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  • ‘I’d rather live in hiding in the US than return to Somalia’

    ‘I’d rather live in hiding in the US than return to Somalia’

    For more than 30 years, Minnesota has hosted the largest Somali diaspora community outside of the African continent, with thousands of migrants seeking safety from decades of civil conflict, Islamist insurgency, and catastrophic drought in their homeland. Today, that community remains trapped in a climate of pervasive dread, months after federal officials announced the end of a high-profile, large-scale immigration enforcement deployment that roiled the state and sparked nationwide protest.

    The deployment, dubbed Operation Metro Surge, at its peak brought thousands of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents to Minnesota, before the Trump administration’s border leadership announced a drawdown in mid-February, leaving only what was described as a “small contingent” of officers behind. But for many Somali residents, the official end of the surge has brought no end to the uncertainty and fear that has upended daily life across Minneapolis’s Somali neighborhoods.

    Abdi, a 23-year-old Somali migrant who requested anonymity for his protection, is one of hundreds of community members now living in the shadows. Fleeing forced recruitment by al-Shabab, the al-Qaeda-aligned insurgent group controlling large parts of Somalia, Abdi made the perilous journey to the U.S. in 2022, paying $15,000 to smugglers to cross the deadly Darién Gap jungle, where he encountered the corpse of another fallen migrant along the route. After successfully crossing the U.S.-Mexico border, he applied for asylum and received Temporary Protected Status (TPS), a federal designation that allows people from conflict-ravaged nations to live and work legally in the U.S. through 2029. Even with his legal status, Abdi never stays in one residence for more than five nights, sneaks to work under cover, and lives in constant dread that agents will knock on his door. “It hasn’t ended,” he told reporters. “I don’t know when they will show up at my house.”

    Abdi is far from alone. Local community members report that ICE agents continue to conduct unannounced home raids, and even people with valid TPS documentation have been detained. The Trump administration had moved to terminate TPS protections for roughly 2,500 Somali migrants by March 17, claiming security conditions in Somalia had improved enough for migrants to return. A federal judge has since temporarily blocked the order, but the damage to community trust has already been done. Compound this with disparaging public comments from former President Donald Trump, who has referred to Somali immigrants as “garbage” and openly stated “I don’t want them in our country,” and the community has been left with a clear sense that they are being intentionally targeted.

    U.S. Census Bureau data puts the total Somali-origin population in the U.S. at roughly 260,000, more than half of whom are U.S.-born citizens, with thousands more naturalized. Community leaders emphasize that the number of undocumented Somali residents in the state makes up only a tiny fraction of the overall community, yet the entire population has been swept up in the enforcement dragnet. Even dual U.S.-Somali citizens have been detained in raids, and families separated by deportations remain too fearful and traumatized to speak publicly. For anyone deported, a 10-year or longer bar on reentry applies even if they have children who are U.S. citizens.

    The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has defended Operation Metro Surge as a public safety success, claiming the operation arrested more than 11,000 “criminal illegal aliens” that it says were endangering Minneapolis residents, blaming local sanctuary policies for creating a space for criminal activity. DHS maintains that any person present in the U.S. legally has nothing to fear from the operations, and defends the controversial tactic of masked, unidentifiable agents carrying military-grade weapons as a necessary safety measure to protect officers from doxxing and rising assaults on staff.

    Local political leaders have pointed out a glaring contradiction at the heart of the federal government’s policy. “The federal government is saying there’s no need for Temporary Protected Status in the United States, while at the same time warning people not to travel to Somalia because it’s dangerous,” Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey told reporters, questioning the logic of the administration’s position. Even as daily life slowly begins to resume in most parts of the city, the impact of the surge remains visible: dozens of local businesses and restaurants remain shuttered after their owners and staff were detained, and car owners have abandoned vehicles in public lots too afraid to return to claim them.

    Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, the first Somali-American elected to the U.S. House of Representatives and a frequent target of Trump’s criticism of the Somali community, says the fear has seeped into every corner of community life, affecting children, healthcare access, and basic daily activity. She argues that the tactics used in this surge marked a dangerous break from past immigration enforcement even under prior administries with high deportation rates. “The process… was done without creating chaos [and] fear,” Omar said. “What we saw here looked like a war zone.” Omar also pushed back on attempts to tie the immigration crackdown to a separate public fraud scandal involving a Somali community charity that fraudulently billed the state for child meal programs during the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that the vast majority of people indicted in that case are U.S. citizens. That scandal forced Democratic Governor Tim Walz to drop his re-election bid, and federal investigators expanded the probe with new raids on 12 local childcare centers just last week.

    Even Republican state Senator Jim Abeler has criticized ICE’s tactics, framing the ongoing crisis as a long-standing, bipartisan failure of national immigration policy. “Our national immigration policy is a mess – it’s been a bipartisan failure for a decade,” he said. Trump’s inflammatory remarks have already eroded what limited support he had among socially conservative Somali voters in Minnesota; one former Trump voter told reporters she now regrets her ballot, saying “If I hadn’t voted for him, he couldn’t have called us ‘garbage’.”

    Amid the ongoing fear, the crisis has fostered unusual cross-community solidarity. Faith leaders from Somali Muslim congregations and local Christian churches have partnered to build informal community alert systems, sending out real-time warnings when ICE agents are spotted in neighborhoods. Volunteer observers, including retired local residents, patrol the streets and use whistles to alert nearby residents of approaching agents, noting that after the drawdown, agents have operated more secretly, blending into civilian areas to avoid detection. The movement came at a deadly cost: two volunteer community organizers, Renee Good and Alex Pretti, both U.S. citizens, were killed by ICE agents during the peak of the surge in January.

    For migrants like Abdi, the community networks offer small measures of comfort, but cannot erase the shattered hope many brought with them to the U.S. “We hoped for a future in America. Our dream has been shattered,” he said. “I would rather live in hiding here for the rest of my life than go back to Somalia, because my life would be at risk.”

  • Australian women linked to Islamic State charged with offences over Syria travel

    Australian women linked to Islamic State charged with offences over Syria travel

    In a high-profile counter-terrorism development that unfolded across two Australian states on Thursday, three women with documented connections to the Islamic State terror group have been taken into federal custody and formally charged just hours after touching down on Australian soil following years of detention in a Syrian displacement camp.

    The first two suspects, 53-year-old Kawsar Abbas and her 31-year-old daughter Zeinab Ahmed, were apprehended immediately upon arrival at Melbourne’s international airport. They are scheduled to make their first court appearance at the Melbourne Magistrates Court this Friday, barely 24 hours after their arrest. According to official charging documents released by the Australian Federal Police (AFP), Abbas faces four separate counts of crimes against humanity. Investigators allege she relocated to Syria in 2014 alongside her husband and children, and directly participated in the $10,000 purchase of a female Yazidi slave whom she held captive in her household for years. Ahmed faces two matching charges of crimes against humanity, with police confirming she also accompanied her family to Syria in 2014 and knowingly assisted in holding the enslaved woman. Each of these charges carries a maximum possible sentence of 25 years behind bars if the pair are convicted.

    Across the country in New South Wales, a third defendant, 32-year-old Janai Safar, was arrested and charged shortly after landing in Sydney. She arrived in the country accompanied by her young son, and is also set to appear in a local Sydney court on Friday. The AFP alleges Safar travelled to Syria in 2015 to join her husband, who had previously left Australia to pledge allegiance to IS. She faces two charges: entering and remaining in a formally declared conflict zone, and being a member of a designated terrorist organisation. Both offences carry a maximum penalty of 10 years imprisonment each.

    Notably, another of Abbas’ adult children, Zahra Ahmed, also arrived in Melbourne on the same flight but was not taken into custody or charged by authorities.

    The three women are part of a larger group of 13 Australian citizens that touched down in Australia on Thursday, nine of whom are minor children. This group forms a fraction of a broader cohort of 34 Australian women and children who have been held at the al-Roj camp in northern Syria since IS lost control of the territory it occupied in 2019. The group first attempted to complete their repatriation to Australia in February of this year, but were forced to return to al-Roj camp due to unresolved administrative technical issues, after the former Australian government repeatedly refused to approve their official repatriation. Earlier this year, one member of the 34-person cohort was issued a temporary exclusion order by the federal government, barring that individual from returning to Australia for a period of up to two years.

  • One year after India-Pakistan conflict, ceasefire holds – but little else does

    One year after India-Pakistan conflict, ceasefire holds – but little else does

    Twelve months have passed since a four-day military confrontation between India and Pakistan pushed South Asia to the brink of a catastrophic, full-scale escalation, and the nuclear-armed neighbors now find themselves stuck in a brittle, deeply unsettled status quo. What began as a deadly militant attack targeting tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir rapidly spiraled into open conflict: India launched cross-border military strikes, and Pakistan responded with coordinated retaliatory action. Though the entire crisis unfolded in just 90 hours, it cemented years of growing political and diplomatic estrangement, eliminating nearly all space for even incremental steps toward normalization.

    Today, formal diplomatic engagement between the two nations is all but nonexistent. The shared border remains fully shuttered, cross-border trade has been indefinitely suspended, long-stalled cultural and sporting ties (including cricket exchanges) remain severed, and the decades-old Indus Waters Treaty, once a pillar of bilateral cooperation, is held in abeyance. “Relations remain in deep freeze,” explained Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani diplomat now serving as a senior fellow at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy and the Hudson Institute, in an interview with the BBC. “Neither side sees domestic or international incentive to reach out to the other. While we have seen strained ties in past peacetime eras, this ranks among the longest stretches of completely frozen relations we have ever seen.”

    The aftershocks of the brief 2025 conflict have rippled far beyond the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border that divides the two nations, reshaping external perceptions of regional power dynamics. “Before May 2025, most outside analysts, and much of the Indian public, believed India held an overwhelming strategic advantage over Pakistan,” noted Daniel Markey, a senior expert at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. “Pakistan’s ability to effectively withstand India’s initial offensive shifted that narrative to its strategic benefit, even though it remains unclear how a prolonged conflict would have ended.”

    Most notably, the conflict helped Pakistan regain a geopolitical relevance it had not held in decades, a shift further accelerated by its unexpected emergence as a key intermediary in the Iran war, a development that caught many global observers off guard. “Pakistan has purposefully rebuilt its geopolitical standing,” explained Christopher Clary, a security affairs scholar at the University at Albany. “Pakistani leaders are now conducting regular shuttle diplomacy across the Middle East. The key open question is whether this new prominence is permanent, or merely a temporary product of idiosyncratic policy preferences from the U.S. president.”

    Pakistan’s diplomatic revival has unfolded against a backdrop of broader global geopolitical upheaval, with U.S. policy playing a central role in shaping the post-conflict landscape. Then-U.S. President Donald Trump repeatedly claimed credit for brokering the 2025 ceasefire and offered to mediate the long-running Kashmir dispute, a core territorial claim held by both nations. The offer deeply irritated Indian officials, who have long rejected third-party mediation over Kashmir, and exacerbated existing trade tensions between Washington and Delhi.

    Clary noted that Trump’s well-documented personal affinity for Pakistan’s army chief, now Field Marshal Asim Munir, has significantly reshaped post-conflict bilateral dynamics across South Asia. “The U.S. president’s policy impulses are not always easily explained by traditional grand strategic frameworks,” Clary explained. “His desire to be publicly recognized as a global peacemaker directly shaped how he engaged with the May 2025 conflict.”

    Michael Kugelman, a senior South Asia expert at the Atlantic Council think tank, added that Trump frames Pakistan’s performance during the 2025 conflict as a modern “David-versus-Goliath story” against larger India, a narrative that at least partially explains his public admiration for Munir. At the same time, Pakistan strategically leveraged the ongoing Iran crisis and rising Gulf tensions to position itself as a critical go-between for Washington, Tehran, and key Arab capitals.

    Even so, leading analysts warn against overstating the long-term strategic gains Pakistan has secured. Much of Islamabad’s new global prominence remains contingent on Trump’s highly personalized style of diplomacy and the temporary strategic priority of the Iran crisis, meaning it could fade rapidly as global issues shift. “This is a high-stakes gamble for Munir,” Markey noted. “The constantly shifting landscape of Middle Eastern politics is inherently dangerous, and aligning closely with the Trump administration almost always brings unanticipated consequences.”

    For India, the 2025 conflict upended long-held diplomatic assumptions. For years, Delhi operated under the belief that its deepening strategic partnership with Washington had permanently shifted the regional balance of power in its favor. But Trump’s public embrace of Pakistan, repeated mediation offers, and escalating trade frictions with India introduced a new layer of unpredictability to the bilateral U.S.-India relationship.

    “The credibility the U.S. built since the 1999 Kargil conflict as a reliable crisis interlocutor has declined considerably,” said Ajay Bisaria, India’s former high commissioner to Pakistan. Clary added that the post-conflict erosion of U.S.-India ties accelerated a broader strategic recalibration that was already underway in Delhi. “Since May 2025, reinforced by the subsequent U.S.-India mini-trade war, India has rebalanced its global diplomatic and economic portfolio to reduce its dependence on the U.S.,” he explained. This shift has included growing closer to the European Union, accelerating diplomatic rapprochement with China, and pushing back against U.S. pressure to sever defense and economic ties with Russia. Even so, Clary noted that India’s broader long-term trajectory of global rise remains intact: “As a major power, temporary regional disequilibrium does not threaten India’s continued growth and influence.”

    While the diplomatic consequences of the 2025 conflict remain contested, military analysts on both sides agree on clearer takeaways. Experts frame the 90-hour confrontation as South Asia’s first fully networked, drone-centric, high-technology military clash. “We saw a fundamentally technologically different battlefield,” Bisaria explained. “No manned aircraft from either side crossed the international border.” In the year since the conflict, both nations have sharply increased defense spending, accelerated military modernization programs, and deepened defense cooperation with external partners.

    Even so, Clary cautions against claims that the conflict fundamentally rewrote the regional balance of power. “It triggered important organizational, doctrinal, and technological shifts in both militaries,” he said. “But I do not believe either side has substantially altered its core assessment of the relative balance of power between the two neighbors.”

    What has shifted, however, is the threshold for future escalation. Bisaria describes the current post-conflict environment as “a new normal defined by deliberate strategic ambiguity.” “That ambiguity sends a clear message: any act of terrorism above a certain threshold will be treated as an act of war,” he said. (Delhi blames the 2025 tourist attack that triggered the conflict on Pakistan-based militant groups, a claim Islamabad has repeatedly denied.)

    In the wake of the conflict, New Delhi has signaled that future retaliation could extend beyond militant groups to target the Pakistani military establishment directly. “Terrorists and their state backers will be held to the same standard,” Bisaria said, echoing the official position of the Indian government. The ongoing suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty stands as a permanent marker of this harder Indian posture, with Bisaria adding, “Blood and water cannot coexist. There is no path for the treaty to return to force in the current environment.”

    From Islamabad’s perspective, the conflict reinforced confidence in its longstanding escalation strategy. Haqqani argues that the brief duration of the 2025 confrontation worked to Pakistan’s strategic benefit. “Pakistan’s strategy has long been to rapidly climb the escalation ladder, so that the threat of nuclear conflict forces international community intervention,” he explained. This belief is now widespread across Pakistan’s strategic community.

    Umer Farooq, an Islamabad-based defense analyst and former correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly, says Pakistani leaders are increasingly confident that Washington and key Gulf states will intervene rapidly to de-escalate any future crisis. “In Pakistan, there is a widespread belief that the U.S. has forced both sides to the negotiating table in past crises, and it can do so again,” he told the BBC. At the same time, Farooq noted that Pakistan’s military and political elite are acutely aware of the country’s deep internal fragilities. “Our economy is in chaos, our society is deeply divided, and we are confronting two active insurgencies,” he said. “There is a broad consensus among the political and military elite that Pakistan cannot afford another open conflict with India.”

    This tension – between growing confidence in Pakistan’s deterrence strategy and crippling domestic economic vulnerability – explains the carefully calibrated public messaging emerging from Rawalpindi in recent months. Without naming India directly, Pakistan’s corps commanders recently emphasized the need for “restraint and avoidance of escalation,” noting that regional stability depends on “collective restraint, responsibility, and respect for national sovereignty.” Farooq frames this statement as a continuation of longstanding military policy that favors quiet dialogue over open confrontation.

    Even with relations at a standstill, few analysts believe the two nations can sustain a complete diplomatic freeze indefinitely. “The two countries have a long history of productive backchannel dialogues,” Markey noted. “These talks have often proven effective at mitigating hostility and laying the groundwork for formal diplomatic engagement.”
    Bisaria also sees a narrow path to de-escalation if the region avoids another large-scale militant attack. He argues that Pakistan may eventually recognize the strategic benefit of stabilizing, if not fully normalizing, its front with India. For now, Kugelman argues, “the best achievable outcome is that the situation does not deteriorate further.”

    Ultimately, the future of bilateral relations may depend less on broader global geopolitics and more on the strategic calculations of the two leaders holding the most power in each capital: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Field Marshal Asim Munir. “Munir and Modi wield extraordinary influence over policy in their respective countries,” Clary said. “If either leader chooses to pursue renewed diplomatic engagement, they have the power to make it happen. For the moment, however, neither side has signaled a willingness to take that step.”

  • ‘Shutdown’: Moody’s expects Dubai hotel occupancy to plummet to 10 percent

    ‘Shutdown’: Moody’s expects Dubai hotel occupancy to plummet to 10 percent

    The ongoing US-Israeli military campaign against Iran has triggered an unprecedented existential crisis for Dubai’s world-famous hospitality and tourism industry, with top financial analysts forecasting a catastrophic collapse in hotel occupancy for the second quarter of this year, The Wall Street Journal reported Wednesday.

    According to projections from New York-based credit rating and financial analysis firm Moody’s, Dubai’s overall hotel occupancy is on track to drop to just 10% by the end of the second quarter on June 30, down from a pre-conflict level of 80% recorded before the outbreak of hostilities on February 28. Moody’s called the collapse an “effective shutdown of large parts of the hospitality sector”, a core economic engine for the emirate that draws millions of international tourists and business travelers annually.

    Official data from Dubai Airports released Monday underscores the severity of the downturn. Total passenger traffic for the first three months of 2026 fell by at least 2.5 million compared to the same period in 2025, with March alone seeing a 66% year-on-year drop. Fearing regional instability, international travelers have overwhelmingly canceled trips to the Gulf, cutting off the steady flow of visitors Dubai’s hospitality ecosystem relies on. The collapse in demand has already triggered widespread temporary and permanent hotel closures, mass layoffs for sector workers, and a rapid erosion of business confidence across the emirate.

    In a bid to reverse the crisis, the United Arab Emirates announced Saturday that it would lift all air travel restrictions imposed after Iran launched retaliatory strikes against Gulf nations hosting or cooperating with U.S. military forces. However, the policy shift has yet to reverse the steep decline in visitor numbers or shore up investor confidence.

    Middle East Eye interviews with hospitality workers and business leaders across the UAE earlier this week paint a grim picture of collapsing sentiment. Tatiana, a Russian entrepreneur who runs a business logistics firm supporting new enterprises setting up operations in the Gulf, described a sudden, dramatic shift in outlook among both existing and prospective businesses.

    “Within the first two weeks, people decided it’s no longer worth living or doing business here,” she said. “They weren’t panicking, necessarily, but they just saw no upside to staying. Businesses began liquidating assets almost overnight.” Tatiana added that her own family is now relocating to Europe, joining a growing exodus of foreign investors and professionals from Dubai.

    To attract what little demand remains, top luxury hotel brands across Dubai have slashed room rates far below typical seasonal levels, a striking shift for one of the world’s most expensive urban destinations for luxury travel. The newly opened Atlantis The Royal, which markets itself as “the most ultra-luxury experiential resort in the world”, is offering a standard sea-view suite with a private balcony, plus breakfast for two, for just $800 per night this upcoming weekend. Beachfront property Mandarin Oriental Jumeira lists a standard room for $448 per night including parking and breakfast, while Four Seasons Resort Jumeirah lists the same type of room for $359 per night. Downtown Dubai’s Four Seasons International Finance Centre offers rooms for as low as $243 per night. All of these rates are substantially lower than pricing for the same properties and same seasonal window in previous years, as properties compete for a drastically smaller pool of potential guests.

  • Thousands of North Koreans fought for Russia. A memorial hints at the death toll

    Thousands of North Koreans fought for Russia. A memorial hints at the death toll

    A groundbreaking investigation by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), drawing on satellite imagery and official photographs of a newly unveiled memorial in Pyongyang, has produced a detailed estimate of North Korean troop fatalities during combat alongside Russian forces in Ukraine’s Kursk region. This marks the first verifiable, data-backed calculation of North Korean casualties from the deployment, as Pyongyang has never publicly disclosed official death toll figures.

    The context of the deployment stretches back to August 2024, when Ukrainian forces launched an unexpected cross-border incursion into Russia’s Kursk Oblast. According to South Korean intelligence assessments, roughly 11,000 North Korean military personnel were dispatched to Russia to assist in recapturing the occupied areas of western Kursk – a deployment arranged through a mutual agreement where Pyongyang received critical supplies, funding, and technical support from Moscow in exchange. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has previously acknowledged the sacrifice of troops killed in the conflict, but full details of casualties have remained closely held by the reclusive North Korean regime.

    In October 2025, Kim Jong Un ordered the construction of a purpose-built museum and memorial in Pyongyang’s Hwasong District to honor North Korean troops killed in the Russia-Ukraine war. Satellite imagery analysis from U.S. geospatial firm Planet Labs shows that construction work began on the heavily forested site that same month. By December 2025, a basic structural frame of the 52-square-kilometer complex was visible from orbit. Exterior construction was mostly complete by March 2026, with final landscaping and auxiliary infrastructure finished in April 2026.

    The complex, officially named the Memorial Museum of Combat Feats at Overseas Military Operations, was publicly unveiled on April 26, 2026. North Korean state news agency KCNA describes the site as a tribute to the “unrivalled bravery” of North Korean soldiers deployed to “liberate the Kursk region”. The memorial includes two 30-meter-long name-engraved walls, a main museum building, and an on-site cemetery and columbarium complex.

    BBC analysts carried out a granular count of name inscriptions on the memorial walls using official images released by KCNA. Each wall is split into 14 distinct sections marked by grey stone dividers, with nine of these sections filled with soldier names. Within each section, there are approximately 16 columns of names. Close-up photos of the east wall confirm that eight names are inscribed per column. This formatting adds up to roughly 1,152 names per wall, for a total of 2,304 fallen soldiers commemorated across both walls – a figure rounded to an estimated 2,300 fatalities.

    Songhak Chung, a senior researcher at the Korea Institute for Security Strategy, has corroborated the BBC’s calculation. “The memorial walls are packed with the names of deceased soldiers written in extremely small characters. Considering the surface area and text density, the number of people recorded there is likely to reach several thousand,” Chung explained. While higher-resolution imagery would be required to confirm an exact count, the BBC’s estimate aligns closely with earlier assessments from South Korea’s National Intelligence Service (NIS). In September 2025, the NIS reported roughly 2,000 North Korean troops killed and 2,700 wounded; by February 2026, the agency updated its assessment to note that roughly 6,000 of the 11,000 deployed North Korean personnel had been killed or wounded, though it did not release a full breakdown. Neither North Korea nor Russia has ever confirmed any official casualty figures for the deployment.

    The memorial complex follows a structured tiered commemoration system, according to analysis from Korean research firm SI Analytics. Troops recognized for “extraordinary valour” are granted individual outdoor graves and headstones, while the remains of other fallen service members are stored in urns within the on-site columbarium. Kim Jin-mu, a former senior research fellow at the government-funded Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, notes that individuals buried in the outdoor cemetery are likely recovered remains, senior officers, or recipients of special posthumous recognition for acts of self-sacrifice. Satellite imagery from early April 2026 captured by SI Analytics counts 140 graves on the west side of the cemetery plot and 138 on the opposite side, with a three-story grey structure at the center of the plot identified as the columbarium.

    Chung’s analysis of the columbarium finds that its interior walls are lined with grid-patterned storage niches for cremated remains. Even after accounting for office and exhibition space, Chung estimates the indoor repository alone can hold at least 1,000 sets of remains.

    South Korea’s Ministry of Unification has noted that it cannot definitively confirm that all troops killed in action are included on the memorial walls. However, most independent experts believe it is highly likely that all North Korean troops killed in the Kursk operation have had their names inscribed. Kim Jin-mu explains that omitting names would risk backlash from grieving families and undermine the core purpose of the memorial, which is meant to honor state sacrifice and sustain public support for the regime’s policies.

    Alongside the memorial, North Korean state media has confirmed that a new housing complex was built in the same district for surviving veterans and bereaved families, with residents beginning to move in as early as March 2026. Cho Han-bum, a senior research fellow at the state-run Korea Institute for National Unification, argues that the decision to build a dedicated, large-scale memorial for the fallen troops is a deliberate effort to legitimize the deployment in the face of unexpectedly high casualties. “For North Korea, Russia is the only country it can co-operate militarily with in its current state of isolation,” Cho noted. He added that the memorial also sends a clear signal that Pyongyang intends to continue deepening military cooperation with Moscow “regardless of how the war unfolds.”

  • Anti-war protests rock Japan as PM pushes for stronger defence

    Anti-war protests rock Japan as PM pushes for stronger defence

    Beneath pouring rain on a busy Tokyo street corner, a growing crowd of demonstrators huddled together, their protest placards and national peace flags soaked through by the downpour. Across one large sign, two bold Japanese kanji characters stood out clearly against the waterlogged background: “No War”.

    This simple, resolute slogan encapsulates a rapidly growing movement that has gripped Japan, as the nation sees its largest mass anti-war demonstrations in more than 70 years. The unrest comes in response to sweeping policy changes introduced by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, who has moved Japan sharply away from its decades-long post-WWII pacifist stance since taking office in October 2025. Under her administration, long-standing restrictions on lethal arms exports have been lifted, and the country’s military is being positioned to take on a much more active role in global security affairs.

    The Japanese government justifies these shifts by pointing to escalating regional tensions, framing the changes as a necessary response to an increasingly unstable security landscape. But for a large share of the Japanese public, the moves have sparked deep alarm, fueling fears that the country is on a path to becoming a full war-capable nation — and drawing thousands of citizens out into the rain to make their opposition heard.

    Mass public protest is an unusual occurrence in Japan, where cultural norms prioritize social harmony and avoid public disruption. When large numbers of people take to the streets, it almost always signals a profound, widespread unease with the direction of national policy. At the core of the current debate is nothing less than Japan’s core national identity, forged in the aftermath of the destruction of World War II.

    When Japan enacted its post-war constitution in 1947, it included the landmark Article 9, a constitutional clause that prohibits the country from maintaining standing armed forces and formally renounces war as a tool of sovereign policy. Over the decades, the clause has been reinterpreted to allow for a limited self-defense force, but its core pacifist principle has remained a cornerstone of Japanese governance for nearly 80 years.

    Takaichi argues that this post-war framework no longer matches modern geopolitical reality. Geographically, Japan is situated in one of the world’s most tense regions, facing an increasingly assertive China, an unpredictable nuclear-armed North Korea, and ongoing territorial tensions with Russia. Additionally, the United States — Japan’s closest security ally — has long pushed Tokyo to take on a larger security role in the Indo-Pacific.

    Takaichi is not the first Japanese conservative leader to push for revisions to the post-war security order. For decades, leaders from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party have campaigned to amend the 1947 constitution. Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was one of the most prominent advocates for revising Article 9 to formalize the legal status of Japan’s self-defense forces, and in 2015, his administration pushed through a controversial set of security bills that expanded the military’s scope to allow limited collective self-defense, enabling Japan to support allied nations that come under attack.

    But it was the April 21 decision to lift the decades-long ban on lethal arms exports that crossed a red line for many Japanese citizens, striking a raw national nerve and catalyzing the current wave of protests. After the passing of the rain, when sunlight broke through the clouds over Tokyo, the crowd of demonstrators outside the prime minister’s office only grew larger, their chants for peace growing louder with every new arrival.

    This movement is not limited to older generations who hold direct memories of war. A large share of protesters are people in their 20s and 30s, who will bear the long-term consequences of any shift in national security policy. “I’m angry that these changes could be made without properly listening to us, the public,” said Akari Maezono, a 30-something protester who carried brightly painted paper lanterns emblazoned with peace slogans. Nearby, an older demonstrator held a bright red banner, declaring, “The Japanese constitution, Article 9 in particular, must be protected at all costs. It kept Japan from being drawn into past conflicts like the US-Iran war. Without it, we surely would have entered the war by now.”

    Japan’s 1947 constitution was drafted just two years after the end of World War II, which ended with the United States dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki that killed an estimated 200,000 Japanese civilians by the end of 1945. For supporters, Article 9’s pacifist principle represented a critical moral break from Japan’s pre-war and wartime militarism, a commitment to never again repeat the devastation of aggressive conflict.

    Even from its earliest days, however, Article 9 was controversial. Critics have long argued that the clause was effectively imposed by the United States during the post-war occupation, rather than arising from domestic Japanese consensus. During the Cold War, security analysts also raised concerns that the clause left Japan vulnerable to Soviet expansion in Asia.

    But for millions of Japanese, especially survivors of the atomic bombings and their families, any move away from pacifism sparks deep-seated fear. Earlier this year, Hiroshima atomic bomb survivors (known locally as hibakusha) addressed the United Nations at the 2026 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference, calling for global nuclear abolition and a world free from war. “Nuclear weapons were used because we went to war,” said Jiro Hamasumi, a hibakusha who spoke at the event. “No more war, no more hibakusha,” he added.

    The wave of protests has spread far beyond Tokyo, with large rallies now organized in other major Japanese cities including Osaka, Kyoto, and Fukuoka. Attendance at demonstrations has grown week over week, with social media platforms like X playing a critical role in helping younger organizers spread information and bring new participants into the movement.

    Despite the large turnout for anti-war protests, public opinion across Japan remains deeply divided on the future of the country’s pacifist framework. Recent public opinion polls have produced conflicting results: some show growing support for a stronger Japanese military to address modern regional threats, while others record clear majority opposition to eroding Article 9.

    Proponents of constitutional and security change argue that Japan’s security environment has fundamentally shifted since 1947, and the old framework is no longer fit for purpose. They argue that Article 9 places unjustifiable limits on Japan’s sovereignty, and that the country must be able to deter potential aggression, support allied partners, and respond proactively to regional crises. For supporters, expanding the military’s role is not a rejection of pacifism, but a necessary adaptation to keep Japan safe in an increasingly volatile world.

    Opponents, however, warn that incremental policy changes are slowly hollowing out Article 9’s core pacifist commitment. They argue that loosening restrictions on arms exports and expanding the military’s overseas role will inevitably draw Japan into foreign conflicts that do not serve its national interest. For many opponents, Article 9 is far more than a legal regulation — it is a core moral commitment, forged from the ashes of World War II, that has kept Japan at peace for generations.

    The deep national divide is visible even in small, everyday interactions. During a recent protest in Tokyo, a convenience store cashier near the demonstration route summed up the split with a mixture of impatience and conviction: “They’re always here,” he said of the protesters, before adding, “It’s time for a new Japan.”

    That is exactly the choice now facing the Japanese people: whether to hold fast to the pacifist national identity shaped by the trauma of the past, or to remake the country’s security framework to adapt to an increasingly unstable global future. In a nation where political change has historically come gradually and cautiously, the question now is not just what path Japan will choose, but how quickly the country will make that fateful decision.

  • Exclusive: Karim Khan says he would cooperate with an inquiry into Cameron’s alleged ICC threat

    Exclusive: Karim Khan says he would cooperate with an inquiry into Cameron’s alleged ICC threat

    The top British prosecutor at the International Criminal Court has confirmed he will fully cooperate with any parliamentary inquiry into a high-stakes April 2024 phone call with then-UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron, during which Cameron allegedly threatened to cut British funding and withdraw the UK from the court over planned arrest warrants for senior Israeli officials.

    Karim Khan, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, shared new details of the conversation in an exclusive interview with Middle East Eye published this week. The news outlet first broke the story of the call in June 2024, revealing the conversation took place weeks before Khan formally applied for arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes in Gaza. According to the original reporting, Cameron warned Khan that the UK would pull its funding and exit the ICC’s founding Rome Statute if the warrants were issued, framing the move as equivalent to detonating a “hydrogen bomb” for the court.

    Since the allegations first emerged, dozens of British parliamentarians have called for a formal investigation by the Foreign Office and a full inquiry by the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee. The UK Foreign Office has repeatedly declined to issue any public comment on the contents of the call, and has thus far stonewalled requests from opposition lawmakers for transparency and investigation.

    While Khan declined to take a public stance on whether a UK government-led probe is required, noting that “others must decide what, if anything, to do,” he made clear that he would not resist a parliamentary inquiry. “Of course I would consider it and cooperate,” he stated, describing the 2024 conversation as a deeply “difficult” exchange.

    Khan recalled that Cameron told him he “had lost the plot” and would be perceived as unfit for office if the court moved forward with the warrants as planned. “There were a number of questions that were posed, and consequences were, or likely consequences, were conveyed to me in what was a difficult conversation,” Khan said. He added that Cameron left no doubt that the UK, one of the ICC’s largest financial backers, along with the U.S. and the ruling Conservative Party at the time, would turn against the court over the move, a prediction Khan admitted “he was right” about.

    A number of leading international law experts have concluded that Cameron’s alleged actions could qualify as a criminal offense under Article 70 of the Rome Statute, which explicitly prohibits interference with the ICC’s administration of justice. Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Palestine, called the alleged threat “incredibly serious” last year, noting that “a threat against the ICC, direct or indirect, is an obstruction of justice.”

    For Khan, a British barrister who says he owes his entire career to the UK’s legal system, the conversation was a particularly disappointing breach of the principles the country has long claimed to uphold. “I love this country and I’m a great admirer of the British legal system. I owe everything to it. I’m very proud to be a member of the bar. And I think the United Kingdom, if it stands for anything, it stands for the law,” he said.

    Khan argued that in a post-Brexit era where the UK no longer holds the global military influence it once did, upholding commitments to international law and treaty obligations is one of the country’s core remaining contributions to global order. “Because if your word is your bond, that’s exactly what applies at the international level. So I felt very sad when I had that conversation, because from somebody that was a former prime minister, I expected more. I thought he would know better,” he reflected.

    The prosecutor also drew a clear parallel to domestic UK politics, noting Cameron would never have dared speak to a British domestic prosecutor or attorney general in the same threatening manner, even during the high-profile Partygate scandal that brought down former Prime Minister Boris Johnson. “I don’t think he would have spoken to an attorney general or a director of public prosecutions in that manner, regarding Partygate or something on those lines. It wouldn’t be acceptable,” he said. “It was disappointing because we want the United Kingdom and every country, actually, of the world equally, to represent the best of itself, which includes compliance with international law and obligations, and respect to public servants that are seeking, with whatever limitations they have, to serve the public good or the international good. We need to protect judges and prosecutors domestically, and the same applies internationally.”

    A source close to Cameron, speaking to journalist Peter Oborne for his book *Complicit: Britain’s Role in the Destruction of Gaza*, acknowledged the call took place and admitted it was “robust,” but pushed back on the threat characterization, claiming Cameron only warned that hardline Conservative lawmakers would push for defunding and withdrawal, rather than issuing a direct threat himself. When asked about this alternative account, Khan noted that “can be differences of recollection,” but pointed out that witnesses were present on both sides of the call: while the Foreign Office has previously claimed Khan was the only person present, MEE reporting confirms Cameron’s special assistant Baroness Liz Sugg also listened in, alongside a member of Khan’s own office team.

    Political pressure for a full investigation has been building across the UK. Former Scottish First Minister Humza Yousaf called on the current Labour government to “come clean” earlier this year, arguing that “the more they try to obfuscate and obstruct, the clearer it becomes they have something to hide.” Yousaf urged current Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper to release all correspondence related to the call and launch a full independent probe. Senior Labour MPs Richard Burgon and Imran Hussain wrote to the government in December 2025, arguing the severity of the allegations demands a “clear, transparent and independent examination” of whether political leaders attempted to improperly interfere with the ICC’s work.

    The previous Labour government, which took office in 2025, has so far refused to open an investigation. Responding to a July 2025 letter from Labour MP Andy Slaughter asking whether the allegations against Cameron would be probed, Middle East Minister Hamish Falconer wrote in November that “it is not the practice of this Government to comment on the actions of previous Governments on such matters,” adding that the UK “respects the role and independence of the International Criminal Court.”

    The phone call controversy comes amid ongoing external pressure on Khan over his Gaza war crimes investigation. The prosecutor stepped back for extended leave in May 2024 pending a UN investigation into unsubstantiated sexual misconduct allegations against him. In March 2026, a judicial panel appointed by the ICC’s Assembly of State Parties (ASP) bureau concluded the investigation found no evidence of “misconduct or breach of duty” by Khan. Despite the panel’s clear ruling, a bloc of Western and European states voted to disregard the findings and launch a second investigation, forcing Khan to remain out of office. Khan has publicly accused ASP bureau members of subverting basic legal principles by ignoring the outcome of the inquiry they themselves commissioned.

  • Two Tehrans: The parallel lives of a city

    Two Tehrans: The parallel lives of a city

    On a recent evening along a busy central thoroughfare in Tehran, two starkly contrasting scenes played out just meters apart, laying bare the fractured reality of everyday life in Iran’s capital after months of rapid, disorienting crisis. On one side of the street, a street vendor knelt on the asphalt, sorting small household goods across a spread of clothing, his work illuminated only by the headlights of passing honking cars. “Look, this is our life now,” he muttered, a quiet complaint more than a conversation, as pedestrians drifted past—some pausing to glance at his wares, others hurrying on without stopping.

    Across the road, a crowd had slowly assembled, their rally amplified by blaring loudspeakers. Flags waved, patriotic songs rang out, and slogans denouncing the United States and Israel echoed into the dark night. This juxtaposition of private hardship and public mobilization is no accident: it has become the defining feature of life in Tehran in 2025, after a sequence of events that has upended long-held assumptions about what Iranians can expect from the future.

    It was just last June when Iran entered into a 12-day direct conflict with Israel, a confrontation that eventually drew in the United States and marked the most large-scale direct clash between the major powers in the region in decades. That confrontation was followed in January by nationwide protests, which were met with a harsh government crackdown and a nearly four-week total national internet shutdown. By April, just a few months later, Iranians found themselves locked in another 40-day cycle of escalating tension, breaking only for a fragile ceasefire that has done little to resolve underlying instability.

    For decades, most Iranians’ core daily worries centered on slow-burning economic decline and tightening civil restrictions, not the sudden threat of open war and persistent systemic instability. This new wave of crisis has shifted not just daily routines, but the very boundaries of what residents believe could happen next.

    “Before all of this – the war, the destruction, seeing civilians caught in the crossfire – we thought we just had to struggle through economic pressure, rising prices, and growing restrictions,” explained Nafiseh, a Tehran-based language teacher, in an interview with Middle East Eye. “Life was already difficult, but we never imagined it could reach this point, or God forbid, get even worse.”

    Even after the fragile April ceasefire took hold, the economic damage of repeated crises remains impossible to miss. Strikes on key industrial and petrochemical facilities, paired with months of broad instability, have exacerbated long-running economic strain that touches every corner of daily life. Residents consistently describe the same tangible hardships: skyrocketing prices for essential goods, soaring costs for food and medication, and rapidly shrinking purchasing power. Job losses have also spiked dramatically.

    Some businesses have been hit by direct damage to industrial sites or supply chain disruptions tied to conflict, while thousands more have been pushed to the brink by the prolonged internet shutdown—recognized as the longest nationwide internet blackout in modern global history. The restrictions have pushed large swathes of the workforce out of stable formal employment, particularly for those who rely on digital platforms to reach customers.

    One small manufacturing business owner, who previously built his entire customer base through Instagram, told MEE that his revenue has declined steadily since the start of the year, and he now struggles to cover even basic operating costs. “These past months have been heavy,” he said. “First the protests, then the war. After that, everything slowed down. Some days pass so slowly it feels like they never end.”

    The most recent conflict has stretched an already deteriorating economy to breaking point, leaving household incomes increasingly unstable and making even short-term life planning feel like a gamble. This uncertainty extends far beyond economics: it has reshaped how Iranians of all ages think about and prepare for the future. A ride-hailing driver described how his 10-year-old daughter now regularly follows international news updates about the risk of renewed war, a weight no child should have to carry. “A child should be thinking about games,” he said, his voice mixing frustration and disbelief. “Not about war.”

    A short distance from the vendor’s spot on the street, one of the recurring public pro-government rallies that have become common in the two months since the latest escalation got underway. A woman holding a portrait of Iran’s current leadership urged attendees in an on-camera interview to bear current hardships in order to defend the country’s national independence. These events frame the current moment not as a systemic crisis, but as a test of resilience for true believers in the state’s project.

    The rallies are widely understood as part of a coordinated push by Iran’s establishment to maintain a visible public presence and project an image of national unity and control to both domestic audiences and the international community. Most are organized or backed by state-linked institutions and networks, combining logistical support like free food distribution with speeches, patriotic music, and religious and cultural messaging.

    Interpretations of the gatherings split sharply along already existing divides. For supporters, they are a genuine display of national unity and resistance against external pressure. “We won’t give in to pressure from the US or people like [Donald] Trump,” one rally participant told MEE. “This is not just politics for us. It’s about defending our country and what we believe in. Being here is our way of showing support for those on the front line. We stand by our Nezam (system).”

    For many other Tehran residents, however, the rallies are seen as staged displays that ignore the growing everyday struggles most people face. These deep divides are not just about material conditions—they are about how people perceive hardship, stability, and sacrifice, shaping completely different understandings of the same moment.

    Access to information has also become deeply unequal across the capital. Most ordinary residents face severe restrictions on internet connectivity, limited only to tightly controlled domestic platforms, with access to global websites only available through overpriced VPN packages that are out of reach for many. A small minority of residents with authorized or privileged access retain stable uncensored connectivity, creating completely separate information ecosystems that coexist within the same city blocks.

    Even with these divides, everyday life continues, though it often unfolds under a constant current of low-grade tension. In many neighborhoods, outward signs of normalcy remain: traffic still moves, restaurants stay open, and people still meet friends and family for social gatherings. Markets and shopping malls still see foot traffic, though visitor numbers are far lower than they were a year ago. A shopkeeper at a mall in northern Tehran said the shift in consumer behavior has become impossible to miss since January. “People come in, they look, but they don’t buy like before,” he explained.

    Occasionally, passersby will confront rally participants, calling out the gap between the public displays of unity and the widespread economic pain felt across the city. Open public dissent remains rare, however, shaped by a pervasive climate of security presence and self-censorship. Online, though, frustrations surface far more openly, even on state-approved platforms that many users have been forced to join after global messaging apps were blocked.

    “Politics needs thinking, not street slogans,” one user wrote on a domestic social platform. “What’s the point of standing in the streets shouting? If things go on like this and these people refuse to see reality, it’s our own lives that get smaller.”

    As rumors of possible further escalation spread across the city, some residents have adopted a pragmatic approach to coping with rising anxiety. “I know it’s hard,” said Hamid, a local entrepreneur. “But worrying won’t change anything. We just have to get on with our lives.”

    For many Iranians, this quiet adjustment has become routine. It does not resolve the deep tensions and divides visible across the capital, but it allows daily life to continue. From a distance, Tehran looks like a city functioning as normal: up close, it is a tapestry of overlapping, often contradictory experiences. The same street holds both quiet economic struggle and public displays of patriotic commitment. In Tehran today, life goes on—not as a single shared experience, but as two parallel realities unfolding in the same space.

  • New data on 2022 China plane crash suggests cockpit struggle and fuel cut

    New data on 2022 China plane crash suggests cockpit struggle and fuel cut

    Nearly four and a half years after the March 2022 fatal crash of a China Eastern Airlines Boeing 737-800 that killed all 132 people on board, newly unsealed flight data obtained by U.S. investigators has pulled back the curtain on a sequence of events that strongly suggests intentional cockpit tampering.

    The U.S. National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) joined the Chinese-led investigation shortly after the crash, as the jet and its engines were manufactured by U.S.-based companies, and the agency is globally recognized as a leading authority on black box flight data analysis. NTSB published its internal analysis of flight recorder data dated July 1, 2022, but the document was only released in response to a public records request on May 1, with news of the report’s contents breaking publicly earlier this week.

    The flight data reveals a clear pattern: both of the jet’s engines were fully shut down mid-flight, followed by an uncontrolled nosedive and a full 360-degree roll before the aircraft slammed into a mountain. Aerospace safety experts note that the 737’s fuel control levers are designed with a locking mechanism that prevents accidental shutoff. To cut fuel to both engines, a person must intentionally pull both levers out of their locked position and move them to the cutoff position — a sequence that cannot occur from accidental bumps or routine turbulence.

    Former NTSB and Federal Aviation Administration crash investigator Jeff Guzzetti, who has decades of experience probing civilian aviation disasters, says the flight control data bears all the markers of a cockpit struggle over control of the jet. “Typically, when you initiate a roll, you get a smooth, steady movement of the control wheel in one direction,” Guzzetti explained. “But here, the control wheel moved back and forth repeatedly, as if one person was trying to counter another’s input to roll the plane. It’s not conclusive, but it definitely has the earmarks of a struggle in the cockpit.”

    Guzzetti added that the available data aligns with a pattern seen in past intentional pilot crash events, including the 2015 Germanwings crash in the French Alps that killed all 150 people on board, and the 1999 EgyptAir crash off the coast of New York that was attributed to the co-pilot’s deliberate action. The data stops recording when the aircraft was still at 26,000 feet, after the flight recorder and all of the jet’s hydraulic systems lost power following the engine shutoff. While the cockpit voice recorder, powered by a backup battery, continued recording through the final moments of the flight, Chinese civil aviation authorities have not released a transcript of the audio, and remain the lead body responsible for publishing the final investigation report.

    To date, more than four years after the crash, China’s Civil Aviation Administration has not published its full final report. International aviation standards require investigative bodies to aim to release a final report within one year of a crash. Previously, Chinese investigators had shared preliminary findings that found no mechanical abnormalities with the aircraft, no issues with crew credentials, and no external factors such as severe weather that contributed to the crash. John Cox, CEO of aviation safety consulting firm Safety Operating Systems, confirmed the NTSB data shows no evidence of mechanical failure of the jet itself.

    The flight was operating a routine domestic route from Kunming, a major city in southwest China, to Guangzhou, a commercial hub near Hong Kong. Before losing contact with air traffic control, the crew did not report any in-flight emergencies. The jet entered a rapid nosedive from 29,000 feet, briefly showed signs of partial recovery before crashing into a mountainside, leaving a 20-meter crater and igniting a large wildfire in the area.

    The revelations from the declassified NTSB report have reignited longstanding debates across the global aviation industry over pilot mental health protocols. Currently, many commercial pilots around the world avoid seeking professional help for mental health concerns out of fear that a diagnosis will lead to the immediate revocation of their flight medical certification, grounding them without pay for months or longer while they navigate a lengthy, arduous recertification process. Many nations also ban commercial pilots from taking common psychiatric medications such as antidepressants, even when the medication effectively manages symptoms and does not impair flight ability.

    Recent high-profile incidents have underscored the ongoing risks of this approach: in 2023, an off-duty Horizon Air pilot who had used psychedelic mushrooms days prior attempted to shut off the engines of the commercial flight he was riding in the jumpseat of, an incident that only failed because other crew members intervened to stop him.

    The 2022 China Eastern crash was a devastating outlier for China’s commercial aviation industry, which has achieved a strong modern safety record following a string of deadly accidents in the 1990s that spurred widespread regulatory overhauls. China Eastern Airlines is one of China’s four large state-owned major air carriers.

  • Five killed in huge fire at packed Mexico fairground

    Five killed in huge fire at packed Mexico fairground

    A devastating large-scale fire at a popular fairground in southeastern Mexico has claimed at least five lives, leaving the community reeling in the wake of the tragedy, local authorities confirmed this week. The inferno broke out in the early hours of Thursday at the venue in Villahermosa, the capital of Tabasco state, while a massive public concert was still underway.

    Drone footage captured in the aftermath of the incident laid bare the full scale of the disaster, showing the fairground’s entire event space reduced to charred, gutted ruins. According to Mexican outlet El País, official records indicate as many as 135,000 concertgoers had gathered for the event, which kicked off Wednesday evening.

    Disturbing clips circulating widely on social media platforms capture chaotic scenes as thousands of screaming attendees scrambled to evacuate the grounds in a blind panic, fleeing the rapidly spreading flames.

    As of Thursday afternoon, the root cause of the fire remains undetermined, with authorities yet to release further details on potential contributing factors. Tabasco Governor Javier May shared an update on his official X account later that day, confirming that emergency response teams had successfully brought the blaze under control after hours of intensive work.

    The governor extended his deepest condolences to the families of those killed in the incident, pledging that state government agencies would provide full support to the bereaved and all those impacted by the fire. He also expressed gratitude to members of the public who assisted first responders in evacuating the massive crowded venue, a collective effort that helped prevent an even higher death toll.

    In addition to support for victim families, May announced a dedicated economic recovery program designed to assist local fairground operators and small businesses whose premises and livelihoods were destroyed in the fire.