作者: admin

  • Why is the Princess of Wales in Italy this week?

    Why is the Princess of Wales in Italy this week?

    After months of focused cancer treatment, the Princess of Wales has marked a highly anticipated return to international public appearances, with her first stop this week drawing enthusiastic crowds across Italy. The milestone visit comes as the British royal steps back into official overseas duties following a period of private treatment and recovery from her cancer diagnosis, a health journey that drew global attention and messages of support earlier this year.

    Members of the public turned out in large numbers along the Princess’s public route in Italy, waving flags, holding handwritten supportive signs, and cheering loudly as she greeted well-wishers. The warm, enthusiastic reception from Italian locals highlighted the widespread public interest in her recovery and the broad affection for the British royal family across continental Europe.

    This trip carries significant symbolic weight for the Princess’s public return: it is her first major overseas engagement since announcing her cancer diagnosis, and it signals her gradual resumption of official royal duties as her treatment progresses. While details of the exact itinerary and the private agenda for her visit have been partially kept from public view to respect her ongoing recovery, the public welcome itself has already made the trip a notable moment in her 2024 public schedule. Royal watchers across the globe have framed the warm Italian welcome as a positive milestone in her recovery journey, with many expressing hope for her continued good health as she eases back into public life.

  • A look at the International Criminal Court, which brought charges against a Philippine senator

    A look at the International Criminal Court, which brought charges against a Philippine senator

    A tense confrontation broke out Wednesday inside the Philippine Senate building in Manila after law enforcement attempted to execute an arrest warrant for a sitting Philippine senator, who faces a murder charge classified as a crime against humanity from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Shots were fired during the operation, leaving the complex locked down in an extended standoff as of Wednesday’s initial reports.

    The clash unfolded just 48 hours after the Netherlands-based global tribunal unsealed an arrest warrant first issued in November for Ronald Marapon dela Rosa, 64, who served as chief of the Philippine national police during the tenure of former president Rodrigo Duterte. Dela Rosa was one of the primary architects of Duterte’s nationwide anti-drug crackdown, a campaign that resulted in the deaths of thousands of mostly low-level drug suspects between 2016 and the present. The warrant accuses dela Rosa of direct responsibility for the murder of at least 32 people between July 2016 and April 2018, the period when he oversaw the national police force.

    In public comments following the unsealing of the warrant, dela Rosa has stated he will vigorously challenge the ICC’s authority and pursue all available legal channels to avoid extradition. The ICC has not yet released an official statement in response to the violent standoff in the Philippine capital.

    This latest development builds on years of legal tension between the Philippines and the ICC. In 2019, the country formally withdrew from the court’s Rome Statute, a move that came after then-ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda announced a preliminary investigation into widespread extrajudicial killings tied to the anti-drug campaign. Current President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who took office in 2022, has not reversed the withdrawal, but his administration has previously stated it would honor Interpol red notices — global requests to locate and temporarily arrest suspects — if the ICC issued one for former officials linked to the drug war. It remains unclear whether a red notice has been officially issued for dela Rosa as of Wednesday.

    Duterte himself was taken into custody last year and transferred to The Hague to face his own charges of crimes against humanity connected to the deadly crackdown, and he remains in detention awaiting trial. Last year, ICC judges rejected a bid from Duterte’s legal team to dismiss the case over the Philippines’ 2019 withdrawal. In their ruling, the judges noted that nations cannot misuse their right to leave the Rome Statute to shield individuals from prosecution for crimes already under active investigation by the court.

    Established in 2002, the ICC was created to hold national leaders and senior public officials accountable for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, acting as a court of last resort that only intervenes when a domestic legal system is unable or unwilling to prosecute alleged perpetrators. The court currently counts 125 member states, but three major global powers — the United States, Russia, and China — have never joined. Ukraine became the newest member of the court in January 2025. The institution employs more than 900 people and operates on a 2025 budget of just over 196 million euros, equal to roughly $229 million.

    Both the U.S. and Russia have openly opposed the ICC’s authority in recent years. During his second term, former U.S. President Donald Trump imposed economic sanctions on ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan, several sitting ICC judges, and Khan’s two deputy prosecutors. Trump has repeatedly accused the court of carrying out “illegitimate and baseless actions” that unfairly target U.S. and Israeli officials. During his first term, Trump also sanctioned Khan’s predecessor, Fatou Bensouda, a move that was later reversed by the Biden administration. For its part, Russia has rejected the court’s jurisdiction and issued its own arrest warrant for Khan and the judge who signed the 2023 warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin over allegations of war crimes in Ukraine. Since the warrant was issued, Putin has traveled to multiple non-member states including China and North Korea, as well as Mongolia, an ICC member state, without facing arrest.

  • EU commissioner warns of potential jet fuel shortage in the long term

    EU commissioner warns of potential jet fuel shortage in the long term

    NICOSIA, Cyprus — The European Union’s top energy official has issued a cautious update on global jet fuel supplies amid escalating geopolitical tensions from the ongoing Iran war, acknowledging that while no immediate scarcity is imminent, the risk of a prolonged shortage remains a distinct possibility.

    Speaking to reporters on Wednesday, EU Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen explained that the trajectory of any potential shortage hinges on two key variables: how the conflict in Iran and related disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz develop, and how commercial airlines adjust their operations in response. Already, several major carriers, including Lufthansa’s German parent company, have cut a substantial number of flights to offset mounting costs.

    The Strait of Hormuz, a critical maritime chokepoint through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s daily oil supply transits, has seen shipping and supply networks thrown into chaos by surrounding fighting, pushing jet fuel prices sharply higher across every major global market. Jørgensen confirmed that a shortage has not yet materialized, but revealed that the European Commission, the EU’s executive branch, will open discussions with member state governments to coordinate potential policy responses, though no concrete measures have been finalized to date.

    Data from the bloc underscores the severity of the current cost shock: since the outbreak of the Iran war, EU countries have paid an extra €35 billion ($41 billion) to secure the same volume of fuel as they used previously. Airlines are disproportionately hit by this volatility, as jet fuel makes up one of the largest single components of their total operating costs, with prices more than doubling in some regional markets since late February.

    The warning from the EU follows a stark assessment from International Energy Agency Director Fatih Birol, who told The Associated Press in an exclusive interview last month that Europe holds only roughly six weeks of commercially available jet fuel stockpiles. Birol also cautioned that widespread flight disruptions could begin “soon” if oil exports remain blocked by war-related disruptions in the Middle East.

    Jørgensen used the current crisis to reinforce the EU’s long-term policy push for decarbonization, arguing that the current disruption is not a broad energy crisis but specifically a crisis rooted in global reliance on fossil fuels. He noted that the bloc has already made significant progress in reducing fossil fuel dependence since the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, diversifying supply sources, boosting energy efficiency, and scaling up renewable energy capacity.

    For his part, Cypriot Energy Minister Michael Damianos — whose country currently holds the EU’s rotating six-month presidency — acknowledged that fossil fuels including natural gas will remain part of the bloc’s energy mix for the foreseeable future, even as the EU reaffirms its binding target of cutting greenhouse gas emissions by 90% by 2050. Damianos added that new natural gas reserves discovered off Cyprus’ southern coast could begin exporting to European markets as early as late 2027 or early 2028, adding a new supply source to the bloc’s diversified portfolio.

    Jørgensen stressed that the EU remains fully committed to rapid decarbonization, emphasizing that “the climate crisis will not go away” even amid immediate energy security concerns. Looking ahead to a post-conflict future, the commissioner confirmed the EU is already in preliminary discussions with Gulf Cooperation Council nations to rebuild stable energy export flows from the region once a negotiated peace settlement is reached with Iran.

    That outreach aligns with earlier statements from top EU leaders. Last month, European Council President Antonio Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced the bloc was prepared to partner with Persian Gulf nations on new energy infrastructure projects that would deliver supplies to global markets without the risk of disruption from war or geopolitical conflict.

  • Ancient teeth hint at canoodling between early human relatives

    Ancient teeth hint at canoodling between early human relatives

    For decades, paleoanthropologists have struggled to pin down the exact evolutionary connections between our modern species and the ancient hominin groups that walked the Earth hundreds of thousands of years ago. Now, a breakthrough analysis of ancient tooth enamel is opening an unprecedented window into these early relationships, revealing genetic traces that still linger in the DNA of people living today.

    The focus of the new research, published by an international team led by researcher Qiaomei Fu from the Chinese Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology, is *Homo erectus* — one of the earliest widespread hominin species to emerge out of Africa. First appearing roughly 2 million years ago on the African continent, *H. erectus* migrated outward across much of the Old World, establishing populations in Asia, parts of Europe, and beyond. Today, fossil remains of the species have been uncovered from sites spanning Indonesia, Georgia, Spain, China, and other regions, but recovering intact genetic material from these ancient specimens has long been nearly impossible. Heat, humidity, and the passage of hundreds of millennia break down DNA and large proteins, leaving researchers with gaping holes in their understanding of how *H. erectus* is related to later hominin groups, including modern humans.

    To overcome this barrier, the research team turned to a new approach: isolating and sequencing ancient proteins preserved in the hard enamel of 400,000-year-old *H. erectus* teeth recovered from multiple sites across China. The sample included teeth from six individuals: five males and one female. When the team analyzed the protein sequences, they made two striking genetic discoveries.

    The first was a previously undocumented mutation in an enamel-forming protein that the team says may serve as a unique genetic marker for East Asian *Homo erectus* populations. The second finding, however, holds far broader implications for understanding human evolution: the team identified a genetic variant that also appears in a small share of modern humans, as well as in Denisovans, the mysterious extinct hominin group that interbred with early modern humans as our species expanded across Eurasia.

    This shared genetic variant leads researchers to a groundbreaking conclusion: ancient *Homo erectus* populations likely interbred with the ancestors of Denisovans, passing the genetic variant down to that lineage long before modern humans entered the region. The presence of the same variant in modern humans, the team hypothesizes, came later, when early modern humans intermingled with Denisovan populations already carrying the *H. erectus* DNA.

    Outside experts say the research represents an important step forward in untangling the messy, complex web of human evolution. “This traces who we are now back to our ancestors in a really cool and exciting way, using new methods,” said Ryan McRae, a paleoanthropologist at the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History who was not part of the research team.

    McRae noted that the exact relationship between these ancient groups remains far from settled. It is equally possible, he explained, that *Homo erectus* is actually a direct ancestral population that gave rise to Denisovans directly, with the genetic variant passing down through unbroken lineages rather than through interbreeding between separate groups. With only a small set of protein sequences from *H. erectus* to work with, resolving this debate remains a major challenge.

    Study lead author Qiaomei Fu echoed that uncertainty, emphasizing that more fossil evidence and genetic data is critical to mapping the full story of human evolution. “We really need to get more DNA and bits of *H. erectus* to figure out how this predecessor is exactly related to other humans,” Fu said. The research team hopes that the protein extraction method used in this study will open the door to similar analyses of other ancient hominin fossils from warm, tropical regions where DNA preservation has long been impossible, slowly filling in the missing pieces of our evolutionary history.

  • Afcon final ‘deficiencies’ dealt with – Motsepe

    Afcon final ‘deficiencies’ dealt with – Motsepe

    The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) final in Morocco remains one of the most contentious episodes in African football history, and the global sporting world is now waiting on a final ruling from the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) to resolve the ongoing dispute. What began as a tense match between hosts Morocco and defending hopeful Senegal has spiraled into a crisis that has tested the credibility of the Confederation of African Football (Caf), prompting the governing body to implement sweeping changes to prevent future chaos.

    On match day in January, Senegal secured a 1-0 extra-time victory and were immediately crowned champions on the pitch, with star forward Sadio Mane poised to lift his second consecutive continental title. But the outcome was overturned just two months later by a Caf appeal board, which stripped Senegal of the trophy and awarded it to Morocco. The decision came in response to Senegal’s players walking off the pitch in protest during second-half injury time, when referee Jean-Jacques Ndala awarded Morocco a controversial penalty following an extended VAR review that critics have called the longest in the tournament’s history.

    The final was marred by multiple other unseemly incidents: stadium security clashed with visiting fans, and Morocco faced accusations of unsportsmanlike conduct in the so-called “towelgate” affair, where players and ball boys repeatedly moved the Senegal goalkeeper’s training towel to disrupt his focus. In the wake of the fallout, Caf president Patrice Motsepe has acknowledged the governing body’s missteps, confirming that the organization has already moved to address systemic deficiencies that allowed the chaos to unfold.

    “We’ve done good work in terms of building the confidence and the trust amongst the football community of our referees and of our VAR,” Motsepe told BBC Sport Africa on the sidelines of the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi. “But there are still these challenges and we’ve recognised what the deficiencies were that led to the unfortunate incidents we had in Morocco. We’ve introduced new laws, new regulations which will ensure that doesn’t happen again.”

    Despite Motsepe’s claim that African football emerged from the tournament “stronger than ever before”, the controversial ruling has dealt significant damage to Caf’s efforts to rebuild its international reputation. Former England international midfielder Nigel Reo-Coker was among the most high-profile critics, describing the decision to strip Senegal of the title as an embarrassment that opens the door for global football bodies to dismiss African football governance.

    The Senegalese Football Federation has repeatedly called the outcome a “robbery” and formally challenged the Caf ruling at CAS, where a final decision is imminent. Motsepe, who was re-elected unopposed for a second term as Caf president in March 2024, has already completed a diplomatic outreach tour to both nations to ease tensions and says the organization will abide by whatever ruling CAS delivers.

    “Whatever decision comes, we will respect and implement,” Motsepe said.

    The controversy has reignited with fresh debate in recent weeks after Caf retained Ndala, the referee who oversaw the chaotic 2025 final, as the official for the first leg of the 2025 African Champions League final. Both participating clubs — South Africa’s Mamelodi Sundowns and Morocco’s AS FAR — have publicly voiced concerns over the appointment, but Motsepe defended the decision, noting that the independent Caf refereeing committee cleared Ndala after a full review that found his performance aligned with global best practices.

    “The referee’s committee is independent. We don’t get involved and should not get involved in identifying who should ref at which match,” Motsepe explained. “I’ve been told that both the football clubs have expressed their reservations, but we have to respect the decisions that are taken by this independent body. The very specific thing is to continue training our referees. Some of our referees are as good as the best in the world.”

    Beyond the 2025 Afcon fallout, Motsepe also addressed preparations for the 2027 Afcon, which will make history as the first edition of the tournament co-hosted by three nations: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. The tournament will mark the first return of Afcon to East Africa since Ethiopia hosted the event in 1976. A recent Caf inspection flagged ongoing delays to stadium upgrades and critical transport infrastructure across all three host nations, but Motsepe expressed full confidence that the event will be a success, pointing to unprecedented commitment from the three national governments. A permanent Caf team is based in the region to oversee daily progress on preparations.

    In Kenya, preparations are proceeding against the backdrop of an ongoing governance dispute within the Football Kenya Federation (FKF). Nine of the federation’s 12 executive committee members have called for FKF president Hussein Mohammed to step down over allegations of financial misconduct, claims Mohammed has rejected, blaming a power grab led by his deputy, former Inter Milan and Kenya international McDonald Mariga. Both Fifa and Caf have requested formal clarification on the dispute, and Motsepe said he is confident the issue will be resolved in line with global football governance statutes. Kenya was previously banned from international football for nine months in 2022 over similar administrative irregularities, a suspension that was lifted in late 2022.

  • Israel killing at least one Palestinian child a week in West Bank, Unicef says

    Israel killing at least one Palestinian child a week in West Bank, Unicef says

    On Tuesday, a spokesperson for the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a stark, alarming report on the mounting humanitarian crisis facing Palestinian children in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, revealing that since the start of 2025, Israeli security forces have killed an average of no fewer than one Palestinian child every week.

    James Elder, the UNICEF spokesperson speaking on the crisis, confirmed that at least 70 Palestinian children have been killed since January 2025, with hundreds more left with life-altering injuries. He emphasized that children are paying what he called an “intolerable price” for the rapid escalation of Israeli military operations and repeated violent attacks carried out by Israeli settlers against Palestinian communities. To date, 850 children have been wounded in violence in the territory, and the vast majority of these injuries are the result of live ammunition fire, according to UNICEF data.

    In a breakdown of the threats facing children, Elder noted that the rising civilian casualties are unfolding alongside a historic surge in violent attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian communities. Documented assaults targeting children alone include a range of brutal acts: pepper spray attacks, severe beatings, stabbings and shootings. Beyond direct violence, children also face a growing risk of arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention by Israeli forces. Current data shows at least 347 Palestinian children are currently held in Israeli military detention, all detained on alleged security-related offenses.

    According to international children’s rights organization Save the Children, Palestinian children remain the only group of children globally that are systematically prosecuted through Israeli military court systems, rather than civilian juvenile justice frameworks. Of the 347 detained children, more than half – 180 – are being held under administrative detention, a long-controversial Israeli policy that permits the imprisonment of Palestinians without formal charge or public trial, with detention terms that can be renewed indefinitely.

    Multiple testimonies collected by leading international and local human rights groups, corroborated by independent media reporting, detail consistent patterns of inhumane treatment against detained Palestinian children. Accounts from released detainees document widespread abuse including intentional starvation, physical beatings, sexual violence and other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment. This systemic risk of detention was expanded further in late 2024, when the Israeli parliament passed a controversial piece of legislation that legally permits the detention of children as young as 12 years old.

    Elder stressed that the violent attacks and human rights violations targeting children are not random, isolated incidents. Instead, he argued, they form part of a deliberate, wider pattern of violations that target not just individual children, but their basic human rights, their homes, their schools and the critical infrastructure that their communities rely on to function. Over recent years, Israeli movement restrictions have progressively cut off Palestinian communities in the West Bank from access to basic necessities including clean water, education, safe shelter and emergency healthcare, while severely limiting freedom of movement across the territory.

    “What is unfolding is not only an escalation in violence against Palestinian children; it is the steady dismantling of the conditions children need to survive and grow,” Elder told reporters. Education, he added, has become a specific target of sustained assault, turning what should be a routine daily trip to school for thousands of West Bank children into a dangerous journey marked by constant fear.

    In 2025 alone, UNICEF has documented 99 separate incidents that have disrupted access to education across the West Bank. These incidents include the killing, detention and wounding of student and education staff, the forced demolition of school buildings, the repurposing of educational facilities for Israeli military use, and widespread restrictions that bar children from reaching their places of study. “Schools, which should be places of safety and stability, are increasingly becoming sites of fear,” Elder said. “Attacks on schools and the denial of children’s access to education are grave violations against children with long-term consequences for their safety, wellbeing, and future.”

    Beyond violence and restricted access to services, Elder also drew attention to the rapidly accelerating rate of forced displacement of Palestinian communities in the West Bank. Between January and April 2025 alone, more than 2,500 Palestinians have been forcibly expelled from their homes, over 1,100 of whom are children. This four-month total already exceeds the full-year displacement figures recorded for all of 2024. Critical Palestinian water infrastructure, including community sanitation systems and agricultural irrigation networks, has also been repeatedly targeted for destruction by Israeli forces and settlers.

    “This has serious implications for both the Palestinian economy and children’s health, hygiene, and dignity,” Elder said. “Taken together, these patterns reveal an overarching reality: children are being targeted both through direct violence, and through the dismantling of essential systems and services. Their suffering cannot be normalised.”

    This report was originally brought to audiences by Middle East Eye, a media outlet that provides independent, in-depth coverage of the Middle East, North Africa and surrounding regions.

  • France confines more than 1,700 on British cruise ship in Bordeaux after gastroenteritis outbreak

    France confines more than 1,700 on British cruise ship in Bordeaux after gastroenteritis outbreak

    On a Wednesday announcement, French public health and regional authorities confirmed that more than 1,700 passengers and crew members have been confined to a British cruise ship anchored off the coast of Bordeaux, after dozens of people on board developed symptoms of acute gastrointestinal infection. The lockdown order came quickly after the captain of the Ambition, operated by UK-based Ambassador Cruise Line, alerted local health officials to the outbreak Tuesday evening, just hours after the vessel arrived at the French port to end a leg of its 14-night voyage.

    The Ambition had departed from Belfast and Liverpool earlier this month, with an itinerary that planned stops at ports across northern Spain and France’s Atlantic coastline. In a joint statement from regional prefect Étienne Guyot and the Nouvelle-Aquitaine regional health agency, officials confirmed that disembarkation has been fully suspended, and all interactions between the ship and the port of Bordeaux have been restricted. As of Wednesday morning, Ambassador Cruise Line reported that 48 passengers and one crew member were showing active gastrointestinal symptoms, while local authorities initially noted that roughly 50 people had developed symptoms matching acute digestive infection. All affected individuals have been placed in isolation in their cabins and treated by the ship’s on-board medical team, and a specialized medical assessment team from French health authorities was dispatched to the vessel to collect patient samples. Those samples are currently undergoing analysis at a local hospital in Bordeaux, with results expected to be released later Wednesday.

    In a key clarification to ease public concern, French authorities explicitly ruled out any connection between this outbreak and a recent deadly hantavirus outbreak on a separate expedition vessel, the MV Hondius, that has put European and global health officials on high alert in recent weeks. That earlier outbreak, which occurred last month, has killed three passengers and resulted in nine confirmed and two suspected cases of hantavirus across four countries: the UK, France, Spain, and the United States.

    Ambassador Cruise Line also separately confirmed that a 92-year-old male passenger passed away on the Ambition earlier this week, before the outbreak was declared. The company stressed that the deceased passenger did not show any symptoms of the current gastrointestinal infection, and his cause of death will remain undetermined until a full coroner’s investigation is completed.

    All planned shore excursions in Bordeaux have been canceled as part of the containment order, and the cruise line has said it will issue full refunds to passengers affected by the canceled activities. The outbreak of gastrointestinal illness on the Ambition is the latest in a series of such events recorded on cruise ships in recent months. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), which maintains a global monitoring program for infectious disease outbreaks on cruise ships calling at domestic and international ports, documented 23 separate gastrointestinal outbreaks on cruise vessels around the world in 2023 alone. The vast majority of these outbreaks were linked to norovirus, including one previously undocumented new strain of the highly contagious virus. Just last week, the CDC confirmed a norovirus outbreak on the Caribbean Princess cruise ship, which was carrying more than 3,100 passengers on a recent voyage that ended Monday. More than 140 passengers and 15 crew members contracted the illness during that trip, according to CDC data.

    Founded in 2021, Ambassador Cruise Line is a British operator that focuses on offering cruise experiences for travelers over the age of 50. Associated Press reporter Jonathan Poet, based in Philadelphia, contributed reporting to this story.

  • Indonesian prosecutors seek 18 years in prison for Gojek founder over alleged corruption

    Indonesian prosecutors seek 18 years in prison for Gojek founder over alleged corruption

    JAKARTA, Indonesia – In a high-profile trial that has gripped national public attention, Indonesian prosecutors formally called Wednesday for an 18-year prison sentence for Nadiem Anwar Makarim, the former Indonesian education minister and co-founder of Southeast Asian tech giant Gojek, over allegations of corruption tied to a pandemic-era school laptop procurement program.

    The case revolves around the national government’s 2020–2022 initiative to source Google Chromebook laptops for students moving to remote learning during COVID-19, a program prosecutors say caused roughly $125 million in total losses to Indonesian state coffers. Prosecutors submitted additional demands to the Jakarta Corruption Court: a 1 billion rupiah fine (equivalent to approximately $57,180), and an order for the seizure of Makarim’s personal assets if he fails to return 809 billion rupiah ($48.2 million) directly linked to the procurement scheme, plus 4.8 trillion rupiah ($275.4 million) in assets the prosecution has labeled unexplained wealth. If Makarim does not meet the restitution requirements within one month of a final guilty verdict, the proposal would add an extra nine years to his prison term.

    Makarim, 40, first rose to prominence as the entrepreneur who revolutionized Indonesia’s gig economy by transforming the traditional informal motorcycle taxi (locally called ojek) sector into the regulated ride-hailing platform Gojek, which later merged to become GoTo Group. He was tapped to serve as Indonesia’s education minister from 2019 to 2024, and was arrested in September 2024 following a months-long investigation into the Chromebook procurement. Earlier this week, judges granted a request to move him from pre-trial detention to house arrest to allow for recovery after a recent surgery.

    Prosecutors allege Makarim abused his cabinet position to personally enrich himself through the procurement program, claiming he pressured Google to make a $787 million investment in Gojek’s parent company PT Aplikasi Karya Anak Bangsa (PT AKAB) in exchange for awarding the government laptop contract to Chromebook. The prosecution pushed back on testimony from three former Google executives, who previously told the court the tech giant’s investment in GoTo was entirely independent of the Indonesian government’s procurement decision. Prosecutors argued to the three-judge panel that the two deals were undeniably linked, framing Google’s investment as a mutually beneficial arrangement that directly shaped the official Chromebook procurement policy.

    The trial has drawn consistent public interest, with hundreds of former and current ojek motorcycle taxi drivers regularly packing court hearings to show solidarity with the founder who lifted millions of informal drivers out of poverty through Gojek’s platform.

    A verdict from the judge panel is expected in the coming weeks. If convicted, Makarim will receive one of the harshest corruption sentences handed down in modern Indonesian history. The former minister has repeatedly denied all allegations of wrongdoing, and condemned the prosecution’s sentencing request as excessive and unwarranted.

    Speaking to reporters after Wednesday’s hearing, Makarim emphasized that the wealth cited by prosecutors stems from his legitimate stake in Gojek, a company he built that created hundreds of thousands of jobs across Indonesia. He noted the total proposed sentence could reach 27 to 28 years with the additional penalty for non-payment of restitution — a term far longer than those given to many convicted violent offenders. He added there is “no administrative violation and no element of corruption” in his actions, and pointed out that the restitution demand far exceeds his actual total net worth.

    Makarim has long maintained that all procurement decisions for the Chromebook program were made by career technical officials, not by him as minister. His legal team has also highlighted that Makarim fully divested his shares in PT AKAB before taking public office, and that his personal wealth actually declined over the course of his tenure as education minister.

  • Trump and Xi: a path to US-China rivalry without war

    Trump and Xi: a path to US-China rivalry without war

    Ahead of U.S. President Donald Trump’s scheduled visit to Beijing this week, international relations scholars have laid out a pragmatic framework for preventing the world’s most impactful bilateral great power rivalry from spiraling into catastrophic conflict. While the summit may produce incremental steps to ease surface-level tensions between the two nations, analysts Kai He and Huiyunanga Feng emphasize a core, unchanging reality: the structural rivalry between Washington and Beijing is unavoidable, and no side can achieve a decisive, lasting victory. The central challenge facing both leaders, they argue, is not eliminating competition altogether, but safeguarding this dynamic relationship from devolving into open conflict — a outcome that is not inevitable, but becomes far more likely without intentional, coordinated guardrails. To keep competition peaceful, the scholars outline three core actionable priorities that both governments must embrace. First, they must uphold credible military deterrence without crossing into deliberate provocation. Second, they should channel competitive energy into institutional engagement and the provision of global public goods, rather than military posturing. Third, they must prevent ideological friction from turning every policy disagreement into an unwinnable zero-sum confrontation. The first core step is establishing deliberate mutual restraint, backed by clear political reassurance, rather than one-sided concessions. Both nations will continue to build military capabilities and balance one another’s influence globally, but the greatest risk stems from repeated misinterpretation: each side frames its own military moves as defensive deterrence, while the other reads the same actions as deliberate provocation. No region embodies this danger more acutely than the long-running impasse over Taiwan. For Beijing, Taiwan is an non-negotiable core sovereignty issue that tests national resolve. For Washington, the island is tied to its credibility as an Indo-Pacific security guarantor, regional stability, and deterrence of any coercive unification process. Both sides claim to defend the existing status quo, both accuse the other of eroding that balance, and both have taken actions that have eroded overall stability in the strait. Instead of demanding unilateral concessions from either side, He and Feng argue for coordinated mutual restraint paired with clearer communication. For example, China could reduce the scale and frequency of coercive military operations near Taiwan, including combat aircraft sorties, naval patrols and drone operations near the island’s air defense identification zone. In exchange, the United States could avoid taking steps that blur the line between longstanding policy of strategic ambiguity and explicit support for Taiwanese formal independence. Contrary to common assumptions, the scholars note that mutual trust is not a prerequisite for stability — clarity and intentional restraint are. To embed this restraint, both sides need a formal, sustained framework for deterrence management that includes ongoing efforts to clarify mutually accepted red lines, reduce misperceptions of each other’s strategic intentions and resolve, and prevent competitive signaling from spiraling into unintended confrontation. During the Cold War, Washington and Moscow eventually learned that an unregulated arms race posed too great a risk to sustain, and built systems to manage competition. He and Feng stress that Washington and Beijing have not yet reached this level of strategic maturity, and must prioritize building these guardrails urgently. The second core priority is channeling rivalry into safer, even productive arenas, rather than forcing confrontation on military or high-stakes geopolitical terrain. Rivalry does not have to be entirely destructive: when guided into institutional competition, it can even deliver collective benefits for the broader global community. Today, this dynamic is already emerging: the U.S. competes through frameworks like the Quad and AUKUS, while China advances its interests through blocs including BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Both sides work to shape the rules, membership and agendas of global and regional institutions to expand their own influence and limit the other’s. While this dynamic is often framed as a new Cold War, institutional competition is inherently one of the safest forms of great power rivalry. Competition pushes institutions to adapt rather than stagnate, encourages new models of regional cooperation, and incentivizes both powers to deliver global public goods — including infrastructure investment, development financing, technological innovation and climate action — to win support from third countries. The competition surrounding global infrastructure financing offers a clear example: China has expanded its global influence through the Belt and Road Initiative and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, while the U.S. and its allies have launched rival infrastructure initiatives to counter that growth. This competition has ultimately benefited developing nations, expanding the range of financing and development options available to them. This dynamic also explains why a sweeping push for full economic decoupling would be a dangerous mistake, the scholars argue. While targeted restrictions in sensitive strategic sectors may be unavoidable, a full break in economic ties would eliminate one of the most critical existing guardrails in the bilateral relationship. As long as the two economies remain deeply intertwined, both sides retain strong incentives to prioritize stability and avoid open conflict. The third core priority is lowering the ideological temperature that has amplified friction across all areas of the relationship. The U.S. and China do not only clash over material interests: they hold fundamentally different political and historical narratives that shape how they interpret every interaction. U.S. policymakers often frame the rivalry as a defense of the liberal international order against authoritarian revisionism, while Chinese leaders frame it as a struggle against foreign containment, historical humiliation and unacceptable interference in their domestic affairs. These are not just rhetorical differences: they shape what each side views as threatening, acceptable, or non-negotiable, and have turned the relationship into an increasingly emotionally and politically charged confrontation. Ideological competition is safest when it remains indirect, He and Feng argue. Neither side is going to convert the other to its political system, and neither will win broad global support through lectures on ideological superiority. A far more effective strategy is competing by example: for the U.S., this means demonstrating that democratic governance can still deliver effective policy, social cohesion and long-term economic vitality. For China, this means proving that its governance model can deliver sustained growth, social stability and productive international cooperation. Both sides must also recognize that ideological overreach carries severe risks. The more Washington frames the rivalry as a global struggle between democracy and autocracy, the more Beijing will view any compromise as an act of capitulation. Similarly, the more Beijing wraps its foreign policy in narratives of anti-hegemony struggle, the more Washington will interpret U.S. restraint as a sign of weakness. Sustained diplomatic engagement remains critical for this reason: if the two powers stop talking, ideological competition will harden and become far more dangerous. The greatest long-term risk in U.S.-China rivalry, the scholars conclude, is that both sides will eventually come to view restraint as weakness, compromise as surrender, and peaceful coexistence as impossible. Once that tipping point is reached, catastrophic conflict becomes far more likely. The most realistic and important goal for bilateral relations right now is not warm friendship, or even full reconciliation. Instead, it is a harder, more modest objective: sustained, managed competition without war. This analysis comes from Kai He, Professor of International Relations at Griffith University, and Huiyun Feng, Professor in the School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University, republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

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