作者: admin

  • In Berlin’s Open Kitchen, migrants and locals build community one dish at a time

    In Berlin’s Open Kitchen, migrants and locals build community one dish at a time

    Nestled in Berlin’s multicultural Neukölln neighborhood, along the bustling Sonnenallee — a street dotted with Middle Eastern grocery stores and the aroma of exotic spices — a team of Open Kitchen volunteers moves methodically through the aisles of a popular Arab supermarket. On this particular Thursday, they are hand-picking crisp seasonal vegetables, earthy nuts, and plump green and black olives, preparing for a very special weekly feast: a traditional Turkish kahvalti breakfast that will welcome 30 guests from every corner of the globe. This gathering, held every week at 5:30 p.m., is more than a shared meal; it is the heart of a decade-long mission to build belonging for migrants and refugees in Germany’s capital.

    Founded in 2013 and run by local NGO Hejmo, Open Kitchen is far more than a community cooking project. Over the past 13 years, it has explored culinary traditions from every continent, hosting pop-up feasts in venues ranging from world-class museums to the sprawling public park of the former Tempelhof Airport. Neukölln, the neighborhood that calls to Open Kitchen home, mirrors the project’s mission: as one of Berlin’s most diverse districts, it blends Turkish grand bazaar-style import shops with Levantine and Anatolian community spaces, where the tang of Aleppo pepper mixes with fresh fruit scents, and multilingual signage marks a thriving enclave of migrant culture.

    This cultural richness is not unique to Neukölln. Of Berlin’s nearly 3.9 million residents, roughly one quarter — 976,000 people — are foreign-born nationals hailing from more than 190 countries. Waves of displacement, from the Syrian civil war to the war in Ukraine, have reshaped the city’s demographic landscape in recent decades, and integration has emerged as one of Germany’s most pressing social challenges. Newcomers often face systemic barriers: a notoriously complex bureaucracy, endless forms and permits, language gaps, and a formal administrative system that even native German speakers struggle to navigate. Many end up isolated, cut off from the social connections that make a new place feel like home. It is this gap that Open Kitchen was built to fill.

    “We try to make it as easy as possible for people to arrive here,” explains Ricarda Bochat, the project’s 41-year-old German coordinator, who has been part of Open Kitchen since 2015. “You do not have to be able to do anything or bring anything with you. You just need to want to come here. We don’t need a common language; we do not have to have anything in common except for coming together to eat. Eating together creates very quickly and easily a very intimate space. Food, the smells and recipes bring back memories and urge people to tell stories.” Bochat frames the initiative as an alternative to Germany’s rigid, exclusionary integration system, one that centers human connection over paperwork and checkboxes.

    On this kahvalti-themed week, regular cook Nigel Menezes, a 28-year-old Australian-Malaysian who has lived in Berlin for five years, is prepping his first spinach borek, a flaky, spiced pastry that originated in Central Asia and spread across the Ottoman Empire to become a staple of Turkish breakfast. For Menezes, living in a city that hosts the world’s largest Turkish diaspora — a community whose roots stretch back to the 1960s and 70s, when Turkish guest workers were recruited to rebuild post-WWII West Germany — has been a revelation. Cooking at Open Kitchen, he says, has taught him a fundamental truth about human connection.

    “Our shared passion for food and the desire to make it tasty are a great testament to how we can break down cultural barriers and come closer together as humans in a harmonious community,” Menezes says. As he rolls his borek and lines the pastries on a baking tray, he reflects on the context that makes Open Kitchen’s work more urgent than ever: across Germany, far-right sentiment has surged to its highest level since World War II, with the anti-migrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) now the country’s second-largest parliamentary party. The AfD has pushed the inflammatory policy of “remigration,” a euphemism for mass deportations, and frames Islam and Muslim migration as an “existential danger” to German society. Polls show the party could win an outright regional majority in Saxony-Anhalt in September, a historic first for a far-right party in post-WWII German politics. Even mainstream Chancellor Friedrich Merz has echoed anti-migrant rhetoric, drawing widespread criticism for invoking the historically charged phrase “large-scale deportations” to address migration issues.

    Against this rising tide of xenophobia, Open Kitchen stands as a quiet act of resistance. “In times of increasing isolation, polarisation, loneliness, hatred and fear, it is so important to have spaces that can counteract that narrative,” Bochat says. “That space takes us out of fear and bring us into the joy of connecting. That is quite a radical thing to do right now, not just to keep doing but keep growing and learning. The people are reminded of humanity and that is profound in times when everything is driven by fear.”

    For the volunteers and guests who gather every week, that radical connection is life-changing. Limin Malek, a 30-year-old Polish volunteer of Chinese descent who has been part of the project for three years, says the space lets him share part of his own identity while learning from others. “Personally, volunteering gives me the opportunity to be more involved and closer to the recipe creation process; in a way, I wanted to share a part of myself this way,” he explains. His Sichuan-style Yuxiang Qiezi (fish-fragrant eggplant) has become a crowd favorite, with guests repeatedly asking for the recipe to recreate it at home. “It is deeply individual and tied to memories of family, identity and culture. I feel grateful to be exposed to so many culinary traditions and ingredients from people of different backgrounds,” Malek says. “The real magic is not in the dish itself; it is in the shared act of cooking and eating, which creates the space for community to form.”

    Even Bochat, who has overseen the project for nearly a decade, says she gains as much as she gives. “I do not do this job to facilitate for others only, for myself as well. It is also fun, I learned so much about so many ways of seeing the world, so many different recipes, so different stories. And I have never been bored,” she says.

    As the clock strikes 8 p.m., Menezes joins the queue for the communal meal, savoring his crispy borek, a ricotta salad prepared by Malek, and a final course of molasses and tahini sweet dessert. For him, as for many participants, Open Kitchen is more than a project — it is home. “There is a reason why I keep coming back every time, because this is a space where I feel I can share my love of food with others, and they can do the same with me. I feel more connected to people and less lonely here,” he says. “An initiative like the Open Kitchen really brings us closer to a more peaceful world, or at least, a peaceful Berlin.”

  • Family in bid to find mum’s Polish stem cell donor for second transfusion

    Family in bid to find mum’s Polish stem cell donor for second transfusion

    A family from Gourock, Scotland, is launching a public appeal to track down an anonymous 19-year-old Polish stem cell donor who once saved their mother’s life, as they now need his help again to secure her full recovery from leukaemia.

    Fifty-eight-year-old Lisa Semple was diagnosed with leukaemia and underwent a life-saving stem cell transplant last year. None of her four children, including 21-year-old Charlie Semple, were able to be a matching donor after genetic testing, forcing her medical team to turn to the international stem cell registry to find a compatible unrelated donor. A 19-year-old teenager based in Poland ultimately stepped forward, donating his stem cells for Semple’s transplant on October 13, 2025.

    Months after the transplant, Semple’s family says her best shot at a full, long-term recovery is a follow-up procedure called a donor lymphocyte infusion (DLI). This treatment involves infusing healthy white blood cells from the original donor into the patient’s bloodstream to help eliminate any remaining cancer cells and prevent relapse after the initial transplant. But when the international donor registry DKMS, which facilitated the original donation, attempted to reach out to the 19-year-old donor for the DLI request, they hit a wall: he could not be contacted.

    Because the donor chose to remain anonymous when he joined the registry per DKMS protocols designed to protect both donors and patients, the Semple family has no way to reach him directly. Charlie Semple, Lisa’s youngest child, emphasized that the family has no interest in uncovering the donor’s identity. Their only goal is to get a response from him to learn if he is willing to donate again.

    “It’s completely up to him what he wants to do and whether he would want to donate again,” Charlie told BBC Scotland News. “All we want is for him to respond to the registry.”

    There are multiple plausible explanations for why the donor has not yet responded, per the family: he may have only intended to make a one-off donation, or he could have moved and not updated his contact information with the registry. To increase their chances of finding him, the Semple family has reached out to the British Embassy in Poland for assistance, and Charlie and his three siblings have shared a public appeal across social media platforms. They hope the donor’s family members, friends or acquaintances will recognize the story by the donation date and forward the appeal to him.

    Charlie shared the family’s difficult journey over the past year: after Lisa endured grueling chemotherapy, the entire family had to isolate from her to protect her as her immune system rebuilt following the stem cell transplant. It was a major blow when Charlie and his siblings all learned they were not matches, as the family had assumed a related donor would be easy to find. While Lisa has now been able to return home and the family was starting to get back to normal life, the current need for a second donation has thrown them into uncertainty.

    “It is hard to see her so stressed at the moment about not knowing what is going to happen next and whether or not she will make a full recovery,” Charlie said. “We would be completely over the moon if we could find the donor and she could have the blood transfusion.”

    In a joint statement released in response to the appeal, DKMS teams in the UK and Poland said: “Everyone at DKMS is deeply saddened by the difficult situation Lisa and her family are facing. Our thoughts are with them during what is undoubtedly an extremely challenging time. We understand that they are seeking answers, and hoping to reconnect with the donor who made Lisa’s initial transplant possible.”

    The organization noted that it cannot comment on the details of individual donor cases, but that it “always makes every reasonable effort to contact matching donors to share requests for a further donation.” DKMS also added that there are occasions when donors are unable to or choose not to proceed with an additional donation, and that any decision the 19-year-old makes must be respected.

  • World’s largest chipmaker does not rule out price rises as costs increase

    World’s largest chipmaker does not rule out price rises as costs increase

    In a rare, exclusive interview held at the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) headquarters in Taiwan’s Hsinchu Science Park, the top financial leader of the world’s most advanced chipmaker opened up about a range of pressing industry and geopolitical issues that are shaking global tech and economic sectors.

    As the dominant producer of cutting-edge semiconductors designed by industry leaders including Nvidia, AMD and Apple, TSMC’s every decision ripples across global supply chains. During the conversation with the BBC on the sidelines of the firm’s annual shareholder meeting, chief financial officer Wendell Huang confirmed that persistent global inflation has driven up operational costs across the company’s business, and he declined to rule out future price increases for its manufacturing services. Any pricing adjustment from TSMC would have far-reaching consequences: it would likely lift costs for AI infrastructure providers, and eventually translate to higher price tags for consumer electronics ranging from smartphones to laptops.

    Huang, however, moved quickly to reassure markets and clients that the firm would not impose extreme, sudden hikes such as four- or five-fold increases. He argued that TSMC’s pricing has always been aligned with its unmatched industry position, citing the company’s long-held technology leadership and proven manufacturing excellence as justification for its value proposition. The company’s chairman and CEO CC Wei echoed this framing earlier to shareholders, noting that he would support a price increase in line with moves already made by competing chip manufacturers.

    The interview also tackled two of the most debated questions surrounding TSMC and the global semiconductor industry right now: the sustainability of the AI boom, and the drivers behind the firm’s ongoing global expansion. Amid recent stock market volatility that saw sharp sell-offs in AI and chip stocks across the U.S. and Asia, fueled by investor worries that inflated valuations signal an AI bubble, Huang pushed back firmly on those concerns. He said TSMC maintains strong confidence in the long-term AI megatrend, based on direct conversations with its clients and end-users, most of which are large-scale hyperscale cloud and technology firms. These companies hold strong balance sheets and substantial financial resources, Huang noted, meaning they can sustain continued investment in AI infrastructure for years to come.

    On the geopolitical front, TSMC sits at the heart of escalating U.S.-China tensions over Taiwan, the self-governed island that Beijing claims as its territory and which produces over 90% of the world’s most advanced semiconductors. At a recent summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, Xi warned that mishandling the Taiwan issue could push relations between the two superpowers into an extremely dangerous situation. Washington has spent years pressuring leading chipmakers including TSMC to expand production capacity on U.S. soil to shore up resilient critical supply chains, leading many analysts to frame TSMC’s expansion projects in the U.S., Germany, Japan and Taiwan itself as a response to geopolitical pressure from major world powers.

    Huang rejected this framing outright in the interview. He emphasized that TSMC’s decision to build new capacity outside of Taiwan is driven entirely by customer demand, not government requests from Washington, Beijing or any other national government. When it comes to the most cutting-edge chip manufacturing, however, Huang was unambiguous: advanced production will remain centered in Taiwan for the foreseeable future. He noted that building a complete semiconductor manufacturing ecosystem from scratch in the U.S. would take five to 10 years, or even longer — a timeline that directly complicates the ambitions of U.S. industrial policy, which has incentivized TSMC’s $165 billion investment in its Arizona fabrication operations.

    Even with the positive long-term outlook on AI, Huang acknowledged that TSMC is facing unprecedented pressure to scale up production fast enough to meet exploding client demand for AI chips. TSMC’s share price has surged dramatically over the past 12 months as AI demand boomed, but the company is still racing to keep up. “We’re doing everything we can, wherever we can, and however we can,” Huang said. “The customers ask us to grow so much, but all we can do is try to grow as fast as possible. So far, still trying.”

  • In south Lebanon, Israeli drones use the sound of crying children to lure civilians

    In south Lebanon, Israeli drones use the sound of crying children to lure civilians

    Beneath the quiet, tense night skies of southern Lebanon’s Habboush village, the noise that split the stillness was no air strike. It was the agonized scream of a child crying out for rescue. Local paramedic Hashem quickly traced the sound to a hovering Israeli quadcopter circling above the community.

    Speaking with Middle East Eye, Hashem explained that this disturbing event is far from anomalous. For civilians who have chosen to remain in their ancestral southern Lebanese villages despite ongoing Israeli occupation and daily bombardment, such incidents have become a grim, daily reality.

    “This is not the first time these drones have flown over our homes and broadcast manipulated sounds,” he explained. “Just yesterday it was children screaming for help. Before that, we heard ambulance sirens. Other times they’ve played recitations from the Quran, or a woman’s desperate cries for assistance. We endure this almost every single day.”

    For holdout residents across south Lebanon, Israeli quadcopters are a constant, inescapable presence overhead. Beyond routine surveillance, issuing public warnings, and dropping targeted messages, the unmanned aerial vehicles have been repurposed to turn the cover of night into an active psychological battlefield.

    Local residents and first responders confirm that beyond open intimidation, Israeli forces deploy these fake distress sounds to draw civilians out of fortified shelters and homes. The tactic preys on basic human instincts: the urge to help someone in danger, natural curiosity, and raw fear. Hashem described his own automatic reaction to the night screams that matches exactly what Israeli planners anticipate.

    “When you hear those cries cut through the silent night, your first instinct is to rush outside and see what’s wrong,” he said. “That’s what I did yesterday. But I quickly realized the sound had to be coming from the drone—there’s no way children would be out in the village at that hour, especially around midnight.”

    Hashem outlined two core goals for the tactic. First, it aims to grind down remaining residents psychologically, spread pervasive fear, and force them to abandon their homes. But he also warned of a second, more immediate dangerous objective.

    “Most villages here are now empty of civilians, with only resistance fighters remaining in some areas,” he noted. “I believe the tactic is also meant to lure people out into the open so they can be identified and targeted.”

    This psychological warfare strategy is not a new innovation in Israel’s recent regional conflicts. Human rights groups, journalists, and residents in the Gaza Strip have long documented Israeli quadcopters fitted with loudspeakers broadcasting similar fake sounds of crying children, screaming women, and distress calls across residential neighborhoods and refugee camps, most often under cover of darkness.

    Gaza residents reported that the sounds frequently led them to believe nearby civilians were in crisis, only to discover the cries originated from small drones hovering meters above their communities. In Gaza, quadcopters have served far more purposes than surveillance alone. Throughout the ongoing conflict, doctors, local residents, and rights organizations have recorded their use over streets, family homes, and even hospital campuses, where they monitor civilian movement, issue coercive orders, intimidate populations, and in multiple documented cases, open fire on civilians.

    The use of loudspeaker-equipped drones forms part of a broader campaign of psychological manipulation: it confuses civilians, erases the line between real emergency and recorded fake sound, and undermines one of humanity’s most fundamental instincts—the drive to answer a call for help.

    Today, south Lebanese residents confirm this exact tactic has been imported to their communities, against the backdrop of a landscape already ravaged by war, where most towns lie partially destroyed or entirely deserted. Families are trapped between permanent displacement and temporary returns, and the conflict has fundamentally reshaped how local people experience daily life, sound, and movement through their own communities.

    Tarek Mazaani, a resident from the heavily destroyed southern town of Houla, has experienced this psychological pressure firsthand. His original home was reduced to rubble during the 2024 war. He relocated to Zawtar al-Sharqiya during a brief ceasefire, only to be displaced a second time when fighting resumed in March. In response to the displacement crisis, Mazaani founded the Gathering of the People of the Southern Border Towns, a grassroots organization advocating for residents’ right to return to their destroyed homes and demand the start of reconstruction work.

    According to Mazaani, on October 12, 2025, the Israeli military deployed quadcopters across multiple southern Lebanese villages to broadcast public warnings, ordering residents not to communicate with Mazaani and to boycott his organizing work. The broadcasts falsely labeled Mazaani as a Hezbollah member.

    Speaking to MEE from his third location of displacement—his refuge in Zawtar al-Sharqiya has also since been destroyed—Mazaani recalled the immediate aftermath of the broadcast. “When the Israeli army released those messages, I had to leave my safe house immediately out of concern for the lives of my neighbors in the residential complex,” he said. “I knew they could target me after those warnings, so I left my family behind and moved to another location to keep them safe.”

    The public warnings were eventually scaled back after Mazaani’s case gained international media attention, drew public solidarity from senior regional officials, and became a matter of widespread public concern. But for Mazaani, the damage extended far beyond threats to his own safety. Broadcasting his name and accusations across southern villages was as much a warning to the entire community as it was to him: any person advocating for the right to return, opposing forced displacement, or demanding reconstruction can be targeted, threatened, and socially isolated by Israeli forces.

    The firsthand testimonies of Hashem and Mazaani expose a little-documented layer of the ongoing conflict in south Lebanon. This is not only a war of air strikes, physical destruction, and mass displacement—it is also a deliberate campaign to control the psychological and sonic landscape of daily civilian life.

    This weaponization of sound puts ordinary civilians in an impossible, no-win position. Choosing to respond to a cry for help can mean walking directly into an Israeli trap. Choosing to ignore it can mean turning away from a real person in genuine danger. Trapped between these two terrible outcomes, fear builds steadily, community trust erodes, and simply staying in one’s home becomes a daily battle of nerves.

    In south Lebanon, where collective memory of decades of Israeli occupation intersects with new waves of displacement, these quadcopters are viewed as more than just advanced military hardware. For residents, they are a tangible extension of Israeli occupation control: perpetually hovering overhead, watching, disembodying false voices into communities, and forcing civilians to second-guess every sound and every movement in their own homes.

  • Watch: Is the US ready to host the 2026 World Cup?

    Watch: Is the US ready to host the 2026 World Cup?

    As the 2026 FIFA World Cup rapidly approaches, a critical question is gaining increasing attention across global sports circles: is the United States fully prepared to welcome the world’s biggest football tournament? The question has been thrown into sharp focus in the New York-New Jersey metropolitan area, one of the key host zones that is scheduled to stage eight matches during the month-long event, more than many other host cities across the North American joint hosting project.

    BBC correspondent Nada Tawfik has recently been on the ground investigating the current state of preparations in the region, uncovering a series of lingering concerns that have yet to be fully resolved. From infrastructure upgrades to transportation capacity, and fan experience planning to security arrangements, multiple aspects of the readiness work are still undergoing final adjustments, leaving observers questioning whether all deliverables will be completed on time ahead of the tournament’s kickoff.

    The New York-New Jersey area is one of 16 host cities across the three co-host nations of the United States, Mexico and Canada, and its central role in the tournament means any delays or gaps in preparation could have knock-on effects for the entire event. Football fans from every corner of the globe are expected to descend on the region to watch top-tier matches, placing significant expectations on local organizers to deliver a seamless, world-class experience. As preparations enter the final stretch, all eyes remain on how organizers will address the identified concerns and cross the finish line in time for the historic 48-team tournament.

  • Excitement and nerves in the US as football fans get ready for the World Cup

    Excitement and nerves in the US as football fans get ready for the World Cup

    It has been more than three decades since the United States last opened its stadium doors to the FIFA World Cup, and with the 2026 edition — the first expanded 48-team tournament, co-hosted alongside Canada and Mexico — just days away, the nation is caught between soaring anticipation and lingering uncertainty over whether it is fully prepared to welcome the global sporting event.

    Multiple growing pains have emerged in the final lead-up to kickoff. Geopolitical tensions, widespread frustration over strict visa entry requirements, and eye-popping match ticket prices have dominated pre-tournament conversations, casting a shadow of concern over what is supposed to be a unifying global celebration. Yet for millions of American soccer fans and small business owners across the country, the excitement of hosting the world’s most-watched sporting event on home soil has outweighed these growing pains.

    At the Red Bull training complex in Morristown, New Jersey, one of the world’s most successful national sides, Brazil, has already settled into its official base camp. As the Seleção runs through tactical drills and fitness preparations, crowds of giddy fans have gathered along the facility’s sidelines to catch a rare, close-up look at their favorite football stars. Many young fans have left with cherished autographs and selfie photos with the players.

    Brazilian forward Matheus Cunha, who plies his club trade at Manchester United, praised the host nation’s preparations in an interview with the BBC. “The fans have been amazing, and so far, it’s off to a good start,” he said, lauding the quality of the training facility, the pitch, and even the mild New Jersey summer weather, which he says reminds him of home back in Brazil. He only had one lighthearted quip for his hosts: “The only thing, it’s called football, not soccer.”

    Across the country in New York City’s Brooklyn neighborhood, young players with the S.C. Gjøa Soccer club are already counting down the minutes to kickoff, with many having secured coveted tickets to multiple matches. Dennis Wyrwoll, a long-time soccer fan who attended the last U.S.-hosted World Cup in 1994, is set to bring his 10-year-old son Nicholas to four matches. Recalling the 1994 tournament, he noted that “at that point, nobody knew anything about football” and tickets were easy to obtain. Today, he says there is undeniable buzz in major New York, but he remains curious to see if that excitement translates to smaller cities across the U.S. where soccer has historically had a smaller fanbase.

    Indeed, the profile of soccer in the U.S. has grown exponentially since the 1994 tournament, and many local coaches credit the 2026 hosting gig with accelerating that growth. S.C. Gjøa coach Kaha Tavadze told the BBC that his club has seen a threefold increase in youth player registrations and tryouts in just the past 12 months alone, a shift he directly attributes to the excitement of hosting the World Cup.

    “Children now follow the sport more closely, know every top player, and wear their favourite team’s jersey,” Tavadze explained. He added that the tournament could even inspire a new generation of American players to pursue professional careers: “Watching live games, especially at that level, will change their mindset.”

    For all the excitement, however, systemic barriers remain. Sky-high ticket prices have put in-person attendance out of reach for many working-class fans, even those with deep connections to the sport. Shantay Armstrong, whose 7-year-old son has played with the Brooklyn club for five years, says she and her son have long dreamed of attending a World Cup match together. She entered an official raffle for affordable tickets hosted by New York City, only to watch the raffle close to new entries within minutes of going live.

    “It’s almost heartbreaking that there’s like a lack of accessibility for people who can’t afford to go,” Armstrong said. “I wanted to give him that opportunity, but that lack of opportunity makes me feel locked out, like we’re here but we’re not really part of it.”

    Tournament organizers have moved to address this gap by opening free public fan zones across host cities, allowing fans without match tickets to still gather and experience the excitement of the tournament. Officials have also worked to direct foot traffic to local small businesses, in the hopes that communities across the country can share in the expected economic windfall from the global event.

    Enda Keenan, owner of Legend’s Bar — a popular destination for overseas soccer fans located just steps from the Empire State Building in Manhattan — says he already expects a historic boost to his business, so much so that he has even turned down extra event requests from FIFA. “I said we can’t help ourselves, it’s going to be so crazy, we’d love to help, but there’s nothing we can do,” Keenan explained. He anticipates that even New Yorkers who never watch soccer will flood bars and fan zones to join the fun, saying that “it’ll be that much of a buzz.”

    During last year’s UEFA Champions League final, Keenan’s bar hosted 1,300 fans inside and an additional 700 outside on the sidewalk, where the bar set up an 85-inch television for overflow crowds. He says the World Cup will be an entirely different scale of crowd, and he has already prepped by sending overflow customers to neighboring bars to avoid overcrowding.

    In total, roughly 1.2 million international and domestic visitors are expected to travel to the New York-New Jersey host region alone over the course of the tournament. Beyond ticket access, transportation and logistics remain a top concern for many attendees. Thirteen-year-old goalkeeper Baxter Rowland will attend two matches, traveling to one with his family and another with a group of friends on a chartered bus. But even with tickets secured, his mother Alice Baxter says she is already bracing for traffic and parking chaos when she drives to the stadium.

    “I think it’s going to be a little bit stressful, and I think it might be difficult for the first few games, at least,” she said. “And hopefully it’ll get better and they’ll work out the kinks before the final here in New Jersey and New York.”

    In just a matter of days, the world will turn its attention to North America, and the question on everyone’s mind — whether the U.S. is truly ready to host the world’s biggest sporting event — will finally get an answer.

  • Inside Myanmar, rebels are losing ground as military forces men into army

    Inside Myanmar, rebels are losing ground as military forces men into army

    Deep in the jungle-covered mountains of Myanmar, hidden in a rebel encampment, four young men between 19 and 25 years old share a harrowing story none ever imagined they would live. None of them wanted any part of the country’s brutal civil war – and none ever volunteered to fight for the ruling military junta. Each was snatched from ordinary life in a campaign of state-sponsored forced conscription that has upended the trajectory of the conflict.

    One, a chef by trade, was abducted from a city street just as he headed home after a shift. He carried no official identification, and that minor oversight was all the junta forces needed to detain him and coerce him into enlistment. A second was seized on his way back from a late-night karaoke outing with friends. A third was arrested while carrying out his routine duties for the state forestry department. The fourth describes being framed: plainclothes junta agents slipped illegal drugs into his shoe during his arrest, leaving him no choice but to enlist to avoid harsher punishment.

    “Before we even understood what was happening to us, we were shipped straight to the front lines,” one of the men told a BBC reporting team that entered Myanmar without junta permission to document conditions in rebel-held territory. The BBC has agreed to keep the men’s identities secret to protect their families from retaliation back in territory controlled by the military.

    The young men describe relentless exploitation during their time in junta ranks. “They made us do all kinds of things we didn’t want to do,” another added. “We never got any real rest – not in the morning, not during the day, not even at night. All the hard, dangerous work fell to us conscripts, while regular soldiers barely had to lift a finger.”

    After four months of brutal basic training, the four were deployed to the front lines in Myanmar’s Karen State. One night, as they walked to a nearby stream to wash, they seized their chance: they slipped away into the jungle, running for their lives. Their escape led them straight into a patrol of the People’s Defence Force (PDF), the main armed wing of Myanmar’s anti-junta resistance, who detained them. But unlike their experience with the junta, the four say they have been welcomed with open arms.

    “We are treated like brothers here, not strangers,” one explained. They plan to remain with the PDF for the time being, before eventually being moved to safety across the border with Thailand. “If we tried to go home now, the military would still hunt us down,” one said.

    The accounts of these four unwilling deserters underscore a stark shift in Myanmar’s civil war, which erupted after the junta seized power from the country’s democratically elected government in 2021, arresting civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi. After the coup, widespread opposition coalesced into an armed resistance movement that made sweeping territorial gains across the country over the first two years of conflict. Today, that tide has turned, largely thanks to the junta’s 2024 enforcement of a mandatory conscription law requiring all eligible men to serve a minimum of two years in the military.

    That policy has flooded junta ranks with new manpower, reversing the resistance’s earlier momentum and pushing anti-junta forces onto the defensive across most of the country. While the junta still maintains full control over less than half of Myanmar’s territory, it has notched key gains in recent months, retaking critical population centers and reopening a vital strategic highway connecting the central city of Mandalay to Myitkyina in the northern state of Kachin. Thousands of junta troops are currently advancing to reassert control over contested border regions in Kachin, Chin, and Karen States.

    Ko Kaung, a PDF battalion commander operating in Karen State, says forced conscription has become the single biggest challenge resistance fighters face on the battlefield. “Military forced conscription became the main challenging factor for us on the battlefield as it enabled the military with limitless manpower,” he explained during a patrol through the sweltering jungle. Two years ago, Ko Kaung’s fighters seized the town of Hpapun and a large junta base outside the town. Today, the area bears deep scars of war: the welcome sign at the town entrance has been destroyed by bombing, along with the local school, a Buddhist monastery, and most of the homes in now-abandoned neighborhoods. Now, Ko Kaung says he is bracing for an all-out attack: as many as 2,000 junta soldiers are advancing on Hpapun, with junta drones already circling overhead.

    Unlike the junta, which draws on an endless stream of conscripted manpower, the resistance faces crippling resource constraints. “For us, despite having technology and intellectual advantages, our resources are very constrained,” Ko Kaung said. “With limited funds, we cannot source required components as much as we want and cannot recruit new soldiers as easily as the military.”

    Da Wa, a PDF commander and former political activist who spent four and a half years in junta prisons, echoes that assessment. Deep in his mountain-based command, he agrees that while most of the junta’s new conscripts are unwilling recruits, their addition to the force has still improved the junta’s battlefield performance. “They are getting better at following orders,” he noted.

    During a patrol along narrow jungle trails, Da Wa’s group was forced to take cover when a junta drone passed overhead. Reaching a hilltop outpost, his fighters speak in hushed tones: a junta sniper is dug in on the adjacent hill. The outpost itself was captured by the resistance in April, but overwhelming junta artillery and airstrikes forced fighters to abandon it after just two days. “We’ll take it back,” Da Wa says firmly. Like Ko Kaung, he faces overwhelming odds: some 400 junta soldiers are advancing on his position.

    Beyond the flood of conscripts, Da Wa says the junta has benefited from a major shift in military support since signing a security pact with Russia. The agreement has boosted the junta’s air power: “We see pairs of aircraft now, before it would be a single fixed wing,” he explained. The junta also now holds the edge in both quantity and quality of drone technology, a disadvantage the resistance struggles to counter. “The drone danger is definitely increasing. It would be easier for us if we also had jammers… It depends on how effectively we can counter their drone attacks and how well we can defend ourselves against them.”

    Compounding these challenges is the role of China, which has poured billions of dollars of investment into Myanmar and operates large rare earth mineral mining projects in Karen and Kachin States. China has brokered multiple ceasefire agreements between the junta and several ethnic rebel groups, while simultaneously cutting off the flow of weapons and ammunition to the broader anti-junta resistance.

    That ammunition shortage is a daily crisis for frontline fighters, says Kyar Soe, a rebel platoon commander recovering from a landmine injury at a hidden jungle field hospital. Showing a video of a recent battle, Kyar Soe can be heard shouting to an overeager fighter firing into junta positions: “save your bullets, easy, easy!”

    “Everyone is willing to fight so far,” Kyar Soe says from his hospital bed, his right leg heavily bandaged after a second reconstructive surgery. He stepped on a landmine in contested territory, and most of his right heel had to be removed. Myanmar is one of the most heavily mined countries on Earth, with 745 people killed or injured by landmines in 2025 alone, a quarter of them children. Even with his leg throbbing, Kyar Soe says he has no intention of abandoning the fight. “I’ll return to the fight,” he says. “One way or another I’ll fight until the very end as turning back home is no longer an option for me any more.”

    The field hospital where Kyar Soe recovers is a makeshift facility, built from bamboo and wood huts tucked deep into the jungle. Its operating room runs on solar power, with a backup generator for outages, and operates on a tiny shoestring budget. The facility lacks sufficient funding, critical medical supplies, and even an ambulance to evacuate severely wounded patients. Yet its director, Dr Saung, a 19-year veteran of the former military who graduated from a junta military academy, remains committed to supporting the resistance.

    He tells every wounded fighter who passes through his doors why the fight matters: “First, we are fighting this revolution now because the generations before us failed to fulfil that responsibility. Second, if young people choose not to oppose the dictatorship now, then one day, when they grow older like us and can no longer tolerate the oppression, they may also find themselves having to take up arms or join another resistance movement.”

    During an interview, cries from a recovery ward interrupted the conversation, and Dr Saung rushed off to attend: the wife of a rebel fighter was in labor. In a sweltering hut, 29-year-old May Kyut Mon braced through increasingly intense contractions, while her 24-year-old husband Yine Chit stood beside her, fanning her in the oppressive heat and playing Buddhist mantras on his phone – he could not remember the words to chant them himself. After hours of labor, Dr Saung lifted a healthy baby girl into the air, smiling. The new parents named her Sue Paye, which translates roughly to “fulfilled wish.”

    When asked what he hopes for his daughter’s future, Yine Chit did not hesitate: “A free and democratic Myanmar.” The couple cannot visit Yine Chit’s parents, who live in junta-held territory – neighbors in his village know he joined the resistance, and many support the military. “Once the revolution is over and peaceful times come, we’ll take the baby and visit both sides of the family,” Yine Chit says, his smile holding fast to that hope.

  • The rebels at the front line of Myanmar’s civil war

    The rebels at the front line of Myanmar’s civil war

    Myanmar’s long-simmering civil conflict has drawn renewed international attention following an unauthorized on-the-ground reporting trip by veteran BBC correspondent Quentin Sommerville, who gained rare access to rebel forces operating along active frontlines that the ruling military government has sought to seal off from outside observers.

    Against a backdrop of escalating clashes between the ruling junta and opposition armed groups that have roiled the Southeast Asian nation since the 2021 military coup, Sommerville entered the country outside official channels, a move that breaks the strict media controls imposed by the current government. This unapproved access allowed him to meet directly with rebel fighters who have been leading sustained offensives against junta positions across multiple border and inland regions, offering a first-hand look at a conflict that has largely been hidden from global media scrutiny.

    Most independent reporting inside Myanmar has been severely restricted since the military seized power, with international journalists barred from entering officially and local reporters facing severe crackdowns, including arrest and violence for documenting the conflict. Sommerville’s trip fills a critical gap in global understanding of the conflict, shedding light on the conditions, motivations, and capabilities of rebel groups that now control large swathes of territory outside the junta’s central control.

  • Colombia passes law to track cattle and keep deforestation-linked beef out of supply chains

    Colombia passes law to track cattle and keep deforestation-linked beef out of supply chains

    BOGOTÁ, COLOMBIA – In a groundbreaking move for global forest conservation, Colombia has signed into law a first-of-its-kind mandatory framework requiring the entire domestic cattle industry to implement full livestock traceability, guaranteeing that national beef supply chains are completely free of deforestation-linked production. Environmental advocates across the globe are hailing the legislation as a historic precedent, marking the first time any tropical forest country has rolled out such a sweeping nationwide rule to curb forest loss driven by cattle ranching.

    Under the new law, government regulatory bodies and private sector actors across the cattle supply chain are mandated to integrate three core systems: individual cattle tracking, official land ownership verification, and real-time deforestation monitoring. This cross-system integration is designed to flag any livestock raised on land cleared of forest, blocking these animals from entering legal commercial supply chains entirely.

    For decades, unregulated expansion of cattle ranching has stood as the single largest driver of deforestation in Colombia’s portion of the Amazon basin, with large swathes of protected forest cleared illegally through land grabbing to create new pasture. Proponents of the legislation argue it will close longstanding regulatory gaps that have allowed cattle reared on illegally deforested land – including grazing areas inside protected national parks and conservation reserves – to launder into legitimate domestic retail and international export markets.

    Susanne Breitkopf, U.S. forest campaigns director for the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA), an international watchdog that has spent years documenting deforestation tied to Colombia’s cattle sector, emphasized that the law sets a replicable blueprint for other tropical forest nations grappling with the same issue. “This is a win for forests, for Indigenous and local communities that have acted as the world’s most effective forest stewards, and for consumers around the world who are increasingly demanding that the food they buy does not contribute to forest destruction or illicit land activities,” Breitkopf noted.

    The legislation comes at a moment of mounting global pressure, as both governments and agribusiness face growing requirements from international import markets to prove major commodities including beef are not linked to deforestation. Environmental advocates point out that robust traceability systems are quickly becoming a non-negotiable prerequisite for accessing key overseas markets, while also giving law enforcement clearer tools to identify and crack down on illegal land grabbing and forest clearing.

    Data from organizations backing the law shows Colombia has lost roughly 3.3 million hectares (8.2 million acres) of forest in recent decades – an area nearly identical in size to the entire country of Belgium – with the Amazon region seeing the most severe rates of loss. While Brazil’s Amazonian state of Pará has previously implemented cattle traceability rules for producers, environmental groups stress that Colombia’s new law goes further by codifying a uniform, nationwide legal mandate rather than a subnational policy.

    A 2025 EIA analysis underscored the urgency of the reform, finding that hundreds of thousands of cattle were moved between 2020 and 2024 from production areas overlapping protected national parks into legal supply chains. The new law is the culmination of more than five years of coordinated advocacy from environmental organizations, policy researchers, and progressive lawmakers, who have long warned that fragmented oversight and weak regulation allowed illegally deforestation-linked cattle to flow through Colombia’s disjointed cattle supply chain.

    Natalia Katixa Escobar, a researcher with Colombian legal and policy think tank Dejusticia, which has documented the links between cattle expansion and deforestation, explained that the law addresses a long-standing institutional disconnect between Colombia’s agricultural and environmental regulators. “One of its most immediate achievements is that it builds a formal bridge between environmental policy and agricultural oversight,” Escobar said. “For years, the control mechanisms for cattle ranching and traceability had absolutely no integration with environmental monitoring – that gap is what allowed illegal activity to thrive.”

    Colombian Environment Minister Irene Vélez Torres told reporters the new framework will help the government clearly separate responsible, law-abiding cattle producers from actors linked to forest destruction. “This means it will become increasingly hard for forest destruction and illicit economic activity to hide behind the facade of legitimate supply chains,” Vélez said.

    The law sets a phased two-year implementation timeline to give stakeholders time to adapt. Within the first six months, the national government must roll out compliance support programs for small and medium producers, launch an official certification system for deforestation-free beef products, and allocate dedicated funding to strengthen monitoring systems in active deforestation hotspots. After one year, regulators must finalize formal rules for national cattle identification and traceability protocols, and formalize mandatory due diligence requirements for deforestation-free cattle ranching.

    By the end of the second year, all major supply chain actors including slaughterhouses, meat processors, cattle auction houses, traders, and live cattle exporters will be required to have full due diligence policies in place to guarantee their supply chains are deforestation-free. A core component of the reform is the mandatory gradual integration of separate government databases, which for the first time will allow officials to cross-reference data on land tenure, cattle ownership, and recent forest loss to flag illegal operations.

    While supporters say these structural changes will dramatically improve regulators’ ability to intercept deforestation-linked cattle before they reach legal markets, observers warn that the law’s ultimate success hinges on consistent, well-funded enforcement – particularly in remote Amazon regions where illegal deforestation remains rampant and state presence is often limited.

    If implemented fully, the policy could become a global model for other tropical forest countries working to protect their forest ecosystems while retaining access to increasingly sustainability-focused international commodity markets. “The real test will be what happens on the ground,” Escobar emphasized. “While the law fixes critical gaps in oversight and information sharing, reducing deforestation will also depend on improved governance and consistent enforcement in the most remote parts of the Colombian Amazon. Whether it will deliver significant reductions in Amazon deforestation remains to be seen.”

    This coverage from The Associated Press, which received funding from private philanthropic foundations for its climate and environmental reporting, maintains full editorial independence over all content.

  • ‘There is no one else’ – Platner voters on backing the controversial Democrat

    ‘There is no one else’ – Platner voters on backing the controversial Democrat

    On a crisp Election Day across the pine-tree lined districts of Maine, BBC reporters sat down with Democratic voters to unpack the driving forces behind their support for their party’s controversial U.S. Senate candidate, who is set to take on longtime Republican incumbent Susan Collins this election cycle.

    Across multiple conversations, a consistent theme emerged: even with the well-documented controversy surrounding Platner, the vast majority of Democratic voters interviewed made clear they see no better alternative to unseat Collins. Many respondents framed their choice not as an enthusiastic endorsement of every position Platner has taken over his career, but as a strategic and ideological commitment to flipping the Senate seat held by Collins, a figure who has become a polarizing force in Maine politics over her decades in Washington.

    Several voters acknowledged the criticisms that have dogged Platner’s campaign, from past policy stances that have angered some progressive factions of the party to ethical questions raised by opposing groups. Yet even with these concerns top of mind, nearly all interviewees reiterated the phrase echoed across the state: ‘There is no one else.’

    Background context for this race: Collins, first elected to the Senate in 1996, has long held a reputation as a moderate Republican willing to cross party lines. But in recent years, shifting national political dynamics have made her seat a top target for national Democrats, who have poured resources into flipping it to help maintain or gain partisan control of the upper chamber. Platner, the Democratic nominee, emerged from a crowded primary field, but his nomination left some factions of the state party dissatisfied, leading to ongoing questions about whether rank-and-file Democratic voters would turn out to support him in the general election.

    The on-the-ground interviews from Election Day, however, suggest that concerns about voter apathy around Platner’s controversial candidacy may be overstated. Voters repeatedly emphasized that their top priority is replacing Collins, and that even with his flaws, Platner is the only candidate who can deliver that outcome for Maine. Many noted that they have supported Democratic candidates for statewide and national office for years, and that defeating what they frame as extreme GOP leadership in Washington is the defining issue of this election for them, outweighing any concerns they hold about their own party’s nominee.