标签: Africa

非洲

  • Sawe smashes two-hour barrier to make history in London

    Sawe smashes two-hour barrier to make history in London

    The 2025 London Marathon delivered one of the most groundbreaking moments in distance running history on Sunday, as Kenya’s Sabastian Sawe became the first athlete ever to complete a marathon in under two hours during an officially sanctioned competitive race. The 30-year-old Kenyan champion crossed the finish line on The Mall with a stunning time of 1 hour 59 minutes 30 seconds, smashing the previous world record of 2:00:35 set by the late Kelvin Kiptum in 2023 by more than a full minute.

    While Olympic legend Eliud Kipchoge previously ran a sub-two-hour marathon in 2019, that achievement came in a specially staged, controlled exhibition event that did not qualify for official world record status. Sawe’s run on Sunday is the first to hit the historic milestone in open, competitive race conditions.

    From the opening kilometers, Sawe stuck to a blistering world record pace, crossing the halfway mark in 1:00:29. Instead of fading in the second half as many long-distance runners do, he accelerated, dropping his split for the final 21.1 kilometers to an incredible 59:01. Sawe made his decisive breakaway before the final 10 kilometers, with only debutant Yomif Kejelcha able to match his surge. In one of the most stunning men’s fields in marathon history, Kejelcha also crossed the line under the two-hour barrier, finishing second in 1:59:41 to become just the second man to hit the mark in official competition. Half marathon world record holder Jacob Kiplimo rounded out the podium in 2:00:28, a time that also beat Kiptum’s previous world record.

    In a post-race interview with BBC TV, an elated Sawe called the day one he would never forget. “I am feeling good. I am so happy. It is a day to remember for me,” he said. “We started the race well. Approaching finishing the race, I was feeling strong. Finally reaching the finish line, I saw the time, and I was so excited.” He also credited the hundreds of thousands of cheering fans lining the London course for pushing him to the historic feat: “That is why I can say what comes for me today is not for me alone but all of us in London.”

    Long in pursuit of the record, Sawe, who has won all four marathons he has entered in his professional career, first targeted the world mark at last September’s Berlin Marathon, but unseasonably hot weather derailed his attempt. He had openly stated in pre-race interviews that breaking Kiptum’s world record was “only a matter of time,” and that he hoped he would be the one to become the first to hit the sub-two-hour mark in an official race. To address any questions around the legitimacy of his performance, Sawe has also undergone frequent out-of-competition drug testing, with 25 tests conducted ahead of his Berlin attempt, a step he says he takes to build confidence and trust in his results.

    In the women’s elite race, Ethiopia’s Tigst Assefa delivered another dominant performance to retain her London title, breaking her own world record for a women-only field with a winning time of 2:15:41, nine seconds faster than her previous record set 12 months earlier. The pre-race favorite after Olympic champion Sifan Hassan and world champion Peres Jepchirchir withdrew due to injury, Assefa battled neck-and-neck with Kenyan duo Hellen Obiri and Joyciline Jepkosgei until the closing kilometers, before pulling away to secure the win. Obiri finished second just 12 seconds behind, with Jepkosgei taking third. Britain’s Eilish McColgan was the top British finisher, placing seventh overall in 2:24:51.

    In the elite wheelchair races, Swiss athletes continued their reign of dominance at the London Marathon. Marcel Hug claimed a record-equaling eighth title, matching the all-time record set by Great Britain’s David Weir, with his fifth consecutive victory. The 40-year-old crossed the line in 1:24:13, more than four and a half minutes ahead of China’s Luo Xingchuan, with Weir himself taking third in his 27th consecutive start at the event. Catherine Debrunner retained the women’s wheelchair title, her fourth overall victory in London, outrunning America’s Tatyana McFadden to finish just five seconds clear in 1:38:29.

    For British athletics, the event also produced a new national milestone: Mahamed Mahamed became the second-fastest British male marathon runner in history, finishing 10th overall in 2:06:14, beating the previous mark set by Alex Yee.

  • Malian defense chief is killed as jihadis and rebels seize towns and military bases

    Malian defense chief is killed as jihadis and rebels seize towns and military bases

    In a devastating wave of coordinated assaults across Mali that has shaken the junta-led West African nation and its key security ally Russia, the country’s top defense official has been killed, and a strategically important northern stronghold has fallen into separatist hands. Official announcements confirmed the death of General Sadio Camara, Mali’s Minister of Defense, over the weekend, marking one of the most significant losses for the country’s military leadership amid its decade-long battle against Islamist insurgency and separatist unrest.

    The multi-front attacks unfolded across the country Saturday, targeting locations ranging from the capital Bamako to multiple remote towns and military bases. According to an official statement released via the Malian defense ministry’s Facebook page and broadcast on state television by government spokesman General Issa Ousmane Coulibaly, Camara’s residence was breached by a suicide car bomber and a team of armed assailants. The statement detailed that Camara engaged directly in a firefight with the attackers, neutralizing multiple assailants before suffering fatal injuries that led to his death after evacuation to a local hospital. The government extended official condolences to Camara’s family following the confirmation of his death.

    By Sunday, authorities stated that the initial wave of attacks had concluded, but critical uncertainties remained, most notably over territorial control of Kidal, a key northern city that separatist forces claim to have seized. A new, united front of separatist fighters and al-Qaida-linked militants carried out the coordinated operations, a rare collaboration that security analysts describe as an unprecedented escalation of the country’s long-running conflict.

    The separatist faction, the Tuareg-led Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), confirmed its joint operation with Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the al-Qaida-affiliated insurgent group that has waged war against the Malian government for more than a decade. FLA spokesperson Mohamed El Maouloud Ramadan announced Saturday that Malian government forces and troops from Russia’s Africa Corps had completed a peaceful withdrawal from Kidal, declaring the city “free.” Late Sunday, Malian armed forces chief General Oumar Diarra confirmed the withdrawal in a state television address, noting that Malian troops had repositioned to Anefis, a city roughly 100 kilometers south of Kidal.

    Kidal, which has long been the symbolic heart of the Tuareg separatist movement, was captured by Malian forces and Russian mercenaries in 2023, a victory that was framed as a major milestone for the ruling junta and its Russian partnership. Its recapture by the alliance of separatists and insurgents thus represents a sharp symbolic and strategic setback for the Bamako government.

    Wassim Nasr, a senior research fellow at the Soufan Center security think tank and a leading expert on Sahel security, noted that this open collaboration between separatist and jihadi forces, paired with coordinated national-level attacks and a public call for Russia to end its support for the junta, is a historic first for the conflict. “This coordination, conducting attacks all over the country at the same time, the united push by the two groups and the call for the Russian military to leave was a first,” Nasr explained. Beyond military gains, he added, the collaboration extends to the political level, as both groups openly acknowledged their joint effort.

    In the wake of the attacks, Malian authorities implemented a three-night curfew for the Bamako district, running from 9 p.m. to 6 a.m. daily. To date, the government has only confirmed 16 wounded people, a mix of civilian and military personnel, and stated that multiple attackers were killed. No full civilian or military death toll has been released to the public.

    The attack has drawn widespread regional condemnation, with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) issuing a statement calling for unified action across the region to counter the growing extremist threat. “We call on all states, security forces, regional mechanisms and populations of West Africa to unite and mobilize in a coordinated effort to combat this scourge,” the regional bloc said.

    The assault also underscores the growing instability across the Sahel, following a series of military coups that have seen the ruling juntas of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso abandon long-standing security partnerships with Western nations and turn to Russia for counter-insurgency support. Despite this shift, security across the region has deteriorated sharply, with militant attacks reaching record highs in recent years. Both government forces and Russian mercenaries have also been repeatedly accused of extrajudicial killings of civilian populations suspected of collaborating with insurgents. Earlier this year in 2024, an al-Qaida-linked group claimed responsibility for coordinated attacks on Bamako’s international airport and a military training camp in the capital that left dozens of people dead.

    Ulf Laessing, a Sahel analyst with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, noted that the coalition of separatists and JNIM is unlikely to seize control of Bamako in the near future, due to widespread local opposition to the alliance. Even so, the attacks deliver a major blow to the credibility of Russia’s security engagement in Mali. “The attacks are a major blow to Russia as the mercenaries had no intelligence about the attacks and were unable to protect major cities,” Laessing said.

  • The detained anti-colonial activist grabbing attention in West Africa: Who is Kemi Seba?

    The detained anti-colonial activist grabbing attention in West Africa: Who is Kemi Seba?

    Controversial radical Pan-African anti-colonial activist Kemi Seba, 45, is currently behind bars in South Africa following his arrest last week during a sting operation in Pretoria, where authorities allege he was attempting to escape to Europe via Zimbabwe alongside his 18-year-old son and a South African Afrikaner nationalist leader. The detention caps decades of high-profile run-ins with law enforcement across multiple African and European nations, tied to Seba’s unflinching opposition to French post-colonial influence in West Africa and his open alignment with anti-French military juntas in the Sahel region.

    Born Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi in Strasbourg, France, to Beninese parents in 1981, Seba’s ideological trajectory began taking shape during his teenage years, when a trip to the United States exposed him to the black nationalist teachings of the Nation of Islam, the organization once led by prominent civil rights figure Malcolm X. Returning to France at 18, he stepped into a role as a national ambassador for the group, before a subsequent trip to Egypt led him to adopt Kemetism, a belief system rooted in ancient Egyptian theology.

    In 2004, Seba founded Tribu Ka, a radical black segregationist movement that became a vehicle for spreading antisemitic rhetoric. The French government banned and dissolved the organization just two years later, handing Seba a one-month prison sentence for his role in leading the group. Undeterred, he relaunched the movement under the new name Generation Kemi Seba, and in 2008 he was handed a six-month prison sentence, four months of which were suspended, for reestablishing the banned group. Mounting legal and public pressure eventually pushed him to leave France for Senegal following his release.

    Over the next 15 years, Seba built a large and loyal following across West Africa, particularly among young social media users, by centering his activism on ending what he frames as neocolonial French control of the region. A core pillar of his campaign has been the demand to abolish the CFA franc, the currency created by France in the 1940s for its African empire that remains pegged to the euro and backed by the French treasury, used today by 14 West African nations including Benin, Senegal, and Ivory Coast. In 2015, he launched Pan-Africanist Emergency, the NGO he still leads, which frames its mission as advancing black rights, African sovereignty, and social justice while combatting neocolonialism.

    The high point of his anti-CFA activism came in 2017, when he burned a 5,000 CFA franc note at a protest in Dakar to denounce *Francafrique*, the term for France’s enduring post-colonial political and economic influence over its former African holdings. He was arrested immediately after the protest but acquitted days later on a technicality, with thousands of his supporters taking to the streets of Dakar to celebrate his release. A month later, Senegalese authorities, citing threats to public order, deported him back to France.

    Deportations and arrests would become a recurring pattern across the region for Seba, who has been expelled from Togo, Guinea, and Ivory Coast over the past decade for his anti-French organizing and criticism of pro-French regional leaders. He has also been repeatedly detained in Benin, where he has been a vocal opponent of outgoing President Patrice Talon. In 2024, France stripped Seba of his citizenship in response to his activities; he publicly burned his French passport in protest, and just one month later, the military junta that seized power in Niger granted him a diplomatic passport and named him a special advisor to junta leader Brig Gen Abdourahmane Tchiani.

    In the years since a wave of military coups swept the Sahel, bringing anti-French military regimes to power in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso that have cut military ties with Paris and aligned closely with Moscow, Seba has become one of the most visible and polarizing figures in pan-African politics. Chatham House Africa Programme researcher Paul Melly notes that Seba has shifted from early activism marked by widespread accusations of antisemitism to a near-exclusive focus on his anti-French, anti-colonial platform that resonates deeply with growing anti-French sentiment among young West Africans. Critics, including senior French officials, have repeatedly accused Seba of acting as a mouthpiece for Russian propaganda and maintaining ties to the Russian paramilitary group Wagner, claims that Seba has never publicly confirmed. In 2025, French authorities detained him on suspicion of links to Wagner before releasing him without charge.

    Today, Seba faces his most serious legal jeopardy yet. He was arrested in South Africa last week on charges of violating immigration rules, having overstayed his visa by roughly two months after living in the country for five months. South African police confirm Seba is a wanted fugitive in both France and Benin, with extradition proceedings already underway. Benin’s special prosecutor Elonmario Metonou confirmed the country is preparing an official extradition request, after issuing two international arrest warrants for Seba in December 2025. The warrants stem from Seba’s alleged support for a foiled coup attempt against Talon’s government that same month; hours after the coup attempt, Seba published an online video calling the event a “day of liberation” for Benin. Benin has also added an additional charge of money laundering against the activist.

    Two other people were arrested alongside Seba during the Pretoria sting: his son, Khonsou Seba Capo Chichi, and Francois van der Merwe, leader of the Afrikaner nationalist group Bittereinders, who authorities accuse of helping the pair organize their escape to Europe.

    Seba has not yet issued any public comment on the charges against him, but leaders of his organization have pushed back aggressively against Benin’s allegations. Pan-Africanist Emergency international coordinator Hery Djehuty, the group’s second-in-command, told reporters that Benin’s claims will not “stand up to scrutiny,” describing the late addition of money laundering charges as a deliberate fabrication designed to strengthen the extradition request. Djehuty also denied widespread reports that Seba had applied for political asylum in South Africa.

    In an official statement, Pan-Africanist Emergency called on its supporters to remain calm amid what it frames as a coordinated disinformation campaign against Seba led by pro-*Francafrique* media outlets. “Far from weakening him, these manoeuvres only strengthen the legitimacy and scope of his commitment to social justice, sovereignty, and African dignity,” the statement read. “History teaches an immutable truth: you cannot silence a people by breaking its bravest voices. There is an eternal Benin, just as there remains an African DNA of insubordination.”

    Seba’s bail hearing is scheduled to take place on 29 April, with the timeline for any potential extradition still unclear as South African authorities have not yet confirmed which country will receive priority for the request.

  • Armed groups launch coordinated attacks across Mali

    Armed groups launch coordinated attacks across Mali

    On a fateful Saturday, coordinated violent attacks unfolded across multiple regions of Mali, sending shockwaves through the West African nation already grappling with a decade-long security crisis. Explosions and continuous gunfire were first reported in Bamako, the country’s capital, with heavy clashes concentrated around the Kati military base, a key defense installation on the outskirts of the city. Military forces quickly moved to secure the area, blocking major access roads as counteroffensive operations got underway.

    Mali’s ruling military junta confirmed in an official statement that fighting remained active as of Saturday morning, noting that defense and security personnel were fully engaged in repelling the invading attackers. Parallel attacks were also reported in three other key cities spanning the country: Gao in the volatile eastern region, Kidal in the restive north, and Sevare in central Mali. Regional security analysts characterize the synchronized assault as the largest-scale jihadist offensive targeting the country in several years.

    All commercial flights into Bamako were suspended early Saturday, according to a traveler who spoke to the BBC, though it remains unconfirmed whether the Modibo Keita International Airport itself sustained damage or was directly targeted. The U.S. Embassy in Mali issued an urgent security advisory shortly after the attacks began, urging all U.S. citizens to shelter in place, avoid all non-essential travel, and stay clear of areas near the airport and the Kati military base amid ongoing active combat.

    Ulf Laessing, director of the Sahel Programme at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation based in Mali, told the BBC that the coordinated nature of the attacks marks them as the most expansive and organized jihadist operation Mali has faced in years. While the military has confirmed it is battling unidentified terrorist groups, full details on the scope of casualties, captured territory, and attacker affiliations remain unclear as operations continue. Social media videos have circulated claiming responsibility from two groups: Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), a major al-Qaeda-linked jihadist faction, and the Tuareg Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a separatist rebel group.

    FLA spokesperson Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane claimed in a social media post that the group’s fighters had seized control of multiple strategic positions in both Gao and Kidal, and called on neighboring military-led states Burkina Faso and Niger to refrain from intervening in the conflict. The BBC has not independently verified these claims amid ongoing restricted access to conflict zones.

    The current assault comes against a long-running backdrop of instability in Mali, which has been ruled by a military junta led by General Assimi Goïta since he seized power in a 2020 coup. The junta initially rode a wave of popular support after promising to resolve the country’s decade-long security crisis, which began with a 2012 ethnic Tuareg separatist rebellion that was later co-opted by transnational Islamist militant groups.

    In 2013, a United Nations peacekeeping mission and French counterinsurgency forces deployed to Mali to roll back advancing jihadist control. Both forces have fully withdrawn from the country since the junta took power, and the military government replaced them with Russian mercenary fighters to lead counterinsurgency operations. Despite this shift, the jihadist insurgency has only expanded, with large swathes of northern and eastern Mali remaining outside of central government control to this day.

    Most recently, Mali joined with neighboring military-led states Niger and Burkina Faso to exit the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), the region’s long-standing political and economic bloc. The three countries have formed a new bloc called the Alliance of Sahel States, which aims to coordinate shared security resources, develop cross-border infrastructure, establish a common market and currency, and enable free movement of people, with a long-term goal of deeper regional political and economic integration.

  • Gunfire and blasts rock Mali as attackers hit capital and other cities, residents say

    Gunfire and blasts rock Mali as attackers hit capital and other cities, residents say

    Early on Saturday morning, a wave of synchronized armed assaults targeted multiple locations across Mali, including the capital city of Bamako and several urban centers in the country’s unstable northern region, leaving residents trapped in their homes and security forces locked in fierce firefights with assailants, according to official statements and on-the-ground accounts.

    In an official release, Mali’s military confirmed that “unidentified armed terrorist groups” launched targeted strikes against key infrastructure and military barracks within the capital, adding that troops had been deployed to the affected sites and were actively working to neutralize the remaining attackers.

    An Associated Press reporter based in Bamako reported hearing continuous volleys of heavy weapons and automatic rifle fire originating near Modibo Keïta International Airport, situated roughly 15 kilometers outside the capital’s central business district. The reporter also observed a military helicopter circling over residential neighborhoods adjacent to the airport, which shares a border with a key air base operated by the Malian Air Force. Local residents living in close proximity to the airport corroborated the reports of sustained gunfire, adding that three military helicopters were visible patrolling the area overhead.

    Accounts from residents in other cities across Mali confirmed outbreaks of gunfire and explosive blasts Saturday morning, reinforcing initial assessments that the attacks were a coordinated, multi-region operation planned by armed insurgent groups. A former mayor of the northeastern city of Kidal, who spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity over fears for his personal safety, confirmed that gunmen had entered the city, seized control of multiple residential neighborhoods, and engaged in open gun battles with Malian government forces.

    The long-running Azawad separatist movement has waged a years-long campaign to establish an independent state in northern Mali. The movement initially forced government security forces to withdraw from most of the region in the early 2010s, before a 2015 peace agreement was reached that saw former rebel fighters integrated into the national military. That peace deal has since collapsed, allowing unrest to reemerge across the north.

    Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane, a spokesperson for the Azawad Liberation Front, claimed in a Facebook post that the movement’s forces had seized control of multiple districts in both Kidal and Gao, a second major northeastern Malian city. The Associated Press has not been able to independently confirm the authenticity of this claim. A resident of Gao, who also requested anonymity due to safety concerns, told the AP that gunfire and explosive detonations began in the early hours of Saturday and were still audible more than six hours later. “The force of the blasts is shaking the doors and windows of my home,” the resident said. “I am absolutely terrified.” They added that all shooting originated near the adjacent army camp and airport on the city’s outskirts.

    Even in Kati, a small town just outside Bamako that hosts Mali’s largest central military base, a resident reported being woken before dawn by the sounds of explosions and automatic weapons fire.

    This latest outbreak of large-scale violence comes less than a year after an al-Qaida-linked insurgent group carried out a major assault on Bamako’s airport and a military training camp in the capital in 2024, an attack that left dozens of people dead.

    For more than a decade, Mali and its neighboring Sahel countries Niger and Burkina Faso have been locked in a persistent battle against insurgent groups affiliated with al-Qaida and the Islamic State, and the intensity of violence across the region has grown steadily over the past 10 years. Following a series of military coups that installed ruling juntas in all three nations, the new governments have cut traditional security ties with Western allies and turned to Russia for military support in countering the insurgency. Despite this shift, security analysts warn that the overall security landscape across the three countries has deteriorated sharply in recent months, with insurgent groups carrying out a record number of attacks against civilian and military targets. Government forces operating in the region have also faced widespread accusations of extrajudicial killings of civilians suspected of collaborating with armed militant groups.

    Associated Press reporter Mark Banchereau, based in Dakar, Senegal, contributed reporting to this article.

  • Tunisia suspends one of Africa’s oldest rights group as crackdown widens

    Tunisia suspends one of Africa’s oldest rights group as crackdown widens

    TUNIS, Tunisia – Tunisian authorities have ordered a 30-day suspension of the Tunisian League for Human Rights, an organization with deep regional roots as one of the oldest human rights groups across Africa and the Arab world, and a core member of the National Dialogue Quartet that won the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize. The move is the latest development that has amplified international alarm over a growing crackdown on independent civil society in the North African nation.

    The league confirmed the suspension in an official statement released late Friday, condemning the order as a blatant, unjustified violation of the fundamental right to freedom of association. The group emphasized the decision constitutes a direct attack on one of the most pivotal democratic achievements Tunisia has secured since its 2011 revolution.

    For months, Tunisian President Kais Saied has framed foreign funding – a common revenue stream for many independent rights organizations – as a direct threat to national sovereignty. He has leaned heavily on this narrative to build populist support, repeatedly labeling political opponents and grassroots activists as foreign agents working to incite domestic unrest.

    In its statement, the league made clear that this suspension cannot be separated from a broader, systemic campaign of pressure targeting civil society and independent voices across Tunisia. The organization announced it would appeal the “unjust” ruling in national courts, and pledged to continue its core work defending victims of human rights abuses without discrimination of any kind.

    This latest order is not an isolated action: it follows a string of identical restrictive measures against independent rights groups over the past year. In 2024, Tunisian courts ordered 30-day activity halts for multiple high-profile non-governmental organizations, including leading groups advocating for migrant rights and gender equality.

    The suspension also coincides with growing repression of independent journalism and political dissent. Just this week, prominent journalist Zied El-Heni was taken into 48-hour police custody over content he posted to Facebook, part of a consistent pattern of arrests and legal pressure targeting critics of Saied’s administration.

    Mohamed Yassine Jlassi, former head of the Tunisian National Union of Journalists (SNJT), spoke to the Associated Press during a protest held in central Tunis Friday. He told reporters that hundreds of Tunisians are currently detained on charges linked solely to freedom of expression, including content shared on social media platforms.

    “Repression now touches every corner of public life,” Jlassi said. “Practicing journalism has been criminalized. Civil society work is treated as a crime. Political opposition has been effectively outlawed. People are increasingly being subjected to arbitrary prosecutions that lack even the most basic guarantees of a fair trial.”

    In another high-profile case targeting independent media, Tunisian investigative outlet Inkyfada is scheduled to appear in court on May 11, as authorities move forward with a legal push to dissolve Al Khatt, the non-profit association that publishes the outlet. Inkyfada’s team has stated publicly that it rejects the legal foundation of the government’s case, noting that the claims cited by authorities have not been reviewed by Tunisian courts at any point since 2024.

    These cumulative developments have deepened longstanding concerns among global and regional human rights advocates about accelerating restrictions on independent media, civil society, and all dissenting speech under Saied’s administration. Since seizing executive control and consolidating power in 2021, Saied has steadily expanded targeted action against groups he accuses of accepting foreign funding to destabilize Tunisia and undermine national interests.

  • Leaders urge Africa’s industrial shift

    Leaders urge Africa’s industrial shift

    At the two-day Africa We Build Summit, which kicked off Thursday in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, two of East Africa’s most prominent heads of state have delivered a united call to reorient Africa’s economic model away from its centuries-long reliance on low-value raw commodity exports, toward deepened regional integration and domestic value addition through expanded refining and manufacturing sectors.

    Kenyan President William Ruto and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni both warned that the continent’s ongoing dependence on exporting unprocessed raw materials has left African economies disproportionately exposed to volatile global economic shocks, including supply chain disruptions triggered by Gulf region geopolitical tensions and the lingering fallout of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

    Ruto laid out a stark paradox to illustrate the costs of the status quo: while Africa accounts for roughly 10 percent of global crude oil output, the continent remains a net importer of refined petroleum products, importing 120 million metric tons of finished fuels each year at a total cost of approximately $90 billion. He calculated that Africa’s annual crude oil production is currently valued at around $270 billion when sold raw at an average price of $75 per barrel. If that same volume of crude were refined domestically and sold as finished products at an average price of $800 per ton, however, it would generate more than $500 billion in annual revenue. The $230 billion annual gap between these two figures, Ruto noted, equals nearly 7.5 percent of Africa’s total current GDP – income that the continent leaves on the table every year by exporting unprocessed resources.

    Museveni echoed Ruto’s assessment, pointing to Uganda’s own policy shift as a proof of concept for the benefits of domestic processing. Uganda has implemented a full ban on exports of unprocessed minerals, a policy that has already drawn new private investment and led to the construction of domestic mineral processing facilities across the country. Museveni explained that raw gold previously earned Uganda just $64 per kilogram, but domestically refined gold now commands a price of $168 per kilogram – a difference that translates to retained jobs, expanded industrial capacity, and higher national income that would have been lost under the raw export model. With domestic refining now operational, the Ugandan government is now exploring plans to build local jewelry manufacturing plants to capture even more value from the country’s gold reserves.

    The two leaders also revealed early plans for a joint regional refinery project based in Tanga, Tanzania, which will be designed to support widespread mineral beneficiation across East Africa and cut the volume of raw materials exported out of the region. Museveni noted that Uganda currently only develops roughly 40 percent of its proven oil reserves, and the country is prepared to supply crude feedstock to the proposed new regional facility. Ruto confirmed that Kenya is also aligning its national policy to discourage raw mineral exports, stating: “Our policy is clear: process minerals locally first. We have the minerals, we have the market, and we have the capital and industrial partners needed to build refineries and develop downstream industries.”

    The push for value addition extends beyond the extractive sector, the leaders emphasized, noting that African countries could similarly boost export earnings by processing agricultural commodities domestically before export. To illustrate this point, Museveni cited the example of cotton: one kilogram of raw unprocessed cotton sells for just $1.2 on global markets, but after spinning, weaving, and processing into finished garments, that same kilogram of cotton can fetch $15.

    Ruto highlighted the stagnation that has held back Africa’s industrial progress for decades: manufacturing’s share of Africa’s total GDP has held steady at around 10 percent for the past 20 years, showing no meaningful growth. “As long as this pattern persists, our growth will remain constrained, our economies will remain vulnerable, and our full potential will be unrealized,” he said. Ruto added that the continent can no longer use historical structural limitations as a justification for slow industrial progress, calling for urgent action to reverse the trend.

    To deliver on this industrial transformation, Ruto proposed a three-part strategy: strengthening cross-border regional integration, building shared regional infrastructure and policy platforms for strategic industrial sectors, and mobilizing domestic African capital to fund industrial development projects. He noted that established regional blocs such as the East African Community are well positioned to lead this effort, by pooling member state resources to build competitive, integrated manufacturing value chains that can also align with the global transition to green energy.

  • Africa calls for urgent climate action

    Africa calls for urgent climate action

    Against a backdrop of accelerating climate damage that continues to devastate vulnerable frontline communities across the continent, African leaders, policy specialists and climate researchers have issued a urgent, unified call for immediate locally rooted climate action, warning that further delays will have catastrophic consequences for millions.

    Across Africa, intensifying climate-driven disasters – from record-breaking temperature spikes and multi-year droughts to devastating flood events – have already exacerbated long-standing food insecurity, forced mass displacement of local populations, and destroyed critical public and private infrastructure. Stakeholders warned that without swift, coordinated cross-border and regional intervention, climate change could erase decades of hard-won development progress, stall inclusive economic growth, and push already strained food systems, freshwater reserves and household livelihoods past breaking point.

    The call to action was delivered during a high-level Nairobi-based sensitization conference focused on clarifying state obligations in the context of climate change, convened just months after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued its landmark 2025 advisory opinion on global climate responsibilities.

    Issued on July 23, 2025, the historic ICJ ruling formally confirmed that all UN member states carry binding legal obligations to safeguard the global climate system, and can be held legally and financially accountable for cross-border climate harm their emissions contribute to. Experts attending the three-day conference, which concluded on April 24, 2026, framed the ruling as a transformative turning point that will force governments to embed rigorous climate risk assessment into core national planning, public budget allocation, and large-scale infrastructure project approval processes.

    Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary Korir Sing’Oei explained that the ICJ opinion has fundamentally shifted the global conversation around climate policy, moving it from a framework of voluntary national pledges to a system of enforceable legal obligations that carry tangible economic and legal consequences for non-compliance.

    Sing’Oei reiterated that these binding climate obligations must be implemented comprehensively, including through full alignment with countries’ Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) outlined under the Paris Agreement. “The ICJ advisory opinion leaves no room for ambiguity: State obligations are legal, binding and enforceable – they are not optional,” he told delegates during the conference. He added that Kenya, working alongside Rwanda, spearheaded the push to bring the question of state climate obligations before the ICJ, to address the longstanding pattern of selective implementation of international climate commitments by wealthy developed nations.

    “Developing countries, particularly those in Africa, bear the brunt of a climate crisis we did almost nothing to create. We contribute less than 4 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet we suffer the earliest and most severe impacts. The devastating recent floods that submerged large parts of Nairobi are a stark reminder of how high the cost of inaction already is,” Sing’Oei said.

    Conference participants also raised sharp concerns over the United States’ withdrawal from key global climate commitments, warning that this move could significantly reduce much-needed climate financing for low-income developing nations – even as the ICJ ruling confirms that the US remains bound by its international climate responsibilities regardless of its withdrawal from multilateral arrangements.

    George Wamukoya, team leader of the African Group of Negotiators’ Expert Support, emphasized that no nation can escape its legal climate obligations simply by exiting international climate agreements. “The ICJ has made clear that even if a country withdraws from a multilateral climate arrangement, it remains bound by foundational international legal principles. That means even the United States can face climate litigation for failing to deliver promised financing and support, when climate harm has occurred as a result of that inaction,” Wamukoya said. He added that many African nations are already forced to divert limited public funds to cover climate adaptation costs, all while grappling with unsustainable sovereign debt burdens that leave little room for new green investments.

    The Nairobi conference centered on elevating homegrown African solutions as the core of any effective regional climate response. Key locally led interventions highlighted by delegates include expanding climate-smart agriculture programs to stabilize food production amid erratic weather, scaling up landscape restoration projects to improve freshwater security across drought-prone regions, and accelerating utility-scale renewable energy investments to reduce costly dependence on imported fossil fuels.

    Eliane Ubalijoro, chief executive officer of the Center for International Forestry Research, noted that climate change is far more than an environmental or legal challenge – it is fundamentally a crisis of human development and equity. “Addressing this crisis effectively requires the integration of scientific expertise, legal frameworks and inclusive policy design working in lockstep, so that we can move beyond high-level principles to deliver tangible, life-changing solutions for frontline African communities,” Ubalijoro said.

  • A nation built on pan-African principles faces questions about racism

    A nation built on pan-African principles faces questions about racism

    Zambia has long positioned itself as a continental leader in African nationalism and the anti-colonial struggle, yet 60 years after gaining full independence from British rule, dozens of Zambian citizens have spoken to the BBC about a persistent, underreported issue: subtle, systemic racism that continues to marginalize Black Zambians in daily life.

    While the discrimination is rarely open or explicit, those who shared their experiences describe feeling like second-class citizens in their own homeland. Accounts range from qualified Black candidates being sidelined for professional roles to being snubbed at hospitality venues and overlooked by rental property landlords. Even amid these accounts, however, many Zambians expressed cautious optimism, noting that open conversations about racial inequity are slowly becoming more mainstream across the country. The Zambian government has rejected claims that racism is a problem within its borders.

    Alexander Bwalya, a Black Zambian who requested a pseudonym to protect his privacy, told the BBC he finds it deeply jarring to experience anti-Black racism in a majority-Black African nation. He shared a firsthand account of discrimination at a wine bar in Lusaka, the country’s capital, where he and his friends were told specific high-end bottles of wine were out of stock. Moments later, the same bottles were offered to a white family that arrived after them, with waiters acting openly warm and accommodating to the new group.

    When Bwalya and his friends complained to the venue’s manager, they were told to leave if they were unhappy with the service. The argument escalated, and Bwalya claims the white manager used a racial slur against one of his Black friends. Like many others who experience these incidents, Bwalya chose not to file a police report, saying he lacked confidence that authorities would take the claim seriously.

    This conversation around race comes 60 years after Kenneth Kaunda, the iconic leader of Zambia’s independence movement, took office as the country’s first president in 1964. Before independence, colonial rule imposed harsh systemic racism: Black Zambians were forced to carry movement-restricting passes, schools and hospitals were legally segregated, and high-paying skilled mining jobs in Zambia’s copper-rich economy were exclusively reserved for white workers.

    As president, one of Kaunda’s core policy goals was to empower the Black majority. His signature “Zambianisation” program replaced white executive leaders in key industries with Black Zambian professionals, and he was a vocal international supporter of movements fighting to end white minority rule across southern Africa. Kaunda’s founding vision for the nation was unambiguous: Black Africans would no longer be subjugated, and Zambia would be built on a foundation of equal respect for people of all races, colors, and creeds.

    Yet a 2019 report from a United Nations human rights committee found that, like many other post-colonial societies, Zambia has failed to fully address the deep racial and class inequalities left by colonial rule. At the peak of colonial control, white residents made up less than 2% of Zambia’s population, and many left after independence. Today, no official population data tracks the current size of the white community, but all ethnic minorities combined, including Indians, Chinese and Arabs, make up roughly 9% of the total population.

    No official public data tracks racial disparities in modern Zambia, but anecdotal reports and grassroots conversations about the issue have exploded across social media in recent years. In one high-profile case earlier this year, a local recruiter from Zambian employment firm Recruitment Matters posted a sales and marketing manager opening that explicitly stated, “THIS ROLE IS CURRENTLY NOT OPEN TO ZAMBIAN NATIONALS; WE ARE LOOKING FOR EXPATS OR FOREIGN RESIDENTS IN ZAMBIA.”

    The post went viral across Zambian social media, sparking widespread public anger over its open discrimination. Omar Chanshi, a 37-year-old marketing professional based in Zambia, told the BBC that systemic exclusion from opportunities is a common experience for local workers. “There are contracts and systems and a lot of opportunities that we just don’t have access to as locals,” Chanshi said. “Forget trying to show whether you are the best or most qualified person, you just don’t have access.”

    Following the public backlash, the recruiter apologized and deleted the post. The company later issued a formal statement acknowledging the public concern, saying the wording of the post failed to meet the company’s standards and did not reflect its recruitment approach. “Recruitment Matters operates a non-discriminatory, skills-based recruitment policy,” the firm told the BBC.

    Victoria Phiri Chitungu, a historian and director of Livingstone Museum, argues that Kaunda’s zero-tolerance stance on overt discrimination simply pushed racism underground rather than eliminating it. “The obvious racist signs and acceptance of racism was no longer welcome and people were aware of that,” Chitungu explained. “But people started conforming to behave in ways that would not show racism. That doesn’t mean that it’s now absent.”

    Chitungu and fellow Zambian historian Chanda Penda note that while Zambia faces its own challenges with racism, it is not an outlier on the continent. Both point to far more severe discrimination they have observed in post-apartheid South Africa, where stark racial inequality remains rampant 30 years after the end of formal segregation.

    Malama Muleba, a Lusaka-based estate agent, told the BBC he does not see racism as a pervasive national crisis, but he confirms it is a widespread, open secret within the property rental sector. When landlords and property managers screen prospective tenants, Muleba says, white skin is still widely equated with financial stability. “If a person’s skin colour is white, people look at it, they see stability,” Muleba said. “They say: ‘OK, this person will be able to pay the rent or they will be able to not give me problems.’ Personally, it makes me feel a bit disappointed, but on the other side, it’s the reality.”

    Most of Zambia’s small white population, which includes both foreign expats and Zambian citizens, is concentrated in major urban centers and tourist hubs including Lusaka, Livingstone and Mkushi. Many white residents in Lusaka work for large multinational corporations, a demographic detail that has reinforced a widespread link between race and perceived wealth. Multiple Zambians who spoke to the BBC highlighted this intersection of race and class, noting that service providers often assume non-Black customers are wealthier and receive better treatment as a result.

    One common experience of discrimination came up repeatedly in the BBC’s interviews: preferential queue jumping for non-Black customers at public and private services. “When it comes to accessing certain services, you’ll find maybe there’s a queue and you’ve got some black Zambians, you’ve got some Indians and you’ve got a few white people there,” Muleba explained. “You’ll find in certain situations the white man will come first in getting attended to. The other Zambians will be looking among each other saying: ‘Look, we have been here long before this white man came here!’”

    Many observers note that it is often Black employees who provide this preferential treatment to non-Black customers in retail banks, coffee shops and retail stores. Some Zambians argue that this dynamic is not always rooted in personal prejudice: one Black citizen told the BBC that preferential treatment often tracks perceived wealth and class as much as race, with wealthy Black drivers in nice cars or with Western accents receiving the same elevated service.

    Zambia’s government has firmly denied that any form of racism exists in the country. Government spokesperson Cornelius Mweeta says anyone who claims racism is a problem is simply trying to sensationalize the issue for attention. “I’ll challenge any citizen out there to state that racism is a problem in Zambia. If there is somebody who has said that is a problem, I think perhaps they just wanted to sensationalise. Everyone is living harmoniously,” Mweeta said.

    Historian Penda agrees that racism in Zambia is almost entirely subtle, not overt, and traces its roots to cultural dynamics that predate modern independence. He argues that the deference to white people was culturally embedded long before colonial rule ended, rooted in the ancient regional legend of Luchele, a mystical white-appointed figure said to help ancestral communities found their kingdoms. When European colonialists and missionaries arrived in the late 19th century, many Zambian communities who had never seen white people before identified the newcomers as Luchele and treated them with reverence normally reserved for divine figures.

    “So from my perspective, it is not a big surprise that even up to now, we have this high esteem for white people – this racial imbalance has been passed down as from history,” Penda said.

    Adrian Scarlett, a white British man who has lived in Zambia for three years and is married to a Black Zambian woman, says he still struggles to comprehend how racial inequality can persist in a majority-Black African nation. Scarlett, who lives in Livingstone, says there are still exclusive private venues where Black Zambians are effectively unwelcome, forming all-white social cliques that gather for evening and weekend events.

    Scarlett originally built a large social media following under the alias Bye Bye Fatman documenting his weight loss journey, but today his content, which reaches more than 520,000 followers across Facebook and TikTok, focuses heavily on exposing and discussing racial inequality in Zambia. Some of his white friends have cut ties with him over his activism, but he says the response from Black Zambians has been overwhelmingly positive.

    Scarlett argues that these open conversations are long overdue, a sentiment echoed by Bwalya, who says Zambia desperately needs honest public dialogue about race. Bwalya says he is glad more people are willing to talk about the issue openly now, and he hopes the growing conversation will eventually lead to a national reckoning that revives the egalitarian, anti-racist vision of Zambia’s founding father.

  • Morocco opens $700M skyscraper as it boosts global ambitions

    Morocco opens $700M skyscraper as it boosts global ambitions

    RABAT-SALÉ, MOROCCO – After eight years of collaborative construction involving thousands of workers from more than a dozen nations, Morocco has opened the doors to its landmark Mohammed VI Tower, a 55-story, 820-foot megaproject that encapsulates the North African nation’s growing global and regional ambitions. Priced at $700 million and towering over the twin cities of Rabat and Salé, the skyscraper ranks among the tallest structures on the African continent, with a rocket-inspired design tracing its origins to a little-known 1969 NASA experience by the project’s visionary.

    Conceived by 93-year-old Moroccan billionaire Othmane Benjelloun – founder and owner of the continent-spanning Bank of Africa – the tower’s distinctive shape draws direct inspiration from Benjelloun’s invitation to a 1969 Apollo 12 pre-mission spaceflight simulation hosted by NASA. Management of the development confirms that the image of a rocket poised on its launchpad stayed with Benjelloun for decades, ultimately shaping the tower’s sleek, towering silhouette that now dominates the region’s historic skyline. Named for Morocco’s ruling monarch King Mohammed VI, the 102,800-square-meter mixed-use development will host a luxury Waldorf Astoria hotel, premium commercial office space, high-end retail outlets, fine dining restaurants, and upscale residential apartments.

    Project developer O Tower’s director Leila Haddaoui confirmed to reporters that the completed tower is projected to create 450 direct employment positions, alongside an estimated 3,500 indirect jobs across local supply chains and support services. Over the course of its eight-year construction, more than 2,500 workers from across the globe contributed to the build, which has already earned such a prominent place in Moroccan national identity that it now features on the country’s 200-dirham banknote, worth approximately $20. Positioned adjacent to Zaha Hadid’s iconic Grand Theatre of Rabat, the skyscraper also offers unobstructed panoramic views of the Atlantic Ocean and the adjacent twin cities.

    For Moroccan leaders and developers, the tower is far more than a real estate development: it is a tangible demonstration of the country’s expanding soft power across Africa and the Middle East, part of a deliberate strategy to position Rabat and Salé – long overshadowed by more popular tourist destinations like Marrakech – as key global hubs. The opening aligns with a broader national push to boost tourism, a core pillar of Morocco’s economy that already supports millions of jobs as the country remains Africa’s most visited destination. With regional conflicts shifting traveler preferences toward destinations perceived as stable and safe, Morocco is leaning into this advantage while preparing to co-host the 2030 FIFA World Cup, a global event expected to draw millions of international visitors in the coming years.

    Despite the fanfare surrounding the tower’s inauguration, the project has drawn pointed criticism from observers who highlight stark regional inequality in Morocco’s development strategy. Critics note that large-scale, high-profile investments continue to concentrate along Morocco’s heavily developed Atlantic coastal corridor, leaving large swathes of the country underdeveloped and underserved. These grievances echoed widespread Gen Z-led protests that swept across the nation in 2023, where demonstrators highlighted persistent high youth unemployment and underfunded, struggling public services that have not kept pace with elite infrastructure projects.