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  • Hundreds of flights cancelled as Typhoon Champi shuts Taiwan

    Hundreds of flights cancelled as Typhoon Champi shuts Taiwan

    As powerful Typhoon Champi churned toward Taiwan’s northeast coast on Friday, the entire East Asia region faced widespread disruption, with hundreds of flights canceled, daily operations shuttered, and emergency teams on high alert ahead of the storm’s expected peak impact on Saturday.

    Taiwan authorities have pre-emptively closed schools, government offices and the island’s $5 trillion stock exchange across 21 of its 22 counties and cities, granting residents a widespread “typhoon holiday” as the storm approached. Only the western outlying archipelago of Kinmen maintained normal operations. Authorities have also issued urgent warnings, urging residents to avoid coastal areas and mountainous terrain that face the greatest risk of storm surge and landslides.

    As of Friday, local authorities confirmed one person was killed after being swept away by rogue Champi-driven waves, with 171 others injured and more than 1,000 people evacuated from high-risk zones to emergency shelters. While regional weather forecasts from Taiwan, Hong Kong and Japan indicate the storm’s eye will most likely remain offshore as it passes the island, Taiwan Central Weather Administration forecasters told reporters they cannot rule out a landfall, particularly if the storm shifts its path or stalls as it approaches the coast.

    Forecasts call for up to 90 centimeters of torrential rain and sustained strong winds across northeast Taiwan through Saturday, with rainfall expected to peak Saturday morning before tapering off Saturday evening.

    Champi carved a path of disruption far beyond Taiwan. In Japan’s southern Okinawa prefecture, nearly 8,400 households were left without power, and more than 160 flights operated by four major Japanese carriers were canceled. In the Batanes island chain of the Philippines, located south of Taiwan, the storm stirred up towering waves that crashed into coastal villages, forcing multiple road closures; no casualties have been reported in the area as of Friday.

    Earlier this week, Champi earned its title as the strongest storm on Earth so far in 2025, reaching maximum sustained wind speeds of 298 kilometers per hour over the Philippine Sea, equal to a Category 5 hurricane. Though it has weakened since its peak, it still packs wind gusts of 191 kilometers per hour as of Friday afternoon.

    After skirting Taiwan’s northeast tip and Okinawa, Champi is projected to drift over waters off China’s eastern coast before curving northeast toward Japan’s main island. The storm comes amid an unusually active typhoon season for the region, amplified by a powerful Super El Niño event that is warming Pacific Ocean waters and fueling more intense and frequent storm systems. This year marks the first time since 2013 that Japan has recorded 30 typhoons in a single season, underscoring the extreme weather trend tied to the current El Niño cycle.

  • Rubio turns to small Indian town as US faces high oil prices

    Rubio turns to small Indian town as US faces high oil prices

    During a surprise high-profile diplomatic trip to India this week, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio bypassed the traditional mandatory stop in the national capital of New Delhi, instead centering his itinerary on the financial hub of Mumbai and the remote western port town of Jamnagar, a move that analysts frame as a strategic gambit tied directly to the Donald Trump administration’s urgent domestic energy priorities in the run-up to November’s U.S. midterm elections. Rubio, making his second official visit to India in a single calendar year, first landed in Mumbai where he held closed-door bilateral talks with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar at the iconic Taj Hotel, alongside a series of roundtable meetings with top-tier Indian business leaders. The official U.S. State Department pre-visit announcement had flagged energy cooperation, cross-border commercial investment, and broader bilateral economic alignment as core agenda pillars, but the complete omission of New Delhi from the formal itinerary sparked initial speculation from Indian opposition politicians about a potential snub to the national government. Experts including Michael Kugelman, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, explained that the deliberate choice to avoid Delhi was rooted in the deep existing trust deficit between the two national administrations: Delhi policymakers have publicly voiced frustration over a string of Trump administration policies, including sweeping tariffs on Indian goods, previously active sanctions targeting Indian entities for purchasing Russian energy, and a 20-month-long stalemate in negotiations for a landmark bilateral trade deal. Former Indian ambassador to the U.S. Meera Shankar, however, pushed back against overinterpreting the skipped capital stop, noting that the entire trip was explicitly structured as an energy-focused mission, and that the critical high-level diplomatic engagement with Jaishankar had already been completed in Mumbai. The defining stop of the visit came in Jamnagar, Gujarat, the site of Mukesh Ambani’s sprawling Reliance Industries oil refinery complex: a facility that processes 1.4 million barrels of crude oil per day, accounting for roughly 1.5% of total global refining capacity, and standing as one of the world’s largest single-site exporters of diesel and other refined petroleum products. Against a backdrop of escalating tensions across the Middle East that threaten to disrupt global energy supply chains, and with no new major refining capacity slated to come online in the U.S. in the immediate short term, the Trump administration is under intense domestic pressure to curb rising retail fuel prices ahead of the midterm elections, making India’s world-class refining ecosystem a uniquely viable solution to ease upward pressure on U.S. fuel markets. During a tightly restricted, low-media-access tour of the Jamnagar facility, Rubio met privately with Ambani and senior members of the Reliance leadership team, with the conglomerate later releasing a carefully worded statement noting that discussions covered the shifting global energy landscape and cross-sector commercial partnership opportunities spanning both traditional fossil fuels and renewable new energy projects, without confirming any formal binding commitments on crude sourcing or refined product exports. Speaking to reporters a day prior to the refinery tour, Rubio lauded India as a “refining superpower” and explicitly called for Reliance to ramp up processing of heavy crude oil from Venezuela, whose energy sector sanctions the U.S. partially eased earlier this year after the American intervention that resulted in the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Analysts note that the push to redirect Reliance’s refining capacity toward Venezuelan crude serves multiple overlapping U.S. goals: it would immediately boost global supplies of refined fuel to cool U.S. domestic prices, while also gradually reducing India’s longstanding reliance on discounted Russian crude. Since the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, India has emerged as one of the world’s top importers of Russian crude, with data from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air showing that between December 2022 and July 2026, 37% of Russia’s total crude exports flowed to India, a dynamic that has long been a major point of friction in U.S.-India ties. The Trump administration had imposed an additional 25% tariff on Indian goods over these Russian oil purchases in August 2025, pushing total tariffs on many Indian products as high as 50%, before pausing the penalty in February 2026; the U.S. also temporarily lifted sanctions on Russian diesel imports earlier this month, creating a new opening for negotiated energy alignment. Kugelman further revealed that Rubio’s meeting with the Ambani family included a second key, less public priority: securing Reliance’s commitment to invest in the proposed Port of Brownsville refinery in Texas, a project Donald Trump first announced on his Truth Social platform in March as the first major new U.S. refinery to be built in 50 years. While no public details on the project’s timeline or investment structure have been released to date, the planned Texas facility represents a long-term U.S. play to expand domestic refining capacity. Despite the apparent progress on energy cooperation, all analysts consulted emphasized that a swift breakthrough on the long-stalled bilateral trade deal is unlikely in the immediate term. Even as two-way trade between the U.S. and India continues to show robust growth – Indian merchandise exports to the U.S. hit $50.81 billion in the April to September 2026 period, marking an 11.1% year-over-year increase, while Indian imports of U.S. goods rose to $32.33 billion – significant unresolved frictions remain, from outstanding tariff disputes to geopolitical misalignments. For now, the unconventional itinerary has succeeded in resetting strained bilateral relations, but it remains to be seen whether the emerging energy partnership will translate into a durable, long-term realignment of U.S.-India economic and diplomatic ties.

  • The Indian workers filming their work to train AI

    The Indian workers filming their work to train AI

    In bustling Bengaluru, 22-year-old barber Mohammed Ashim has spent four years honing his craft of cutting hair and shaping beards for local clients. But in recent months, a new layer has been added to his familiar daily routine: a lightweight head-mounted camera that captures nothing but the precise movements of his hands as he works, with all client faces automatically blurred to protect privacy. Ashim now wears the device for 5 to 6 hours per shift, adhering to strict guidelines from his operations team to keep his hands fully in frame, maintain crisp lighting, and avoid sudden head tilts that could disrupt footage quality. While the extra pay is a welcome boost to his income, Ashim says the greatest thrill comes from an unexpected source: “I never imagined my razor-sharpening and trimming techniques would end up in the hands of a global tech company, contributing to something as futuristic as advanced AI.”

    Ashim is part of a fast-growing, little-seen global workforce of hundreds of thousands of people who are paid to record their daily manual labor, generating raw visual data that feeds directly into the development of physical AI — a rapidly evolving branch of artificial intelligence designed to control robots operating in unstructured real-world environments. His footage is first collected by local Indian data firm Rashdan Technologies, which aggregates recordings from hundreds of workers across diverse trades before packaging and selling the curated datasets to international tech giants and AI research labs.

    Shahil Baig, co-founder and CEO of Rashdan Technologies, explains that robotics and frontier AI labs have highly specific, unmet data needs spanning every conceivable physical task: from industrial manufacturing and agricultural labor to household chores, pottery making, garment stitching, embroidery, and small-batch candle production. His firm pays workers between $5 and $10 for 8 to 10 hours of recorded work, a sum that represents meaningful additional income for most participants. Baig emphasizes that worker consent and privacy are non-negotiable priorities: all footage is processed to remove identifiable features, with faces blurred, no full names or contact details shared with clients, and all data stripped of any markers that could trace back to the individual collector. As client demands grow more sophisticated, however, the work becomes more complex: many buyers now request multi-camera rigs with 4 to 6 separate lenses to capture full 360-degree views of task environments, rather than just close-ups of hands. Baig notes that negotiating worker buy-in for these bulkier multi-lens headsets requires far more careful discussion, and the firm pays premium rates for this higher-tier data collection to compensate participants fairly. The market is expanding rapidly, too: Baig projects dozens of new competing data collection firms will launch in India alone before the end of the year.

    The rush to source this type of human activity data stems from a critical gap in existing global AI training resources, explains Manish Agarwal, founder of Humyn Labs, a Bangalore and San Francisco-based data processing firm. Simulations alone cannot train robots to navigate the messy, nuanced physical world, he argues, because physical tasks demand hyper-specific, high-quality data tracking limb movements, finger pressure, wrist angles, and even dynamic force application — for example, the exact grip strength needed to hold a fragile plastic bottle without crushing it, versus the firmer grasp required to lift a heavy steel mug. No comprehensive public archive of this embodied human movement data currently exists; there is no pre-existing dataset showing the exact motion patterns for cleaning a residential kitchen, or the precise force levels used by a seasoned factory worker to assemble a car part. All of this data has to be captured from scratch, in real-world settings across diverse geographic and cultural contexts. At present, Humyn Labs works with 96,000 data collectors across Latin America, Southeast Asia, and India, filtering thousands of hours of raw footage to select the highest-quality clips, labelling every movement so AI systems can identify what they are viewing, and packaging the datasets to meet client specifications. Agarwal adds that sourcing data across varied regional contexts is critical to building AI that works reliably for different markets: footage of Indian residential kitchens, for example, will not provide an accurate proxy for training a household robot designed for U.S. suburban homes.

    The fast-emerging industry has sparked urgent, nuanced debate about long-term ethical and labor implications. Bino Paul, a senior professor at Mumbai’s Tata Institute of Social Sciences School of Management and Labour Studies, warns that there is currently little clarity on whether the data workers are generating will eventually be used to build robots that automate their own jobs. “By the time workers realize that the movements they recorded have been used to replace their livelihoods, it may already be too late to course-correct,” he cautions, calling for targeted government regulation of the physical AI sector that frames the technology not as a neutral technical tool, but as a socio-technical system bound by strict ethical guardrails to ensure it delivers widespread public benefit rather than harm to workers.

    For now, though, the steady flow of investment into physical AI development continues to create tangible, immediate income opportunities for Indian workers across skill levels. Mohammed Arman, a 10-year veteran of Bengaluru’s textile industry who can stitch and cut garment fabric with near-automatic precision, recently signed on to record his daily tailoring work with a head-mounted camera. For him, the arrangement is a straightforward way to support his family back in Bihar: “I am already doing the exact same stitching and cutting work I have done for a decade. Wearing a camera adds no extra effort, but gives me extra cash to send home. There is no reason for me to say no.”

    The flexible, part-time nature of the data collection work also draws participants like Jolly Arifur, a science teacher based in Guntakal, Anantapur, who balances recording work around her professional duties and care for her young son. For seven months, she has worn a camera rig for 3 to 5 hours a day while completing routine domestic tasks: scrubbing surfaces, cooking, sweeping tile floors, and folding laundry, earning $2 to $3 per hour in the process. “It is a perfect extra income stream that fits perfectly around my teaching schedule and my responsibilities to my son,” she says. “It has made our household finances much more stable.”

    Agarwal notes that India currently occupies a relatively low position in the global physical AI value chain, operating mostly as a low-cost supplier of raw unprocessed footage, a dynamic that risks eroding profit margins as more competitors enter the market. He argues that the country must move rapidly up the value chain to retain long-term economic benefit, shifting from simply recording raw video to building end-to-end pipelines that clean, structure, validate, and set global quality standards for physical AI training data, rather than ceding that high-value work to overseas firms.

  • Nigeria and Kenya Ebola patients may have crossed paths at Uganda airport, officials say

    Nigeria and Kenya Ebola patients may have crossed paths at Uganda airport, officials say

    Public health officials across Africa are working urgently to unpack a critical question: could two separate Ebola infections in Nigeria and Kenya be traced to a shared exposure event at Uganda’s busiest international airport earlier this month?

    The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) confirmed Thursday that both patients transited through Entebbe International Airport on October 3, prompting investigators to examine whether viral transmission occurred via shared airport equipment, overlapping movement in terminal spaces, or indirect contact between the two individuals. Dr. Wessam Mankoula, head of emergency preparedness and response at Africa CDC, noted this cross-path exposure remains one of the most plausible working scenarios, but emphasized no definitive connection between the two cases has been confirmed to date.

    The current situation marks a concerning milestone for regional health security: Nigeria is facing its first confirmed Ebola case in over a decade, while Kenya has already logged nine infections and one death linked to the ongoing outbreak originating in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    Detailed case accounts have emerged from global and local health authorities. The Nigerian patient is a 42-year-old Ugandan-born woman who resides in Abuja, married to a Swiss diplomat posted to Nigeria, the Swiss foreign ministry confirmed to Reuters. She traveled to Uganda for approximately two and a half weeks, transiting Addis Ababa, Ethiopia for a two-hour stopover before returning to Nigeria on October 3. Four days after arriving in Abuja, she developed characteristic Ebola symptoms, sought care at two private medical facilities, and received a positive test result on October 20. Her husband, who accompanied her on the Uganda trip, remains in isolation with no reported symptoms as of the latest updates, and the World Health Organization (WHO) says the patient is showing steady improvement while receiving targeted care in isolation.

    The Kenyan patient, a man who traveled from the DRC through Uganda before arriving in Nairobi on the same October 3 date, later succumbed to the virus, becoming Kenya’s first recorded Ebola death in this outbreak. While both travelers passed through Entebbe on the same day, investigators have not yet confirmed whether they encountered one another, used the same airport facilities, or had any form of direct or indirect contact. Beyond the airport link, the investigation is also exploring whether both infections can be traced to a single common source outside the airport.

    To date, the exact location of the Nigerian patient’s exposure remains unconfirmed. “The source of exposure is still not known. The travel history of the patient is still being pieced together,” explained Dr. Patrick Otim, a WHO emergency response official. He added that investigators have faced challenges building a full timeline of her movements, as access for interviews has been limited while she receives inpatient care.

    Nigeria’s Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has prioritized genomic sequencing of the virus sample from the patient, a step that will help scientists determine whether her infection is genetically linked to the ongoing DRC outbreak and the Kenyan cases. “The investigation is reconstructing the full travel and exposure history. Genomic sequencing is given a high priority,” noted Dr. Pavel Ursu, WHO’s representative in Nigeria. While Ugandan officials have previously stated the woman traveled to eastern DRC for business, the epicenter of the current outbreak, WHO, Africa CDC and Nigeria’s health ministry say they have not received verified confirmation of that trip. Ugandan health authorities have repeatedly stressed the country has no confirmed active Ebola cases, and the woman’s transit through the country does not automatically mean she contracted the virus there.

    As the investigation progresses, Nigerian officials have expanded contact tracing efforts beyond the initial 44 people identified as potentially exposed. Mankoula told reporters most of the newly identified exposed individuals are healthcare workers who treated the patient at the two private facilities she visited before her positive test, with a small number of family contacts also added to monitoring lists. Nigerian authorities are currently isolating all high-risk contacts, though Mankoula declined to release an updated total count of monitored contacts ahead of an official government statement. Dr. Ursu confirmed the patient continues to receive high-quality clinical care and her condition remains stable.

    In Kenya, public health authorities are approaching a key milestone this weekend: the first group of quarantined people who may have been exposed to Ebola will be allowed to return to their homes Sunday after completing a 21-day monitoring period with no symptom development. Kenya’s Health Director-General Dr. Patrick Amoth confirmed all nine confirmed infections in the country are directly linked to the index patient who died, with no evidence of sustained community spread detected so far. Even so, he warned “we are not out of the woods,” urging the public to maintain vigilance against the virus without unnecessary panic. The eight remaining confirmed Kenyan cases remain in isolation and are responding well to treatment, he added.

    These cross-border cases have renewed longstanding concerns about Ebola spread across porous African borders, particularly between the DRC and Uganda, where thousands of people cross the shared border every day for trade, work, and family visits. Dr. Otim noted the border is long and poorly secured, with many unofficial crossing points that make comprehensive screening of all travelers impossible. The WHO’s Africa regional director Dr. Mohamed Janabi has called for coordinated “regional vigilance” to counter the outbreak, urging all neighboring countries to strengthen routine disease surveillance, speed up investigation of suspected cases, and prioritize protection for frontline healthcare workers who face the highest exposure risk.

    As a reminder for the public, Ebola is a severe viral pathogen that spreads through direct contact with an infected person’s blood or other bodily fluids, or through contact with contaminated surfaces or equipment. It does not spread through airborne transmission like influenza or the common cold. Symptoms include high fever, extreme muscle weakness, vomiting and diarrhea, and the disease can be fatal in a high share of cases if left untreated. Importantly, infected people are not contagious before they develop symptoms. Global health authorities emphasize that rapid contact tracing, immediate isolation of suspected cases, and early clinical intervention are the most critical steps to prevent large-scale secondary transmission.

  • First Arab-American mayor to endorse Trump becomes adviser to president

    First Arab-American mayor to endorse Trump becomes adviser to president

    Former Hamtramck, Michigan mayor Amer Ghalib, who made history as the first Arab and Muslim-American elected official to endorse Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign, has now accepted an appointment as Trump’s special envoy and advisor on Arab-American affairs.

    Ghalib made the announcement public via his Facebook account late Wednesday local time, from Washington DC. In his social media post, he wrote: “I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President Trump for appointing me as his Envoy and Advisor for Arab American Affairs, and for his continued trust and support.” He added, “While I cannot promise to resolve every challenge facing Arab Americans across the United States, I can promise to be a strong and dedicated voice for Arab American communities in the White House, ensuring that their concerns are heard and their perspectives are represented.”

    Currently, Ghalib serves as a senior advisor for strategic partnerships at AmeriCorps, the federal agency focused on expanding civic engagement across the U.S. He stepped into this role after Senate Republicans blocked his earlier nomination, which was a reward for his 2024 endorsement: the position of U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait, a key U.S. ally that hosts multiple American military installations.

    Ghalib’s public criticism of Israel and past social media comments from his time as a private citizen became the primary roadblock to his Senate confirmation, with the staunchly pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League and several right-wing news outlets amplifying those comments to turn opposition against him. Middle East Eye reached out to the White House for official comment on Ghalib’s new appointment but received no response prior to publication.

    Speaking with MEE from Michigan on Thursday, Ghalib declined to outline formal parameters for the new role, but confirmed it is not a full-time position. He explained that he will “meet the president and White House staff as needed to discuss our concerns,” and emphasized that “the president granted me direct access to him whenever I need and that’s what matters the most.” Ghalib also noted that this specific advisory position “never existed in any previous administration.”

    A physician who entered politics in 2021, when he took leadership of the first all-Muslim city council in the Detroit suburb, Yemeni-born Ghalib upended the 2024 presidential race with his early endorsement of Trump. This endorsement came even though Trump’s first presidential term was marked by the controversial Muslim travel ban and unwavering close ties to former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, during which Trump unilaterally recognized all of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights as Israeli territory.

    By late October 2024, driven by the “Arab Americans for Trump” movement and widespread anger over President Joe Biden’s handling of Israel’s military assault on Gaza, many Arab and Muslim majority neighborhoods in Michigan began shifting their support from the Democratic Party to Trump and the Republicans. During the campaign, Trump ran on a platform promising to end foreign wars and made a point to visit Dearborn, Michigan’s hub for Arab-American communities, while his Democratic opponent Kamala Harris declined to do so.

    Since Trump took office for his second term, however, he has only overseen a superficial temporary ceasefire in Gaza and has joined Israel in the widely unpopular conflict against Iran. Domestically, multiple sources told MEE that the political environment for Arab and Muslim communities in the U.S. is now worse than it was in the years immediately following the 9/11 attacks. This comes as congressional and White House Republicans, including President Trump himself, have amplified anti-Palestinian and anti-Muslim rhetoric, even as progressive Muslim political figures such as New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani and Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed have risen in prominence.

    Ghalib told MEE that during his most recent 45-minute one-on-one meeting with President Trump, he opened the discussion by addressing immigration policy, the need to build stronger connections between the White House and Arab-American communities, and the urgency of reining in hate speech from extremist groups. In a follow-up text exchange with MEE, Ghalib said: “I found an opportunity to continue having direct access to the president so I can deliver the people’s concerns to him and try to get them addressed. It’s going to add more work and more stress to me, but I’m willing to go through it – perhaps I can help and continue to be the voice of our community in the White House.”

    Middle East Eye provides independent, in-depth coverage and analysis of the Middle East, North Africa and surrounding regions. For information on republishing this content and associated licensing fees, please visit the contact form on their official website.

  • Failed attack on Illinois temple spotlights anti‑Hindu hate in US

    Failed attack on Illinois temple spotlights anti‑Hindu hate in US

    On the first day of Navaratri, the nine-night Hindu festival honoring the divine feminine, hundreds of worshippers had gathered at the Sri Venkateswara Swami Temple in Aurora, Illinois, in October 2026 when a potentially catastrophic attack was derailed only by chance and an alert tip. According to prosecutors, 19-year-old suspect arrived at the temple armed with a rifle and full body armor, ready to carry out a mass shooting. What stopped the massacre was a mechanical malfunction that jammed his weapon, paired with a warning from the suspect’s co-worker who had learned of his violent plans. A search of the suspect’s belongings uncovered a manifesto filled with virulent white supremacist ideology, prompting bipartisan demands for federal authorities to probe the plot as a hate crime.

    In a joint letter addressed to the FBI and U.S. Department of Justice, Democratic Congressman Ro Khanna and Republican Congressman Rich McCormick emphasized that this planned attack did not arise out of a vacuum. They warned that the attempted attack is tied to a measurable, nationwide surge in hostility targeting both Hindu Americans and the broader Indian American community. Data from a 2026 Carnegie Endowment survey backs this claim: one in four Indian American adults reported being targeted with racial, ethnic, or religious slurs in the 18 months since January 2025.

    Scholars of religious studies argue that this growing animosity stems from two deeply intertwined sources: anti-Indian racial prejudice and anti-Hindu religious bigotry rooted in decades of American cultural bias and modern Christian nationalist ideology. This overlap has been visible in high-profile public incidents in recent months. In September 2026, a Texas Republican candidate for state office, Bo French, posted a viral photograph from a University of Texas at Austin football game, centered on a group of Indian American students, and claimed that “the problem is now obviously far worse than anyone imagined.” Though French did not explicitly reference religion in his post, the resulting wave of social media responses quickly turned to calls for violence against Indian people and threats to desecrate Hindu temples.

    This pattern of religious bigotry targeting Hindu worship, framed through the lens of Christian nationalism, has been building for years. In September 2025, a Republican U.S. Senate candidate in Texas, Alexander Duncan, publicly condemned the installation of a large statue of the Hindu deity Hanuman in Sugar Land, Texas, asking, “Why are we allowing a false statue of a false Hindu god to be here in Texas? We are a Christian nation!” The post was viewed more than six million times. Just a year later, prominent pastor Dale Partridge shared an image of the iconic Swaminarayan Akshardham Temple in New Jersey, writing that America’s 18th-century Christian founding fathers would have “this demon temple leveled in 24 hours.”

    A September 2026 report from the Center for the Study of Organized Hate confirms that this type of rhetoric is widespread across major online platforms. The report documents that Hindus have been specifically targeted for religiously motivated attacks, with routine social media posts labeling Hindu devotees as “demon worshippers,” mocking Hindu deities, and openly calling for temples to be destroyed and replaced with what posters frame as “American” religious monuments. These posts consistently frame Hindu worship as inherently incompatible with American Christian identity, a core tenet of Christian nationalism—the belief that the United States was founded to be an explicitly Christian nation. Sociological research from Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry shows that as of 2017, nearly one-third of all U.S. adults support the federal government formally declaring the country a Christian nation.

    Religious scholars trace this anti-Hindu prejudice back nearly 200 years in American culture. As religious studies scholar Michael Altman explains, the claim that Hindus worship false gods and idols became entrenched in mainstream American national culture in the 19th century, when Protestant-influenced school textbooks categorized global religions into “true” and “false” faiths, framing Hindu idolatry as evidence of inherent moral decay. In the early 20th century, even as some white Americans embraced detached ideas from Hindu thought such as yoga, they framed these practices as universal spirituality rather than Hinduism, while immigration laws barred most Asian immigration and kept actual Hindu people out of the country. After the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act opened borders to Asian immigrants, the Hindu American population grew to more than one million by 2000, according to estimates from religion scholar Diana Eck. As Hindu communities began building public temples across the country starting in the 1970s, they faced immediate, sustained hostility: in 1983, attackers desecrated a temple outside Pittsburgh, smashing sacred murtis (consecrated sacred images that Hindus believe hold the presence of the divine) and scrawled “Leave” on the altar; in the early 1990s, vandals painted “Get out Hindoos” on a future temple site in New Jersey.

    This animosity continued into the 21st century, reinforced by popular cultural depictions that frame Hinduism as sinister. Religious studies scholar Sailaja Krishnamurti points to the 1984 film *Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom*, which depicted Hindus carrying out ritual human sacrifice, and influential televangelists such as Pat Robertson, who publicly labeled Hinduism “demonic.” These distorted depictions have translated into real-world violence: in 2019, a vandal defaced Hindu deity images with anti-Hindu, pro-Christian graffiti.

    What makes modern anti-Hindu hate particularly insidious, scholars argue, is the way it blends racial and religious prejudice into a single, overlooked form of discrimination—a dynamic education scholar Khyati Joshi terms the “racialization of religion.” In a society where white identity and Christian faith have long been treated as the unspoken American norm, brown skin is automatically associated with a foreign, “other” faith, leading authorities and the public to often miss the explicitly religious dimension of this discrimination. The Aurora plot illustrates this dynamic perfectly: while the suspect’s manifesto framed his hatred in racial terms, labeling Indians, Black people, Jewish people and other marginalized groups as “sub-human,” law enforcement confirmed he specifically sought out a large Hindu temple as his target. Joshi points to the 1980s New Jersey gang the Dotbusters as a historical example: while media framed their brutal attacks on Indian Americans as purely racial violence, the gang’s name explicitly referenced the bindi worn by Hindu women, exposing the religious core of their bigotry.

    U.S. Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi, who was at the Aurora temple with his family on the day of the attempted attack, told an emotional press conference that the suspect was radicalized entirely online, saying “he was radicalized by social media until he told a coworker he could not wait ‘to kill Indians.’” Data from Stop AAPI Hate, a national coalition tracking anti-Asian discrimination, shows this pattern is widespread: 71% of all online violent threats targeting Asian American communities are directed at South Asians, with the most common narrative framing South Asians as an “invading” group that threatens American culture.

    Academic research has repeatedly documented that online hate speech directly leads to offline violence, and policy experts say addressing this growing crisis requires coordinated action from major social media platforms to enforce accountability for hate speech. After the foiled Aurora attack, Hindu American communities are increasingly calling for public recognition of the dual racial and religious nature of the hate they face, demanding action to push back against rising bigotry before another attack succeeds.

    This analysis is written by Arun Brahmbhatt, assistant professor of religion at Syracuse University.

  • Pro-Israel lobbying group Aipac ends endorsements, direct funding to US candidates

    Pro-Israel lobbying group Aipac ends endorsements, direct funding to US candidates

    Against a backdrop of rapidly shifting public opinion in the United States toward Israel, the nation’s most influential pro-Israel lobbying entity has announced a major restructuring of its political playbook, ending its longstanding practice of public candidate endorsements and direct financial contributions to electoral hopefuls.

    The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) laid out the new approach in a mass email to supporters Wednesday, framing the shift as a strategic adjustment to align with the evolving political landscape. The organization will move toward a less publicly visible operating model to continue backing pro-Israel candidates from both major U.S. political parties.

    “To win the fight for the future of the country and the US-Israel alliance, we must build a more strategic, consequential, and nimble political operation,” the organization’s statement read.

    Under the revised framework, AIPAC will prioritize expanding direct, coordinated donations from individual American supporters to candidates, while leaning into newly emerging political fundraising tools. Public endorsements, direct contributions from AIPAC’s political action committee (PAC), and earmarked funding will be eliminated from the group’s strategy to make room for scaled individual giving and innovative campaign tools.

    As a registered PAC, AIPAC is legally capped at $5,000 in direct contributions per candidate per election cycle. By contrast, independent super PACs face no limits on outside spending, which can heavily sway the outcome of electoral contests.

    AIPAC already operates a well-funded super PAC, the United Democracy Project (UDP), which is exclusively focused on advancing pro-Israel policy goals and ranks among the top spenders in U.S. federal elections. UDP has already poured more than $60 million into influencing the 2024 midterm election cycle, and its independent spending will continue uninterrupted under the new strategy, as it does not qualify as direct candidate contribution. In past cycles, AIPAC has also used so-called “shell PACs” to aggregate funds that are later transferred to UDP before the shell entities are dissolved.

    “We believe this approach positions us to capitalize on new innovations and deliver even greater political impact to influence policy,” AIPAC’s statement added. “We will focus our time and resources on what is most effective — disciplined, organized giving directly to candidates by individual Americans — and on the ability to adapt quickly in an ever-changing changing environment.”

    The strategic overhaul comes three years into the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, amid rising global backlash against Israel’s military campaign and a growing split in traditional U.S. pro-Israel consensus. Even the American right, long a stalwart backer of Israel through the lens of Evangelical Christian ideology, has increasingly begun questioning the massive flow of U.S. foreign aid to Israel, as the country remains the top recipient of U.S. assistance worldwide.

    The shift in opinion comes ahead of the November 3 U.S. midterm elections, where soaring cost of living has emerged as the dominant issue on the campaign trail. After Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s years-long push to convince the U.S. to declare war on Iran culminated in a formal U.S. escalation, former President Donald Trump’s base has openly broken ranks on the issue. Some of the most vocal critics of unchecked pro-Israel policy today are pro-Trump Republicans, including high-profile names like former talk show host Tucker Carlson, far-right commentator Nick Fuentes, and former Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene.

    Repeated public opinion polling confirms that unfavorable views of Israel have grown steadily across all segments of the U.S. public. Within the Democratic Party, even potential 2028 presidential candidates have begun publicly distancing themselves from AIPAC, even as many retain formal support for Israel.

    This growing transparency around AIPAC’s influence has been driven in large part by the work of AIPAC Tracker, a independent project that publishes detailed data on how much funding candidates receive to advance Israeli policy priorities.

    Still, Waleed Shahid, a former spokesperson for progressive PAC Justice Democrats, noted on social media platform X Wednesday that the political slogan “reject AIPAC money” will carry far less practical weight moving forward. This is because direct AIPAC contributions amounted to only around $3 million in the current cycle, compared to the $90 million donated by AIPAC’s individual members.

    Progressive Palestinian rights advocates, who have seen unprecedented electoral success in recent cycles despite starting as longshot underdogs, have long run without pro-Israel financial support. New York City Councilmember Zohran Mamdani and Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul el-Sayed are two high-profile examples of candidates who have advanced progressive, pro-Palestine platforms without AIPAC backing.

    Leading Senate progressive Bernie Sanders amplified opposition to AIPAC in a post on X Thursday, writing: “AIPAC is now spending as much as $9 million against Abdul El-Sayed. AIPAC is why we’re at war in Iran. AIPAC is why the US has supported genocide in Gaza. We must say NO to AIPAC. YES to electing Abdul as Michigan’s next US Senator.”

    If el-Sayed secures victory on November 3, he will not only become the first Muslim senator in U.S. history, but his win will also signal that left-leaning popular policies, including diplomatic and economic pressure on Israel, can gain traction in the industrial Midwest and competitive swing state of Michigan.

  • Attack on actor Tiger Shroff is dark reminder of Bollywood’s gangster past

    Attack on actor Tiger Shroff is dark reminder of Bollywood’s gangster past

    On a recent Sunday evening in Juhu, Mumbai’s iconic leafy upscale neighborhood where countless A-list Bollywood stars reside and celebrity sightings are a daily routine, action icon Tiger Shroff faced a brush with death that has upended Indian public discourse. The 36-year-old actor, famous for his high-octane on-screen fight scenes and choreographed escape sequences, had just finished a casual football match and was exiting the playing field in his BMW when gunfire erupted. Two people – Shroff’s personal driver and a vlogger who had traveled to the spot to film the star – were struck by bullets, leaving the unharmed actor at the center of a unfolding national criminal investigation. Four days after the incident, the case remains the lead story across Indian media, with every new leak of information spawning a flood of competing conspiracy theories, conflicting claims, and wild speculation about hidden motives.

    Indian law enforcement has so far apprehended or detained 10 suspects connected to the attack. Investigators are currently tracing suspected weapons shipments across multiple Indian states and tracing suspicious financial transfers to the men accused of carrying out the shooting. The attempted attack has also thrust the name of Lawrence Bishnoi, one of India’s most infamous active gangsters, back into national headlines. Within hours of the shooting, a screenshot of a social media post supposedly shared by an associate of the Bishnoi gang circulated widely online, claiming responsibility for the attack. A separate audio recording also emerged, featuring a man identifying himself as Anil Pandit who repeated the claim, explaining that Shroff was targeted due to his reported close ties to fellow Bollywood superstar Salman Khan – a figure Bishnoi has threatened repeatedly for years. Mumbai police have yet to verify these claims or confirm that the Bishnoi gang actually orchestrated the attempted shooting, and investigators are still working to identify who ordered the attack and what their ultimate motive was.

    This targeting of Shroff is only the latest in a string of violent attacks and threats against high-profile Bollywood figures that have shaken the Indian film industry. In 2024 alone, gunshots were fired outside Salman Khan’s Mumbai residence, and shots were also reported outside the home of acclaimed filmmaker Rohit Shetty earlier this year. Taken together, these incidents have revived long-dormant public fears that organized crime is once again extending its reach into Bollywood, stirring up uncomfortable memories of a dark, violent chapter in Mumbai’s modern history.

    Back in the 1990s and early 2000s, Mumbai’s underworld held formidable, open influence over the Indian film industry. Criminal groups financed big-budget productions, demanded massive protection payments from producers and stars, and regularly used violence to enforce their demands. It took decades of targeted police crackdowns and the gradual rise of legitimate, institutional film financing to loosen the underworld’s stranglehold on the industry. Today, as new allegations and conspiracy theories emerge nearly every day, a question long thought to be confined to Mumbai’s past has reemerged: Is the underworld attempting to retake control of Bollywood?

    Veteran law enforcement officials who confronted organized crime at its peak in Mumbai say the answer is far more nuanced than a simple yes or no. D Sivanandhan, who led Mumbai’s Crime Branch starting in 1998, recalls an era when a single phone call from Dubai – where many of India’s most notorious gang leaders operated from exile – could decide the entire fate of a major film: who would star in it, who would finance it, and who would profit from its distribution. At the time, the industry relied almost entirely on unregulated private capital, and the line between a legitimate investor and an extortionist was often dangerously blurry. The threats were not just abstract: in 1997, legendary Indian music industry executive Gulshan Kumar was shot and killed outside a Mumbai temple, and just three years later, acclaimed filmmaker Rakesh Roshan survived a targeted assassination attempt.

    Sivanandhan himself led the investigation into the financing of *Chori Chori Chupke Chupke*, a hit Salman Khan film. The movie’s producer and his assistant were each sentenced to six years in prison under Maharashtra’s organized crime laws for their ties to underworld figures, while the film’s financier received a one-year sentence for hiding information about those connections. Police seized the film’s original negatives, and it was only released eventually under direct court supervision. Sivanandhan also recalled that criminal influence was not always imposed on a reluctant industry: many filmmakers actively sought out underworld funding, entering into mutually beneficial arrangements that proved extremely difficult for police to dismantle.

    Even so, Sivanandhan argues that the current wave of violence should not be interpreted as a return of the old Mumbai mafia he spent decades fighting. The criminal networks he pursued, led by figures such as Dawood Ibrahim, Chhota Shakeel, and Arun Gawli, were deeply rooted in Mumbai’s local networks, even when their leaders operated from foreign soil. “This is not the Mumbai mafia which we know in the last 60 years,” he explained. “This is something else.”

    That “something else” is inextricably linked to Lawrence Bishnoi. A gangster with origins in northern India who has been incarcerated since 2015, Bishnoi has cultivated a mythic, menacing public persona: he is widely reputed to command a network of gunmen across multiple continents, and his name is regularly attached to threats and claims of responsibility that spread across social media within minutes.

    Bishnoi has publicly targeted Salman Khan for years over a 1998 poaching case involving blackbucks – a species of antelope that holds religious reverence for the Bishnoi community. In April 2024, unidentified gunmen fired five rounds outside Khan’s Mumbai home. Six months after that attack, Baba Siddique, a senior Indian politician with close ties to Khan and multiple other Bollywood stars, was gunned down in a public assassination. Mumbai police have connected both attacks to the Bishnoi gang, though investigators have not confirmed any direct personal involvement by Bishnoi in Siddique’s murder.

    While some allegations against Bishnoi’s network have been confirmed by official police investigations, many others remain unproven. But the line between what the gang has actually done and what is claimed in its name often blurs in public discourse, only amplifying Bishnoi’s notoriety. Rakesh Maria, a former Mumbai police commissioner, has described Bishnoi as a representative of a new generation of Indian gangsters who are far more technologically savvy and globally connected than their predecessors. “The old underworld was visible and territorial, but the new one is dispersed, fluid, making it harder to pin down,” Maria told Indian outlet *The Print* last year. “They no longer need to reside in the city to command it.”

    The relationship between criminal groups and Bollywood has shifted in another key way: who gets to shape the gangster’s public image. In the 1990s, Bollywood itself turned Mumbai’s feared underworld figures into objects of widespread public fascination. Films such as *Satya* (1998) and *Company* (2002) brought a gritty, raw realism to the portrayal of gang life, and Manoj Bajpayee’s iconic performance as gangster Bhiku Mhatre in *Satya* became what film scholar Ashvin Immanuel Devasundaram calls “mythologised and talismanic.” The fear and fascination of that era are “seared into the collective consciousness” of the Indian public, Devasundaram told the BBC. Each new attack pulls those old memories back to the surface.

    But today’s gangsters no longer need mainstream cinema to build their own mythology. Social media platforms allow them to craft and spread their own public image directly, circulating threats, claims of responsibility, and carefully staged content to audiences that reach far beyond Mumbai’s borders.

    In the wake of the Shroff shooting, Indian police have reportedly increased security detail outside the homes of Salman Khan and Rohit Shetty. The All Indian Cine Workers Association has called for enhanced protection for Bollywood figures, asking publicly: “Today it is Tiger Shroff. Who is next?”

    So far, there is little concrete evidence that criminal networks have regained the level of overt influence over Bollywood financing and creative decisions that the old underworld held in the 1990s and early 2000s. But the recent string of attacks has exposed a new, different vulnerability for the industry. Modern gangsters no longer need to control the entire $2.7 billion Indian film industry to destabilize it and spread widespread fear. A single attempted shooting, amplified across millions of social media feeds and phone screens, can create panic that extends far beyond the original target.

    Sivanandhan, who spent decades confronting Mumbai’s most powerful criminal groups, understands that even the most robust security has gaps. “There is always a crack in the armour,” he observed.

  • Powerful earthquake hits Tibet killing 16 people, reports say

    Powerful earthquake hits Tibet killing 16 people, reports say

    A powerful magnitude 7 earthquake has rattled the remote, mountainous terrain of Baqên County in Tibet’s northern Nagqu region, triggering widespread destruction that has claimed at least 16 lives and left dozens injured, according to official Chinese state media reports.

    Citing data from the local emergency management bureau, state-run news agency Xinhua confirmed the seismic event struck just after nightfall on Thursday, with its epicenter located roughly 400 kilometers northeast of Lhasa, Tibet’s regional capital. In the immediate aftermath of the quake, regional and national authorities swiftly activated a level-one emergency response and deployed specialized search-and-rescue teams to the hard-hit area, where 32 people have been confirmed with injuries ranging from minor to critical.

    Local official updates paint a grim picture of the damage: more than 300 residential structures have completely collapsed across the affected county, and widespread damage to grid infrastructure has left most of the region without electrical power. Compounding the challenges for first responders, triggered rockfalls along mountain highways have forced the closure of key access routes, slowing the arrival of emergency supplies and rescue personnel to cut-off communities.

    This earthquake comes less than two months after a separate catastrophic disaster in the Himalayan region, when a massive glacial lake collapse unleashed devastating flash floods and landslides across southern Tibet and neighboring Nepal. That disaster killed more than 1,400 people, with hundreds of residents still unaccounted for months later, underscoring the high natural disaster risk facing Tibet’s geologically active mountain ecosystems.

  • Surveillance and ‘constant paranoia’: Western diplomats tell BBC of life in war-time Moscow

    Surveillance and ‘constant paranoia’: Western diplomats tell BBC of life in war-time Moscow

    For decades through the Cold War and beyond, Western diplomats based in Moscow served as critical bridges between competing powers, defusing escalating tensions even when bilateral relations hit their lowest points. But three years after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the role of Western envoys in Russia has been transformed into one of the most dangerous and isolating assignments in global diplomacy, according to firsthand accounts from five senior former diplomats who served in Moscow in the post-invasion era. In exclusive interviews with the BBC, these envoys – including former U.S. Ambassador Lynne Tracy and former French Ambassador Pierre Lévy – detail a surveillance and pressure campaign that harkens back to the darkest days of the Cold War, while bringing new logistical and psychological challenges that many say outstrip even the most high-risk postings around the world.