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  • Pilgrims and tourists detained in Saudi Arabia over online posts

    Pilgrims and tourists detained in Saudi Arabia over online posts

    A damning new joint investigation from human rights organizations Amnesty International and Alqst has uncovered a pattern of arbitrary detention, unfair trial practices, and harsh long prison sentences handed down to international visitors to Saudi Arabia – including religious pilgrims and tourist travelers – purely for peaceful expression on social media platforms. The report, released this week, documents at least nine confirmed cases of foreign nationals targeted for detention between July 2022 and late 2024, most hailing from Middle Eastern nations and Global South countries. Rights groups warn the actual total of those detained is far higher, hidden by Saudi Arabia’s lack of judicial transparency and widespread fear among victims and their families of retaliation for speaking out.

    Among the most high-profile cases detailed is that of Amr Abdelfattah, a French citizen and father of three who was taken into custody in June 2024 while completing the annual Hajj pilgrimage, one of Islam’s most sacred religious obligations. Abdelfattah spent 11 months in pre-trial detention before facing trial in May 2025 on two counts: charges related to peaceful online speech, where Saudi authorities claim he “insulted” the Saudi government and expressed support for individuals previously prosecuted by the state, and a minor visa discrepancy. Rights groups note that visa irregularities of this type almost always result in only a small fine or deportation, never imprisonment. According to Abdelfattah’s wife, the entire incident stemmed from her husband falling victim to a widespread common visa scam targeting pilgrims. He has now spent two full years behind bars, where his family says he has endured repeated physical abuse at the hands of prison guards. Alqst’s investigation confirmed credible reports that Abdelfattah has been beaten by correctional officers. Like other detained foreign nationals, he faces severe restrictions on communication with his family: any discussion of his treatment, trial conditions or legal situation results in an immediate cut-off of phone calls, and he is banned from speaking French during calls – he is only permitted to communicate in Arabic, allowing full monitoring by prison authorities. “Instead of being fined and deported, he has spent two years in detention, where he has endured repeated abuse and faces additional charges over peaceful expression,” Abdelfattah’s wife told Middle East Eye. “It’s time for this ordeal to end and for our family to be reunited.”

    A second prominent case in the report involves Ahmed al-Doush, a British national who was working for Bank of America at the time of his arrest. Doush was taken into custody in August 2024 at Riyadh’s international airport as he prepared to board a flight back to the United Kingdom, after completing a family trip to Saudi Arabia with his then-pregnant wife and three young children. His detention stems from social media posts he published years before he even traveled to the kingdom. Notably, Doush had no prior history of political activism, prior reporting from Middle East Eye confirms. Since his arrest, he has been sentenced to five years in prison. His wife Amaher Nour was forced to give birth to the couple’s fourth child without any contact with her husband, just over a week before the report’s release. “Ahmed was taken from me and the children without warning or explanation. His absence has been deeply distressing to me and my children,” Nour said. “Our fourth child arrived only about a week ago and Ahmed wasn’t able to be there, I couldn’t even speak to him on the phone. My children and I just want him home as soon as possible, and seek the active support and help of the UK government to protect his rights.”

    Doush’s family has faced the same lack of transparency and communication restrictions that mark other cases. Despite repeated formal requests, Saudi authorities have refused to share court documents with Doush’s legal team in the UK or his family. Doush has told his wife that he is only permitted to discuss superficial family matters during calls; any conversation about his detention conditions, health, legal proceedings or the charges against him will result in the call being terminated and additional punishment. Most recently, the report confirms, Doush was denied all contact with his family after he spoke to his children in English during a supervised call.

    Other cases profiled in the investigation illustrate how widespread this targeting is across different types of visitors. Four of the nine documented detainees were in Saudi Arabia to complete the Hajj or Umrah pilgrimages – the two most important religious journeys in Islam – while the other five were on family tourist or personal visits. Fahd Ramadhan, a Dutch-Yemeni national, was detained arbitrarily in November 2023 and held for 18 months without ever being formally charged. Ramadhan believes his detention was triggered by social media posts expressing sympathy for a known critic of the Saudi royal family; interrogators presented him with a document listing four X (formerly Twitter) posts he had made and demanded he sign it. He was ultimately released in June 2025. One unnamed pilgrim was arrested in Mecca just hours after posting mild criticism of Saudi authorities on social media while performing Umrah; he was held without trial for 20 months before being released, even though he deleted the posts immediately after publishing them. Another visitor was detained and held for a full year before release after holding up a small sign during Umrah calling for the release of a political prisoner held in another country. In 2022, Lebanese national Haidar Slim was detained during Hajj after filming himself chanting a traditional Shia religious slogan; he was sentenced to five years in prison and a 10,000 Saudi riyal fine, only released in March 2025 after diplomatic intervention from his home government.

    The report also highlights a common exploitative practice: many detainees who do not speak Arabic have been forced to sign legal documents they cannot understand, with no translation provided, to secure coerced confessions. Nadyeen Abdulaziz, a senior representative of Alqst, called on foreign governments to step up action to protect their citizens. “Foreign governments should use the means available to them to protect the rights of their citizens and residents while abroad, including providing consular assistance and monitoring trial proceedings,” Abdulaziz said. “Governments that profess to believe in universal human rights should advocate for the release of all those arbitrarily detained for exercising their right to freedom of expression.” Middle East Eye has reached out to the Saudi embassy in London requesting comment on the report’s findings, as of publication no response has been received.

  • Israeli press review: Netanyahu says wars will never end

    Israeli press review: Netanyahu says wars will never end

    In a stark and unprecedented admission to Israeli right-wing outlet Channel 14 on Tuesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that Israel’s ongoing military campaigns across the Middle East will have no end, rejecting any prospect of a conclusion to the country’s regional conflicts. The lengthy interview, conducted with a media outlet widely viewed as a platform for Netanyahu’s political messaging, came in response to a question asking whether Israel’s multiple wars across the region were moving toward a close.

    Netanyahu pointed to what he framed as major Israeli achievements to date, including the targeted assassinations of senior Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, and Israel’s ongoing military occupation of swathes of Gaza, southern Lebanon and Syrian territory. He also referenced the two military campaigns launched by Israel and the United States targeting Iranian-linked forces, claiming that “we broke the barrier of fear” that he said had prevented Israeli attacks on Iran for 47 years.

    Pressed on whether his self-coined goal of “total victory” — announced immediately after the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack — remained within reach, Netanyahu doubled down on his indefinite conflict framing, stating simply, “it never ends.” He argued that military strength is a prerequisite for security in the Middle East and globally, asserting that “Israel is stronger than ever” before prompting applause from the studio audience, which complied with his request.

    When questioned about the prospect of what the interviewer called “emigration” for Gaza’s Palestinian population, Netanyahu corrected the framing to specify what he called “voluntary emigration” — a widely criticized Israeli euphemism for the forced expulsion of Palestinians from the besieged enclave. He declined to elaborate further, saying only, “I prefer to talk less and do more.” He used the same vague, action-over-words framing when asked about proposals to establish new Jewish settlements in occupied Gaza, noting that Israel faces mounting international pressure over its policies, and “I don’t have to challenge the entire world at every moment and on every issue.”

    Separate reporting from Israeli outlet Haaretz has shed new light on shifting social attitudes within Israel amid the ongoing Gaza conflict, revealing that a growing share of young Israeli students hold overtly racist views toward Palestinian citizens of the country, with upcoming student elections this October marking the first national student vote since the start of the Gaza war. The outlet cites growing concern from youth workers and academic researchers, who have documented a steady rise in extremist and exclusionary attitudes among Israeli teenagers over recent years.

    Data from a poll conducted by Israel’s own education ministry shows a sharp increase between 2023 and 2025 in the share of students who believe groups including Palestinian citizens of Israel do not deserve equal membership in Israeli society. The poll breaks down attitudes by school type: 52 percent of students from religious Israeli Jewish schools back the exclusionary view, compared to 35 percent of students from secular Jewish schools and 34 percent of students from Arab-speaking Israeli schools.

    A youth movement official told Haaretz that for Jewish Israeli students, rising nationalist sentiment has been paired with growing demands for a more rigid Jewish identity, alongside increased willingness to enlist in Israeli combat units. Another youth organizer noted that rising fear of Arab communities among Jewish students has been accompanied by a broader erosion of trust in Israel’s own democratic institutions. Beyond the rise in exclusionary views, the report found that most recent graduates of Israel’s secular education system no longer believe a lasting peace agreement with Palestinians is possible. One Jewish high school principal summarized the shift, telling Haaretz that today’s graduates “do not believe in peace or in a political solution to the conflict between the two peoples.”

    In another alarming development, Israeli news outlet Ynet reported Wednesday on a new academic study that warns of devastating, long-term mental health harms facing the children of Israeli reserve soldiers, whose deployments to multiple ongoing fronts have stretched on for nearly two years. The study, conducted by researchers at Reichman University, surveyed more than 2,500 reservist families to measure trauma rates across generations.

    The findings are stark: an overwhelming majority of young children under the age of seven whose parent is a reservist show measurable symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Seventy-five percent of these children meet the threshold for sub-clinical PTSD, while nearly 32 percent of symptomatic children meet criteria for full clinical PTSD. Researchers warned that the emotional and physiological harm being experienced by these children will create long-term costs for Israeli society if widespread, accessible treatment is not rolled out immediately.

    The trauma is not limited to children: the study found that 35 percent of surveyed reserve fathers and 42 percent of reserve mothers also show symptoms of PTSD and other trauma-related conditions. After almost two years of continuous combat across multiple fronts, the study concludes that Israel has effectively become “a nation in trauma,” with reservist families raising young children bearing an especially severe and ongoing burden. Researchers described daily life for many of these families as “at times, utter chaos,” warning that the country is now facing an unprecedented “tsunami of mental health problems.”

    Common symptoms reported in children include insomnia, bedwetting, frequent violent outbursts, and other behavioral disruptions, while 80 percent of parents reported a major, widespread decline across all areas of their daily lives, researchers confirmed.

  • State-backed UAE and Bahrain teams under scrutiny ahead of Tour de France

    State-backed UAE and Bahrain teams under scrutiny ahead of Tour de France

    As cycling’s most prestigious annual event, the Tour de France, prepares to kick off this weekend, two of its competing squads — both with deep state ties to Gulf nations the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain — are facing growing scrutiny over human rights concerns that have reignited debates over sportswashing in global cycling. Leading the odds to claim overall victory at this year’s race is Tadej Pogacar, a Slovenian cyclist widely regarded as the most dominant male road rider in the modern sport. Pogacar has already secured four Tour de France titles across the last six editions, all claimed while riding under the banner of UAE Team Emirates XRG, formerly known as simply UAE Team Emirates. The squad has held the top spot in the Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI) global team rankings since 2023, cementing its status as the most formidable outfit in professional road cycling. Beyond Tour de France success, Pogacar has notched up an extraordinary array of wins for the team, including the Giro d’Italia crown, two UCI Road World Championship titles, and a long list of victories in prestigious one-day classic races. This year, however, a coalition of leading international human rights organizations has broken its silence ahead of the race, penning an open letter to the UCI calling for the immediate suspension of both UAE Team Emirates XRG and a second Gulf-backed outfit, Team Bahrain Victorious. The letter, co-signed by Fair Square, Sudan Unlimited, the Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (Bird), and Christian Solidarity Worldwide, was reviewed exclusively by Middle East Eye ahead of the Tour’s opening stage. Middle East Eye has reached out to the UCI, UAE Team Emirates XRG, and Team Bahrain Victorious for official comment on the allegations, but had not received responses as of publication. Rights groups argue that UAE Team Emirates XRG operates under the direct financial and political control of the Emirati state, a claim backed by the team’s own public messaging. On the squad’s official LinkedIn page, leaders state that the team’s core mission is to “represent an entire nation, the UAE.” The team’s branding mission was on full public display after Pogacar’s 2024 Tour de France victory, when the entire squad chanted “U-A-E! U-A-E!” in unison from the podium in Paris. The team’s two primary sponsors are both state-controlled entities: Emirates airline is owned directly by the government of Dubai, while XRG, the investment arm of the UAE’s national oil company, falls under the control of the Abu Dhabi government. The letter also draws attention to the team’s founding: when it was first launched in 2017, one of its founding sponsors was the International Golden Group, a United Arab Emirates-based military contracting firm. A United Nations expert panel identified the company back in 2013 as a violator of the UN arms embargo on Libya, after it was found to have supplied weapons to unauthorized armed groups in the country. While International Golden Group is no longer listed as an active sponsor, its logo appeared on the team’s racing jerseys as recently as 2021, years after the UN report documenting its embargo violations was released. At the core of the demand to suspend the UAE squad is the human rights coalition’s claim that there is “irrefutable evidence” linking the UAE, which owns and controls the team, to the ongoing atrocities in Sudan. The letter identifies the UAE as the primary financial and military backer of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group that has been fighting the Sudanese Armed Forces in a brutal civil war since April 2023. Middle East Eye has previously reported on the UAE’s extensive supply network, which funnels weapons to the RSF through a web of intermediaries across Libya, Chad, Uganda, and Somalia. Since the conflict began, RSF fighters have been accused of perpetrating widespread massacres, systematic sexual violence, and ethnic cleansing that multiple international bodies have designated as genocide in Sudan’s Darfur region. “We know that the UAE uses sports teams to project a positive, sanitised image of itself while at the same time offering material and political support to the RSF in Sudan, who stand accused of genocide, and who may commit further atrocities in El-Obeid,” Alex Carlen, policy director at Fair Square, told Middle East Eye. The groups argue that allowing the state-owned team to compete in top-tier UCI events gives the UAE a valuable public platform to whitewash its human rights record. “Cycling’s most prominent and celebrated races have become a very public platform that the UAE state is using to project a positive image of the UAE, which stands in marked contrast to the violence and repression that underpins its power,” the letter reads. The coalition is also calling for the suspension of Team Bahrain Victorious, the second Gulf-backed squad set to compete in this year’s Tour de France. The team was founded by Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa, a senior member of Bahrain’s ruling royal family who serves as commander of the kingdom’s royal guard and head of Bahrain’s national youth and sports council. On the team’s official website, leaders acknowledge that the squad “represents a powerful platform for showcasing the ambition, optimism and global outlook of the Kingdom of Bahrain.” Rights groups charge that the team serves to distract from longstanding systemic human rights abuses in Bahrain, where authorities have cracked down on political dissent, arbitrarily arrested opposition figures, and effectively eliminated freedom of expression since widespread pro-democracy protests in 2011. This is not the first time that human rights groups have raised alarms about Team Bahrain Victorious: Bird sent a formal letter to the UCI back in 2019 calling on the governing body to publish the results of an ethical review into the team and to take human rights concerns into account when considering future license renewals. At the time, the UCI dismissed the request, saying that “the question of whether the government of Bahrain mistreats its citizens and its athletes in particular, is clearly beyond the jurisdiction of our Commission.” Carlen says that response is no longer acceptable, and that the UCI has a responsibility to act ahead of this year’s Tour. “The UCI cannot continue to allow state-backed teams to use its highly popular and historic competition to advance their own political interests,” he said. “Cycling as a sport has an opportunity here to set a precedent and put the focus back on the competition rather than an association with human rights violations.”

  • Israel arrests five women activists in the occupied West Bank

    Israel arrests five women activists in the occupied West Bank

    Overnight raids carried out by the Israeli army across the occupied West Bank early Wednesday led to the arrest of five female Palestinian activists all affiliated with local Palestinian health committees, alongside 15 additional Palestinian detainees. The arrests mark a sharp escalation in ongoing targeting of Palestinian women and healthcare workers under occupation, according to local Palestinian advocacy groups. The five detained women come from three major West Bank governorates: Ramallah-based activists Jamila Abu Dahou and Jamila Kanaan, two Nablus natives — previously released detainee Maysar al-Faqih and 26-year-old accountant Faten Hanaysheh — and 66-year-old Etaf Bader from Hebron. All five have ties to the Health Work Committees, a leading Palestinian health and community development organization. Family members of the detainees have detailed the chaotic and aggressive nature of the pre-dawn raids, which left children traumatized and violated basic cultural norms for several of the arrested women. Etaf Bader, a 20-year veteran of the Health Work Committees’ administrative board who has spent decades leading family support and women’s empowerment initiatives, was taken from her family home in Hebron. Her husband Abdul Rahman Bader recounted to Middle East Eye that Israeli soldiers forced their way into the property, demanded his wife’s identification, and took her into custody without disclosing any charges. Soldiers handcuffed and blindfolded Bader, searched the home’s rooms and storage, and transported her to an undisclosed location. “We don’t know where she was taken, and we hope the arrest is temporary and for questioning only,” Abdul Rahman Bader said. In Nablus, 61-year-old Maysar al-Faqih — who had already spent four months in Israeli administrative detention two years earlier and stepped back from women’s rights activism after her release to avoid re-arrest — was seized during a 2:30 a.m. raid on her family home. Al-Faqih’s three married daughters were visiting with their children at the time, and the young kids were roused from sleep by the soldiers’ shouting and aggressive entry into the home. Wael Abu al-Saba, Maysar’s husband, told reporters that Israeli forces acted brutally during the incursion, frightening the children, seized al-Faqih’s mobile phone, and took her into custody after restraining her. The most high-profile incident of cultural disrespect during the raids was documented in the arrest of Faten Hanaysheh, the 26-year-old accountant with the Health Work Committees. Israeli forces first searched for Hanaysheh at her brother’s home in the village of Beit Dajan, east of Nablus, before surrounding her father’s home in the village center and pounding violently on the entry door. When the family opened the door, soldiers immediately announced they intended to arrest Hanaysheh, who was wearing only pajamas. Hanaysheh’s father Murad told reporters he begged soldiers to allow his daughter time to change into street clothes, a request that aligns with basic Islamic cultural norms for modesty. Soldiers refused his request, pushed him back repeatedly, slammed the home door shut, and dragged Hanaysheh away in handcuffs to an undisclosed location. Hours after her arrest, Hanaysheh was able to contact her family to confirm she was being held at the Salem Detention Centre and would face interrogation by Israeli intelligence. Murad Hanaysheh also added that Israeli forces had raided his daughter’s office at the Health Work Committees Nablus headquarters just two weeks prior, seizing work-related documents and her work laptop. In a formal statement following the arrests, the Palestinian Prisoners’ Club outlined that Palestinian women have faced a steadily rising tide of targeting as part of Israel’s broad arrest campaigns across the West Bank. Tactics used against detained women include night home raids, hostage detention, aggressive interrogation methods, and growing numbers of arrests based on Israeli allegations of “incitement” on social media platforms. Following Wednesday’s arrests, the total number of Palestinian women held in Israeli detention facilities now stands at 99, the organization confirmed. The statement also added that daily Israeli arrest raids across the West Bank are part of a deliberate, systemic state policy. Since the outbreak of the 2023 Israel-Hamas war, the total number of Palestinians arrested by Israeli forces in the occupied territories has surpassed 24,000. The arrests of the five female health activists come on the heels of two recent high-profile detentions of senior Palestinian medical workers: 71-year-old Dr. Mazen al-Rantisi, arrested during a home raid in Ramallah last week, and 63-year-old Dr. Khaled Ayash, taken into custody days later from his home in Biddu, a town northwest of Jerusalem. The Palestinian NGO Network has condemned this string of arrests, framing them as a deliberate attack on core Palestinian civil society and health infrastructure. In a formal statement, the network called on the international community to ramp up pressure on the Israeli occupation to end the targeting of Palestinian doctors, health workers and humanitarian organizations. The group also demanded the activation of international accountability mechanisms to secure the release of all detained Palestinian health personnel. The network emphasized that these arrests constitute a clear violation of international humanitarian law, and represent an expansion of the occupation’s long-running campaign to dismantle Palestinian health systems across both the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Amid the ongoing war in Gaza, widespread destruction of health infrastructure, and state-led policies of forced displacement, these arrests further block Palestinian civilians from accessing life-saving medical care, the statement added.

  • Israel is carrying out ‘reproductive genocide’ against Palestinians

    Israel is carrying out ‘reproductive genocide’ against Palestinians

    A groundbreaking 188-page report from the Palestinian Feminist Collective, backed by the global advocacy group Progressive International, has leveled explosive allegations that Israel has enacted decades of systemic reproductive genocide against the Palestinian people, a campaign that has intensified to catastrophic levels since the outbreak of full-scale conflict in Gaza in October 2023. The report argues that this deliberate strategy targets Palestinian women, children, and communal life by destroying critical medical infrastructure, causing widespread environmental harm that triggers infertility, and directly killing civilians to erode the possibility of sustained Palestinian existence. The findings align with a separate recent conclusion from the United Nations’ top independent investigative body for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which confirmed Israeli forces have intentionally targeted Palestinian children as a core component of their Gaza military campaign.

    The UN commission’s investigation mapped the full scope of harm inflicted on Palestinian children: from targeted sniper attacks and drone strikes, to systematic torture of detained minors, widespread reproductive violence, and the deliberate leveling of schools and hospitals. Since the start of the campaign in October 2023, more than 21,000 Palestinian children have been killed by Israeli forces, with an additional 5,160 children estimated to remain trapped and dead under the rubble of destroyed buildings. As of October 2024, at least 15,000 children in Gaza have lost their mothers, leaving them orphaned in a war zone. One particularly devastating case documented by the UN involved the Israeli military cutting power to al-Nasr paediatric hospital, leading to the deaths of four newborn infants. Their decomposing bodies were later found still connected to non-functional life support machines.

    When the full-scale assault on Gaza began, UN officials estimated 50,000 pregnant women were residing in the enclave, with 5,500 births occurring each month. The report details that Israel’s military blockade and attacks have eliminated almost all access to emergency obstetric care, creating a public health catastrophe that has pushed miscarriage rates up by more than 300 percent. Widespread malnutrition, widespread anaemia, and a total lack of prenatal supplements have drastically increased the risks of preterm birth, low birth weight, and fatal maternal hemorrhaging during labor. With Israel blocking entry of clean water, menstrual hygiene products, and basic reproductive health supplies into Gaza, the Palestinian Feminist Collective found that many women have been forced to use homemade sanitary pads or take continuous birth control pills to stop their periods entirely.

    Compiled from research conducted between December 2025 and April 2026, the report draws from a vast array of sources: survivor and witness testimonies, declassified Israeli archival documents, Palestinian oral histories, peer-reviewed academic research, documentary evidence, independent media reporting, human rights documentation, and official UN reports and statements. In Gaza, the vast majority of hospitals have been destroyed or damaged by bombing, leaving facilities without fuel, electricity, anesthesia, or sterile surgical equipment. This has forced pregnant women to deliver babies in overcrowded emergency shelters, damaged private homes, or even on rubble-strewn city streets. International medics who have worked in Gaza have described the unspeakable horror of performing major surgeries, including emergency Caesarean sections, without any form of anesthesia. Even after giving birth, new mothers cannot access basic supplies considered universal across most of the world: diapers, adequate nutrition, clean water, or infant formula.

    The report argues that Israel’s military campaign has systematically targeted the core infrastructure that enables Palestinian life, specifically reproductive healthcare systems, to make sustained Palestinian survival impossible. Israeli forces have destroyed maternity wards and in vitro fertilization (IVF) clinics across Gaza. The report adds that the Israeli military’s use of toxic weaponry including white phosphorus has created long-term, intergenerational risks to Palestinian fertility, extending the harm of the campaign to future generations. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian women now serve as the sole breadwinners and caregivers for their families, after being widowed by the conflict or left to raise children alone while their partners are held in Israeli political prisons. Thousands more have been forcibly separated from their families through systematic expulsions and mass incarcerations. “Palestinian mothers in Gaza have been left to shoulder the impossible task of giving life and caring for their children despite the widespread starvation, displacement, and disease,” the report states.

    To illustrate the systemic nature of the violence, the report highlights the stories of two Gaza women, Rania Abu Anza and Jomana Arafa, whose cases are described as only the tip of the iceberg of harm. Abu Anza spent 10 years pursuing IVF treatment before finally giving birth to twin boys, Naeim and Wissam. In March 2024, an Israeli air strike killed both infants and their father, destroying the family Abu Anza had spent a decade building. Just two days after Arafa gave birth to her own twins, she, her newborns, and her mother were killed while seeking shelter in an area Israel had officially designated a “safe humanitarian zone.” Arafa’s husband survived only because he had left to retrieve the twins’ official birth certificates.

    The UN’s Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory has independently confirmed that Israeli forces have systematically targeted reproductive healthcare infrastructure, all but eliminating maternity services, prenatal care, fertility clinics, and neonatal intensive care units across Gaza. For the first time in Gaza’s history, a full-scale famine has broken out in the enclave, driven by Israel’s severe restrictions on food entry. The Palestinian Feminist Collective’s report also traces this reproductive violence to long-standing ideological roots in Israeli policy, noting that as early as 1995, Israeli geographer Arnon Soffer warned that “the most serious threat Israel faces is the wombs of Arab women,” framing Palestinian birth rates as an existential threat to Israeli national security. Golda Meir, who served as Israeli prime minister from 1969 to 1974, once remarked that her worst nightmares stemmed from the knowledge that “another Palestinian child will be born.”

    Responding to the report, Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, called the document a damning indictment of the entire system of Israeli occupation. “It is an indictment of a system that has transformed Palestinian life – bodies, homes, families, reproductive existence, and even the dead – into instruments of control and domination,” Albanese said. “It is time to understand that the crimes against the Palestinians – including the sexualised and gender-based violence meticulously researched and exposed in this report – is not a total sum of isolated abuses, but a system of domination, oppression and erasure.” This reporting is originally from independent outlet Middle East Eye, which provides unfiltered coverage of the Middle East and North Africa region.

  • ‘Board of Peace’ to launch ‘Hamas-free’ camps as Israel tightens grip on Gaza

    ‘Board of Peace’ to launch ‘Hamas-free’ camps as Israel tightens grip on Gaza

    A controversial proposal to establish so-called “Hamas-free humanitarian zones” in the Gaza Strip, led by a U.S.-backed initiative led by former U.S. President Donald Trump, has emerged in recent Israeli media reports, as the Israeli military continues to consolidate its hold over more than two-thirds of the besieged territory.

    According to reporting from Israeli national newspaper Israel Hayom, the first of these controlled humanitarian zones is scheduled to open within the next several weeks at Tel Sultan, a location situated on the outskirts of Rafah in southern Gaza. The site is intended to house Palestinian civilians who have been vetted and confirmed to have no weapon holdings or organizational ties to Hamas, the report says.

    Security and order within the designated zones will be maintained by a newly assembled multinational contingent called the International Stabilisation Force (ISF). The force will be outfitted exclusively with non-lethal weaponry, operating out of Israel’s Amitai Camp located near the Gaza border and falling under the direct command of Trump’s Board of Peace – the body launched in January this year at the former U.S. president’s explicit order to advance a negotiated settlement for the Gaza conflict.

    While the plan promises basic humanitarian support including temporary shelter and aid deliveries to residents of the zones, Board of Peace officials have made a firm commitment to ban the import of concrete into Gaza, a restriction that will heavily limit infrastructure reconstruction amid widespread destruction across the territory. The board is also moving forward with plans to develop large-scale logistics warehouses to support the management of the humanitarian shelters, with site scouting already underway in communities adjacent to Gaza’s border fence, per the report.

    Parallel to these humanitarian planning efforts, the Israeli military is continuing its incremental expansion of territorial control beyond the so-called “Yellow Line”, an existing boundary that was meant to serve as a temporary holding area for Israeli forces during the first phase of an earlier ceasefire agreement. Under the terms of that deal, Israel was required to withdraw from the area during the second phase of the agreement, but Israel has refused to relinquish control, as the second phase has never been implemented. Today, this expanded buffer zone controlled by Israel encompasses approximately 70 percent of Gaza’s total land area.

    An unnamed senior Israeli official speaking to Israel Hayom outlined the country’s current strategic approach: “We are manoeuvring within the American constraints, increasing the pace of targeted killings while remaining below the threshold of international criticism – and this will continue as long as Hamas is unwilling to disarm.”

    In a recent public update posted to the social platform X, the Board of Peace confirmed that the first batch of tactical vehicles has already arrived at the ISF’s base in the Logistics Support Area codenamed Endurance, alongside photographs documenting the delivery.

    Reaction to the plan from Hamas has been cautiously measured. Hazem Qassem, a spokesperson for the group, said Hamas holds out hope that the initiative will mark “the beginning of implementing the tasks assigned to them”, including separating Palestinian communities in Gaza from Israeli military forces and working to put a stop to ongoing Israeli violations against Palestinian civilians. “We call on the Board of Peace to begin the actual implementation of the provisions of the plan to end the war on Gaza,” Qassem added.

    The plan for a concentrated humanitarian enclave near Rafah is not a new proposal. As far back as July of last year, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz first announced plans to corral the entire population of Gaza into a consolidated “humanitarian city” near Rafah, where all residents would undergo mandatory security screenings and be barred from leaving the designated area. Earlier satellite imagery analysis conducted by research group Forensic Architecture and reported by Drop Site News in January of this year already revealed that Israeli forces had carried out large-scale land clearing and ground compaction work in the Tel Sultan area of Rafah, a level of preparatory construction activity unmatched anywhere else east of the Yellow Line.

  • Starmer’s legacy: Labour has a mountain to climb to recover its Muslim voters

    Starmer’s legacy: Labour has a mountain to climb to recover its Muslim voters

    In October 2023, as Israel launched its military campaign in Gaza, Keir Starmer — then leader of the UK opposition — faced a pivotal question during a live interview with LBC’s Nick Ferrari. When asked about Israel’s deliberate use of starvation as a tool of conflict against Palestinian civilians in Gaza, Starmer’s response would reshape the future of the Labour Party: he stated he believed Israel held a legitimate “right” to cut off electricity and water supplies to Gaza’s civilian population, a move widely classified as a war crime under international humanitarian law. What Starmer did not anticipate in that moment was the lasting damage his words would inflict on Labour’s standing with its core supporters, particularly the UK’s Muslim community.

    Historically, Labour has positioned itself as more sympathetic to the Palestinian cause and more open to Palestinian advocacy than the ruling Conservative Party. So Starmer’s remarks triggered an immediate wave of backlash from voices both inside and outside the party. Within just a few weeks, more than 150 Muslim Labour councillors penned an open letter to party leadership, demanding an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. The plea was brushed aside, and the first cracks in the long-standing alliance between the Muslim community and Labour quickly grew into a major political rupture.

    Though Labour had held a consistent lead in national opinion polls since December 2021, translating to a landslide victory in the 2024 general election that delivered a majority government, the election exposed deep, costly rifts within the party. Starmer’s government took power with the lowest popular vote share for any UK ruling party in modern history, and the party lost multiple parliamentary constituencies with large Muslim populations. One of the most high-profile losses was the newly created Dewsbury and Batley constituency in West Yorkshire, a seat where 43% of the population identifies as Muslim.

    Warning signs of this backlash had already emerged in the May 2024 local elections, when thousands of disaffected Labour voters threw their support behind independent candidates across the country. This trend held strong in the most recent round of 2026 local elections, particularly in the Kirklees metropolitan borough that covers Dewsbury and Batley. Yusra Hussain, a local councillor who defected from Labour to run as an independent, and who won a full term in Batley West alongside two other independent candidates, summed up the sentiment of many defectors: “I did not leave because my values changed. I left because I believe the party’s direction has changed.”

    To understand Labour’s current unrest, observers say it is impossible to separate the Gaza backlash from the broader ideological shift the party has undergone over the past decade. Under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership, Labour advanced a clear platform of radical left-wing policies centered on renationalization of key industries, massive public investment, and expanded social rights. It was on this platform of Corbyn’s “10 pledges” that Starmer won the 2020 Labour leadership contest — but within months of taking power, Starmer abandoned each pledge one by one, steering the party sharply to the right, further even than the centrist New Labour government of Tony Blair.

    This ideological shift left Labour vulnerable in marginal seats with large Muslim populations. In the 2021 Batley and Spen by-election, for example, then-incumbent Labour candidate Tracy Brabin — now Mayor of West Yorkshire — saw her majority whittled down to just 323 votes, after prominent Palestine advocate George Galloway ran as a spoiler candidate and drew thousands of left-leaning pro-Palestine voters away from Labour. That same lack of a coherent, progressive appeal, paired with the party’s hard turn toward pro-Israel policy, cost Starmer the newly created Dewsbury and Batley seat in 2024.

    Iqbal Mohamed, the independent MP who now holds the Dewsbury and Batley seat, explained the coalition that brought him to power: “What united so many voters was a firm belief that this country is — in a myriad of ways — failing the vast majority of people, their basic needs and their human rights, be that at home or abroad. Along with the abandonment of traditional centre-left viewpoints, moving the party towards a pro-Israel ideology was a devastating shift in this constituency.”

    This electoral backlash is not limited to West Yorkshire. Independents also claimed key seats from Labour in Blackburn and Birmingham Perry Barr, both constituencies with even larger British Asian populations than Dewsbury and Batley. Political analysts note that Starmer’s abandonment of the party’s longstanding pro-Palestine position has proven even more disruptive to Labour’s voter base than his broader shift to the right. For decades, successive Labour leaders had backed Palestinian statehood: Ed Miliband oversaw a parliamentary vote in 2014 where the party voted in favor of recognizing Palestinian statehood, and Corbyn remained a consistent advocate for Palestinian rights throughout his leadership. Though Starmer eventually relented and recognized Palestinian statehood late last year alongside Canada and France, political analysts say the damage to Labour’s reputation among core supporters was already irreversible.

    Post-election polling from 2026 confirms that the backlash extends far beyond the Muslim community. More than half of Labour’s former voters — across demographic groups — now cite the party’s inaction on the Gaza conflict as a key reason they switched their support to the Greens, Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, Liberal Democrats, or independent candidates. Beyond the Gaza issue, Labour has also lost much of its historic left-wing base after the ousting of Jeremy Corbyn, who has since reemerged as a prominent independent left voice. Many political analysts compare this sustained net loss of support to the collapse of other traditional center-left parties across Western Europe in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis.

    The Green Party has emerged as the primary beneficiary of this exodus, with a 2026 YouGov poll finding that more than one in five former Labour voters have now switched their allegiance to the Greens. The party’s new viability was on full display in the 2026 Gorton and Denton by-election in Manchester, where the Greens came within a hair’s breadth of taking the seat from Labour.

    In Dewsbury and Batley, the impact of this political realignment is impossible to miss. The most recent Kirklees Council elections returned a minority administration led by the right-wing Reform UK party, whose incoming leader drew widespread public mockery for demonstrating a clear lack of understanding of basic parliamentary procedure. The council remains deadlocked without a permanent leader, with a new vote scheduled for later this month to break the impasse. Across the 16 wards covering Batley and Dewsbury, voters elected 11 pro-Palestine independent councillors and five Reform candidates — and not a single Labour candidate won a seat.

    Mohamed, the independent MP for the area, argues that the result makes clear voters have rejected the UK’s longstanding two-party system entirely. “They deserted en masse a Labour Party that has for too long treated residents with contempt, taken their vote for granted, and aided and abetted the Israeli apartheid, occupation and genocide of the Palestinian people,” he said.

    The original analysis, published by Middle East Eye editor and journalist Joe Gill in a 2026 opinion video, challenges Starmer’s core narrative that he rescued a party left morally, financially, and politically bankrupt by Corbyn. For analysts, the path to repairing Labour’s broken trust with voters will require decisive action to shift the party’s direction on both domestic and foreign policy — a change that has not yet materialized under Starmer’s leadership.

  • How Israeli president’s advisor worked to set up Reform Friends of Israel group

    How Israeli president’s advisor worked to set up Reform Friends of Israel group

    Calls for greater transparency over foreign lobbying in British politics have reignited after a heated parliamentary debate last week, with Nigel Farage’s Reform UK facing fresh scrutiny over its undisclosed links to Israeli lobbying networks. The Westminster Hall debate was convened to discuss a public petition calling for a formal public inquiry into pro-Israel influence over UK politics and democratic institutions. During the debate, Reform UK deputy leader Richard Tice delivered a fierce rejection of the petition, labeling its core motivation fundamentally antisemitic and calling for it to be thrown out entirely.

    What has thrown Tice’s comments into question, however, is the record of official trips that senior Reform figures have taken to Israel, all funded by pro-Israel groups tied to the Israeli government. Just six months before the debate, in September 2024, Tice himself traveled to Israel for meetings with senior Israeli ministers, with the trip fully financed by Reform Friends of Israel (RFI), a little-known pro-Israel lobby group founded to coordinate ties between the party and the Israeli government. A separate trip by a delegation of senior Reform party figures in November 2024, which included a stop in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, was funded directly by the Israeli foreign ministry, investigative journalism outlet Declassified UK revealed this week.

    Against this backdrop, questions are mounting over the leadership, funding and objectives of RFI, a group that has never publicly disclosed its donor list. The founding driving force behind RFI is British-born political strategist Jason Pearlman, a figure with deep decades-long ties to both British politics and Israeli official circles. Until December 2024, Pearlman served as international media advisor to Israeli President Isaac Herzog, and he continued to work to secure funding for RFI while holding that official Israeli government role. When Pearlman departed his post with Herzog, the Israeli president praised him for guiding the presidency through some of Israel’s most challenging periods with the global press.

    Pearlman has since confirmed he has stepped back from his role leading RFI, telling Middle East Eye in a recent interview that he left the group after relocating to Israel for personal reasons, and that he was honored to have helped launch the organization. He has repeatedly refused to name the group’s financial backers, though he denied claims that RFI has ever received funding from the Israeli government or any other foreign state, and claimed there was never any overlap between his work for the Israeli presidency and his work setting up RFI.

    Pearlman’s long career in pro-Israel advocacy stretches back decades. Raised in Sunderland, northeast England, Pearlman has deep family roots in the global Zionist movement, with a great-grandmother who famously sat alongside Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, at the 1903 Sixth Zionist Congress. After working as media director for the Board of Deputies of British Jews and later in the public affairs department of the Israeli embassy in London, he relocated to Israel in 2006, taking up a role as foreign press liaison for the Israeli government press office a year later. He returned to the UK in 2010 to serve as deputy director of the Henry Jackson Society (HJS), a Westminster-based neoconservative think tank with a long record of strongly pro-Israel advocacy.

    HJS’s current director, Alan Mendoza, is another key figure connected to both Reform UK and pro-Israel lobbying circles in the UK. Mendoza serves as a senior foreign affairs advisor to Reform leader Nigel Farage, and also holds the role of president of the UK branch of the Jewish National Fund (JNF), an organization that has faced widespread international criticism for its role in facilitating the displacement of Palestinian people. JNF UK has donated £1 million ($1.36 million) to what has been described as “Israel’s largest militia”, and counts Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—who faces an arrest warrant for alleged war crimes from the International Criminal Court—as an honorary patron. A former Westminster Conservative councillor, Mendoza defected to Reform UK last year and lost his council seat in the May 2025 UK local elections.

    Under Mendoza’s leadership, HJS has exerted significant influence over counter-terrorism policy during successive Conservative UK governments, while maintaining an unapologetically pro-Israel stance. The think tank has faced harsh criticism even from former insiders: co-founder Matthew Jamison later denounced it as a “monstrous animal” and a “deeply anti-Muslim racist organisation”, while former member Marko Atilla Hoare described it as an “abrasively right-wing forum with an anti-Muslim tinge” that publishes superficial, polemical content from aspiring commentators. Last year, Mendoza publicly opposed the UK government’s plan to allow family dependants of Palestinian students from Gaza to enter the UK, telling TalkTV that “we don’t know what they believe. We don’t know what their tendencies are. We don’t know whether they mean us well or ill.”

    Efforts by Israeli lobbying groups to court Reform UK have ramped up significantly since the second half of 2024. Pearlman previously told Declassified UK that he attended a dinner with Farage and key potential donors while still working for President Herzog, to discuss seed funding for RFI. While he would not name RFI’s current backers, he acknowledged that he expects many donors are overlapping with the groups that fund the long-established pro-Israel lobby groups Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) and Labour Friends of Israel (LFI). Pearlman is an open, vocal defender of Israeli military actions in Gaza, having written a op-ed for UK outlet LBC earlier this year supporting the US-Israeli attack on Iran and criticizing the current Labour government for failing to offer stronger backing for the strike. He has also repeatedly denied that Israeli forces have committed war crimes in Gaza.

    During his September 2024 funded trip to Israel, Tice met with Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, and later wrote that with the current Labour government openly declaring pro-Palestinian positions from the prime minister down, it falls to other parties in UK parliament to stand with Israel as an ally. He added that during the trip he visited an Israeli border crossing into Gaza, and claimed that widespread reports of famine in Gaza pushed by the United Nations were false, saying his own observations and conversations with what he called “credible top people” convinced him the famine claims were untrue.

    Tice’s labeling of the transparency petition as antisemitic during last week’s debate has drawn sharp pushback from the petition’s creator, Andy Kalil. The debate saw most participating MPs who are affiliated with pro-Israel groups echo Tice’s claim that the petition was antisemitic, while a small number of MPs who supported the call for an inquiry raised detailed questions about lobbying and transparency that went unanswered. Kalil has since submitted a formal complaint to Deputy Speaker Nusrat Ghani, obtained by Middle East Eye, arguing that the repeated labeling of the petition, its 118,000 public signatories, and supporting MPs as antisemitic amounts to an sustained attack on a legitimate call for greater transparency and accountability, rather than a serious engagement with the substantive issues raised. Kalil added that the debate failed to address core questions about foreign lobbying, political donations, publicly funded parliamentary trips, and foreign influence, and has called for the debate to be rerun.

    Newly unearthed Israeli government data obtained by Berlin-based journalist Yossi Bartel confirms that the Israeli foreign ministry paid more than £50,000 to a Jerusalem-based events firm called Conexión Israel to organize the November 2024 trip for the Reform UK delegation. The delegation included then-Reform chairman David Bull, Lancashire County Council leader Stephen Atkinson, London Assembly member Alex Wilson, and party board member Gawain Towler. During the trip, the group visited sites of the 7 October 2023 Hamas attacks, including the site of the Nova music festival massacre. After the trip, Bull called it “life changing”, and said the group had discussed issues including visa overstayers and asylum seekers with the deputy mayor of Tel Aviv. Towler said in a statement after the trip that Israel’s fight is “in many ways, our fight” as a shared struggle for “enlightenment ideals, international norms, democracy and the rest.”

    In addition to its deepening ties with pro-Israel lobbying networks, Reform UK has also built formal connections with the United Arab Emirates, with Farage meeting senior Emirati ministers earlier this year. Abu Dhabi has reportedly found common ground with Reform over their shared opposition to political Islam, and last September Farage pledged that a Reform government would ban the Muslim Brotherhood, following the lead of multiple Gulf states.

    Middle East Eye, which first reported on many of these connections, provides independent, in-depth coverage of the Middle East, North Africa and surrounding regions. Requests for comment from Reform UK have not yet received a response.

  • Israeli settler group calls for seizing crops in occupied Syrian land

    Israeli settler group calls for seizing crops in occupied Syrian land

    Tensions along the Israeli-Syrian frontier have spiked in recent weeks following the collapse of the former Assad government, as a newly formed Israeli settler advocacy group has publicly called for the systematic cultivation and commercial sale of agricultural produce grown on seized Syrian land in the southern regions of the country.

    Pioneers of Bashan, the organization pushing for permanent Israeli settlement expansion into newly occupied Syrian territories, launched its call to action targeting the fertile lands held by Israel in Daraa and Quneitra governorates. In a public post shared on the social platform X, the group highlighted that roughly 2,000 tons of wheat had already been harvested this year from lands within the small Quneitra District alone. The statement went on to make a controversial, inflammatory claim that the fertile region would produce far higher yields when worked by what the group called “pioneering Jews” rather than the Sunni communities that currently inhabit the area, falsely alleging those communities support Hamas.

    Founded only in April 2025, Pioneers of Bashan emerged just four months after armed opposition groups overthrew the government of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in December 2024. That collapse of central state authority, which brought Ahmed al-Sharaa’s transitional government to power, created a power vacuum that Israel exploited to expand its long-standing occupation of Syrian territory beyond the Golan Heights — a region Israel has held illegally since the 1967 Six-Day War. The group has repeatedly framed its settlement advocacy through religious framing, citing ancient Biblical texts as flawed justification for seizing additional Syrian land for Jewish settlement.

    Escalating Israeli ground incursions have already uprooted local communities in the region. Just this past Sunday, Israeli military convoys advanced into the village of Abidin in Daraa governorate, where local residents gathered to block the entry route by stacking stones across the road. According to official Syrian state media, Israeli forces responded to the nonviolent protest with heavy artillery fire, forcing the entire village population to flee to safer neighboring settlements overnight.

    Syria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued an official formal statement condemning the violation of its sovereignty. “We condemn in the strongest terms the ongoing Israeli attacks, represented by repeated incursions into Syrian territory in Quneitra and Daraa provinces and the deliberate targeting of civilian populated areas with artillery shelling. This is a blatant violation of Syrian sovereignty and territorial integrity that violates all international law and UN resolutions,” the statement read.

    Israeli government officials, particularly far-right members of the current governing coalition, have ramped up warmongering rhetoric in recent weeks, openly framing the new Syrian leadership as an imminent threat to justify further military escalation. Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli, a prominent far-right figure in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, laid out his aggressive stance in a series of recent radio interviews, labeling al-Sharaa’s transitional government as part of what he inaccurately called a “radical Sunni axis of evil” across the Middle East.

    Chikli argued that what he described as a jihadist regime rooted in the ideologies of the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, which he claimed holds aspirations to claim Jerusalem, could never coexist peacefully alongside the state of Israel. In an additional interview with Israel’s Army Radio last Thursday, Chikli claimed a new anti-Israel alliance has formed between Pakistan, Turkey and Qatar — a bloc he claimed poses a far greater threat to Israeli security than Iran, even amid Tehran’s recent ceasefire agreement with the United States.

  • Musk remaking the world like Ford – but far more dangerously

    Musk remaking the world like Ford – but far more dangerously

    Elon Musk, a figure who briefly claimed the title of the world’s first trillionaire before returning to mere billionaire status, has built a career defined by exceptionality. Unlike most industry leaders, he has not one but two globally transformative pioneering technology companies — Tesla and SpaceX — and has openly discussed plans to establish a permanent human settlement on Mars since two decades ago. He also upends standard CEO communication norms, posting multiple times daily to his own social platform X. In 2025, he drew widespread controversy for a public gesture widely interpreted as a Nazi salute in Washington D.C., and that same year, he took a high-level role in the U.S. federal government with no prior formal political experience, all while continuing to expand his sprawling business empire.

    During his short, turbulent tenure leading the newly created Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), Musk framed governance as a technical problem of data aggregation and pattern recognition, focused on generating algorithmically optimized policy outcomes. Critics argue this approach overlooked a fundamental reality: millions of real people, entitled to equal treatment and due process, were profoundly impacted by his top-down, desk-bound decisions.

    Musk’s outsize influence has made him a global household name and one of the most powerful individuals on Earth, leading many observers — including journalist Cory Doctorow — to question whether he has become uniquely dangerous, and where he fits alongside other widely criticized West Coast tech billionaires, often labeled “broligarchs,” such as Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, Palantir’s Alexander Karp, and Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg. A new carefully researched, thought-provoking book from Canadian political economist Quinn Slobodian and technology journalist Ben Tarnoff, titled *Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed*, sets out to answer these questions by dissecting both Musk’s personal background and the vast systemic power he has accumulated.

    The term “Muskism” draws a deliberate parallel to “Fordism,” the socioeconomic model named for early 20th century industrialist Henry Ford, whose mass production system reshaped American government and society for 40 years starting in the 1930s. Slobodian and Tarnoff argue that Musk, alongside other leading tech titans, is constructing a sweeping new industrial framework that is reshaping modern society in a fundamentally different direction than Fordism. While Ford’s industrial model formed the foundation for mass employment, living wages, robust social safety nets, and widespread consumer prosperity in post-World War II America, Musk’s corporate empire aims to build an entirely new socioeconomic order: one that is hyper-connected, pervasively surveilled, anti-liberal, and insular.

    Under Muskism, the authors contend, unelected tech oligarchs collaborate with national governments to deploy advanced technology to erode democratic institutions, deepen social divisions, entrench rigid hierarchical power structures, and insulate elite actors from accountability. To understand the ideological roots of this system, they trace it back to Musk’s formative upbringing.

    “To understand the world that Musk aims to build, we have to understand the worlds that built Musk,” the authors write. The first and most formative of these worlds was 1970s South Africa, where Musk was born and raised in a wealthy white family during the final years of the apartheid regime. The authors argue that “South Africa was the cradle of Muskism,” teaching Musk the core ideology of “fortress futurism”: the belief that technology can be used to entrench individual and elite self-reliance in an inherently hostile world. The systemic racism that structured every layer of apartheid society, where state and private business colluded to entrench white privilege through complex bureaucratic rules and discriminatory legislation despite international condemnation, shaped Musk’s worldview long before he left the country.

    A bookish early adopter of video games, science fiction, and emerging technology, Musk emigrated to Canada in 1989 at age 17 to avoid mandatory military service in the apartheid military. Contrary to popular narratives that he left his apartheid-era beliefs behind, the authors argue he carried those ideological core assumptions with him. By 1992, Musk had moved to the United States to study physics and economics at the University of Pennsylvania, and by 1995 he had settled in Palo Alto to launch his first tech startup, Zip2. He went on to found X.com, which later merged with Peter Thiel’s PayPal to form the digital payment giant. By 2002, he had amassed his first fortune and founded SpaceX; he joined Tesla as an early investor and lead figure in 2004, helped found OpenAI in 2015, co-founded brain-computer interface firm Neuralink in 2016, launched tunneling venture the Boring Company in 2017, acquired Twitter and rebranded it as X in 2022, launched AI firm xAI with its Grok chatbot in 2023, and took the helm of DOGE in 2025 before splitting with then-President Donald Trump. All of these achievements came before Musk turned 55, marking an extraordinary pace of expansion that has left a white South African immigrant at the pinnacle of American political and economic power, with influence spanning the globe.

    Unlike existing biographies of Musk — ranging from the celebratory authorized accounts to Walter Isaacson’s widely cited 2023 definitive biography and Jacob Silverman’s 2025 critical work *Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and the Radicalization of Silicon Valley* — Slobodian and Tarnoff frame Musk as a distinct figure among big tech leaders, shaped by his unique apartheid-era South African upbringing that allowed him to accumulate social power in ways unmatched by his peers. “He sells the fantasy that, in an increasingly unstable world, both states and individuals can fortify their self-reliance by plugging into his infrastructures,” the authors write. “The paradox is that, in doing so, you become reliant on him.”

    They define Muskism as a cohesive system that blends proven commercial technologies, aspirational technological prophecies, cozy public-private partnerships, and viral online messaging designed to market and legitimize Musk’s sprawling empire. Together, these elements advance a project the authors call “tech-sovereignty”: a framework where cutting-edge technology developed by private corporations allows national governments and their favored demographic groups to project power globally while reducing vulnerability to external shocks or perceived rivals. This system secures American economic dominance in a post-free-trade era where China, Russia, and Iran are framed as systemic threats, and it operates largely out of public view even as it reshapes the lives of people around the world.

    At the core of Musk’s empire are three interconnected assets: SpaceX, Tesla, and X. SpaceX and Tesla pioneered new commercial technologies in the U.S. private sector — reusable rockets, low-orbit satellite networks, and mass-market electric vehicles — with Musk driving relentless innovation while raising massive capital through skillful hype and what the authors call “future fabulation.” He built vertically integrated conglomerates to reduce dependence on external suppliers; for example, Tesla now manufactures not just vehicles but also large-scale batteries and renewable energy storage systems, resembling the large Fordist conglomerates of the mid-20th century, but without the presence of large unionized workforces that defined the earlier era.

    Musk’s willingness to partner closely with the U.S. national government is most visible in SpaceX, which has become a preferred federal supplier, contractor, and partner with almost no competitors. Most notably, the U.S. military now relies on SpaceX’s Starlink low-orbit satellite internet system for frontline operations, pointing to a far more intimate integration of government and big tech than existed during Ford’s era. “State symbiosis,” rather than open market competition, is Musk’s preferred operating model when he can secure it. For Tesla, the Obama administration’s concerns about Chinese economic competition and climate change allowed Musk to secure massive federal subsidies after the 2008 financial crisis, giving him a decisive advantage over legacy American automakers that had barely entered the electric vehicle market at the time.

    From 2017 onward, Musk became increasingly active on what was then Twitter, using the platform first to promote his companies and later to broadcast his increasingly right-wing political views, which have aligned closely with the resurgence of global right-wing populism. After acquiring Twitter and rebranding it as X in 2022, he began spreading rhetoric about a so-called “woke mind virus” and has since posted repeated incendiary comments targeting immigrants, LGBTQIA+ people, and promoting false claims about declining white birth rates and the supposed collapse of Western civilization.

    The book devotes specific analysis to Neuralink, Musk’s brain-computer interface venture, and xAI, his artificial intelligence firm, framing these projects as core to Musk’s long-term vision. In a 2016 conversation with OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, Musk argued that merging humans and AI into a single symbiotic system would eliminate the risk of rogue AI, because “we are the AI collectively.” Musk envisions a future where digital and biological systems merge, raising critical unanswered questions about who will control the resulting cognitive and informational ecosystem. While this vision can sound like a fanciful, villainous plot straight out of a spy film, Slobodian and Tarnoff emphasize that Musk’s proven business acumen and access to state support have allowed him to turn this specific ideological vision into a concrete, functioning system that already shapes global society.

    In computer science terms, Musk is building an all-encompassing “superset” of interlocking infrastructure, spanning energy, transportation, space, communication, and artificial intelligence. Unlike other tech leaders such as Bill Gates, Alexander Karp, and Peter Thiel, Musk has never published a formal manifesto laying out his ideological vision, but his consistent pattern of expansion makes clear he is driven by a clear mission. It remains unclear how much more power Musk will accumulate, or what new technologies he will bring to market with continued state backing, but critic Nick Srnicek argues that the apparatus of Muskism is already a formidable, influential force.

    This new book offers critical insight into how one individual is working to reshape the world in his own image, without any input or consent from the vast majority of people affected by his decisions. It makes a clear case that no democratic society should allow a small handful of unelected individuals to accumulate the level of power that Musk currently holds. Just as the global community rejects the idea that millions should be left to die of deprivation, the authors argue, we must oppose the idea that unelected oligarchs get unilaterally to determine the future of global society. This commentary is adapted from an article by Noel Castree, Adjunct Professor of Society & Environment at the University of Technology Sydney, republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.