On a recent Sunday in Rome, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni stood before hundreds of young activists from her Brothers of Italy party, framing a heated debate over national identity around the country’s public school classrooms. Drawing a sharp line between who she considers insiders and outsiders in Italian society, Meloni told attendees at Fenix, the annual youth gathering of Brothers of Italy, that it was unacceptable for native Italian children to feel marginalized as minorities in their own schoolrooms.
Just three days later, Meloni’s right-wing administration turned rhetoric into policy: the government approved a full ban on face-covering Islamic garments including burqas and niqabs in all Italian schools, and imposed a binding 30% cap on non-citizen students or students with limited Italian proficiency enrolled in the first year of primary, middle, and high school. Meloni defended the new rules as pragmatic, common-sense measures designed to support integration rather than divide communities. The policy announcement lands as Italy prepares for a 2027 national general election, with immigration, the role of Islam in public life, and national identity already emerging as defining flashpoints for the country’s political right.
The new rules immediately spark urgent practical and ethical questions: how exactly do Italian authorities distinguish between “foreign” and “Italian” students, and who bears the brunt of these new restrictions? Italy already had non-binding guidance recommending a 30% ceiling for non-citizen pupils, and the country’s classification of students relies entirely on citizenship status rather than place of birth or long-term residence. Unlike many European nations, Italy’s citizenship system is rooted primarily in jus sanguinis, or citizenship by blood descent, meaning children born and raised in Italy to non-Italian parents almost never automatically gain Italian citizenship at birth. As a result, thousands of third-generation immigrant youth who have never lived anywhere else remain officially classified as foreign citizens on school records – a fact that critics say makes Meloni’s cap inherently discriminatory.
Meloni’s policy shift is not occurring in a vacuum. Tensions over immigration and the presence of Islam in Italy have escalated rapidly in recent weeks across the country. Just one week before the prime minister’s announcement, a hostile banner reading “Your integration is our ruin” was hung outside a public school in Mestre, the mainland district of Venice that is home to a large Bangladeshi community. Nearby, at a public park where local Muslims gather for weekly Friday prayers, graffiti reading “No Islam” alongside Christian crosses was painted on the ground and a local wooden structure.
The vandalism coincided with a bitter, ongoing dispute over plans by Mestre’s Bangladeshi community to build a permanent mosque and Islamic cultural center on the site of an abandoned sawmill. The community has already purchased the land, but the project requires formal planning approval from local authorities, and opposition from right-wing politicians has turned the proposal into a national culture war flashpoint.
Anna Maria Cisint, a right-wing Lega party Member of the European Parliament and one of the mosque project’s most outspoken opponents, has repeatedly campaigned against the construction of new Islamic places of worship across Italy. In February, at a Lega protest outside the proposed Mestre site, Cisint vowed that the mosque would never be built if right-wing parties retained power. On the same Sunday Meloni announced her school policies, Cisint spoke at Lega’s decades-old symbolic annual rally in the northern Italian town of Pontida, where she shared the stage with four activists from Nemesis, a French far-right group that identifies as feminist. The activists arrived wearing full-face Islamic veils, removed them on stage as the crowd chanted “take it off”, and Cisint used the moment to frame Islam as an existential threat to Italian identity. “We will never allow them to Islamise our home. Never,” she told the assembled crowd.
The parallel rhetoric from Meloni in Rome, Cisint in Pontida, and anti-Muslim vandals in Mestre underscores a growing convergence of hardline anti-immigrant, anti-Islam messaging across Italy’s right wing. At the same time, a new far-right faction is pushing the entire political spectrum further to the right, intensifying competition for right-wing voters ahead of 2027.
Roberto Vannacci, a former Italian army general who rose to national prominence after publishing a book attacking immigration, feminism, and LGBTQ+ rights, won a seat in the European Parliament in 2024 running as a Lega candidate. He soon split from the party to launch his own far-right movement, Futuro Nazionale, which has made “remigration” – the forced expulsion of existing immigrants from Italy – a core policy pledge. Recent opinion polls show Futuro Nazionale polling at around 8% ahead of the 2027 election, while Salvini’s Lega, the party Vannacci left, has fallen below 6%. The shifting poll numbers have amplified competition for right-wing voters, pushing all parties to adopt harderline positions on immigration and national identity.
Against this backdrop, Vannacci made one of his most explicit arguments yet about immigration and citizenship during a September 18 urban security conference in Turin organized by a police union. He argued that Italy should never relax its strict citizenship rules to make it easier for immigrants to naturalize. “We cannot allow an immigrant to become an Italian citizen so easily because then this citizen votes,” Vannacci said. “And when he votes, he does not vote for the good of Italian citizens but for his own good.” When pressed on whether he was simply concerned that naturalized citizens would not support his party, Vannacci doubled down: “I’m not afraid that they won’t vote for me. I’m afraid that they won’t vote for Italy.”
Vannacci’s comments lay bare a core contradiction at the heart of the current debate: how can a child born and raised entirely in Italy be classified as a permanent outsider to the nation? Advocates for immigrant rights say the new policies are deeply harmful to youth who have never known any other home. Fioralba Duma, an Italian-Albanian activist with the campaign group Italians Without Citizenship, says Meloni’s framing erases the reality of thousands of young people who are Italian in every way except for a legal technicality. “It is sad, because you realise how little responsibility those in power take when dealing with such important issues, and how little they do to protect children and guarantee them equal opportunities,” Duma told Middle East Eye. “Our struggle started 10 years ago – and for many people even earlier – but instead of reducing the number of people who are foreigners only on paper, that number continues to grow every year. We used to talk about newly arrived migrants. Today we are talking about third generations: the grandchildren of immigrants, born in Italy.”
A 2025 referendum aimed at reforming Italy’s strict citizenship rules highlighted the divide over this issue. The ballot measure would have cut the required period of legal residency for non-EU adults seeking citizenship from 10 years to five. While roughly two-thirds of voters who cast ballots supported the reform, overall turnout hit only 30% – far below the 50% threshold required for the result to be legally binding, leaving the existing restrictive rules in place.
Critics, including Italian Muslim community leaders, argue that the current focus on school caps and niqab bans is little more than political propaganda that distracts from pressing economic issues and targets a marginalized community over a non-existent problem. Ahmed Vall, president of the Islamic Community of Rome, said that there are virtually no cases of school-aged girls wearing niqabs in Italian classrooms. “Petrol is approaching three euros a litre, and she is talking about girls wearing the niqab at school when there are no girls wearing the niqab at school,” Vall said. His organization has already pledged to challenge the new measures through legal action, noting that it has already filed a complaint against Lega MEP Silvia Sardone for confronting and filming a woman wearing a niqab in Turin.
Rula Mohamed, another activist with the Islamic Community of Rome, said that anti-Muslim sentiment in Italy has reached extreme levels after years of being normalized by political rhetoric and media coverage. “What we are seeing today is the extreme result of something that has been cultivated for years,” she said. “This climate has been built not just by the right wing, but through years of Muslims being portrayed in the media as dangerous and incompatible with Italian society. That has been compounded by the failure of much of the centre-left to seriously confront Islamophobia.”