after claiming Nigerians were “better off than those in Kenya and other African countries” despite rising domestic fuel prices in Nigeria. Many online observers have interpreted Ruto’s recent comment as a tit-for-tat response to Tinubu’s earlier statement, though Ruto never explicitly referenced Tinubu’s remark during his address. Cross-border online spats between the two nations are common, with previous clashes centered on economic comparisons, pop culture, sports, and increasingly, political rhetoric.

  • Why a bitter political feud has left a former Zambian president unburied 10 months after his death

    Why a bitter political feud has left a former Zambian president unburied 10 months after his death

    Nearly a full year after his passing, the body of former Zambian head of state Edgar Lungu remains interred unburied in a South African mortuary, trapped in a bitter high-stakes feud that has gripped two southern African nations and drawn international attention to a long-simmering political rivalry. Lungu, 68, died on June 5 last year at a South African hospital while receiving treatment for an undisclosed illness, but what should have been a period of national mourning has devolved into a months-long legal and political standoff over where and how he will be laid to rest.

    The core of the dispute stems from deep-seated animosity between Lungu’s family and current Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, Lungu’s long-time political adversary. According to Lungu’s relatives, the former president’s explicit final wish was that Hichilema be barred from any proximity to his funeral. Citing this instruction and ongoing safety concerns rooted in their political conflict, the family has insisted on burying Lungu on South African soil, refusing government calls to repatriate the remains for an official state funeral. The Zambian government, by contrast, has argued that a state burial for a former head of state is a matter of national interest, and has already reserved a plot for Lungu at the national cemetery reserved for former Zambian leaders, which has sat empty for 10 months. The government launched a formal legal case to secure custody of Lungu’s remains shortly after his death, derailing a planned funeral service the family had organized in South Africa last June, forcing mourners in funeral attire to abandon the service and attend an emergency court hearing.

    The bitter rivalry between Lungu and Hichilema stretches back more than half a decade across Zambia’s turbulent democratic landscape. The two men faced off in the tightly contested 2016 presidential election, where Lungu narrowly defeated Hichilema to retain the presidency. Just one year later, Hichilema was arrested and charged with treason after he allegedly refused to yield his vehicle to Lungu’s presidential motorcade; he spent four months in prison before the charges were dropped, following widespread international condemnation of the arrest as a politically motivated attack. When Hichilema defeated Lungu to win the 2021 presidential election, Lungu alleged that the new administration targeted him for harassment, claiming he had been effectively placed under house arrest and blocked from leaving the country to seek urgent medical care. Hichilema’s government has repeatedly denied these allegations. Ultimately, Lungu reportedly slipped away unnoticed to a local airport, purchased a last-minute ticket, and traveled to South Africa for treatment, where he died weeks later.

    In the legal battle that followed, a South African court ultimately ruled in favor of the Zambian government, ordering that Lungu’s remains be turned over for repatriation by the agreed date of May 12. But a dramatic new twist erupted earlier this week, turning a simmering dispute into a full-blown constitutional and legal crisis. On Wednesday, the Zambian government announced that it had taken custody of Lungu’s body from the private Pretoria funeral home where the family had stored it, with assistance from South African law enforcement authorities, and had moved it to a separate facility ahead of repatriation. But within hours, the South African court intervened, issuing an emergency order demanding that the body be returned immediately to the family’s control. The court ruled that the early seizure of the remains constituted direct contempt of court, as it violated the court’s timeline for the handover set for May 12.

    The fallout from Wednesday’s actions has set the stage for a new phase of legal confrontation. The court has ordered both Zambian government representatives and the South African authorities who assisted in moving the body to appear in court to explain why they should not face contempt of court charges. The bizarre, morbid standoff has become a subject of widespread public fascination in both Zambia and South Africa, shining a harsh spotlight on the deep political divides that continue to shape Zambia’s post-election landscape more than two years after Hichilema took power.