作者: admin

  • Trump sons-backed firms bank $6 billion plus in Pentagon deals

    Trump sons-backed firms bank $6 billion plus in Pentagon deals

    A Wednesday analysis from ABC News has uncovered that defense-linked companies with financial backing from Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump, sons of U.S. President Donald Trump, have accumulated more than $6 billion in federal procurement contracts from the U.S. Department of Defense, triggering fierce backlash over allegations of public office abuse and self-dealing.

    The web of investments at the center of the report is routed through 1789 Capital, a venture capital firm launched in 2023 by prominent pro-Trump donors, which brought Trump Jr. on board as a formal partner in 2024. One of the most high-profile recent deals came earlier this week, when the Trump administration announced a multibillion-dollar funding arrangement with Anduril Industries, an artificial intelligence-focused defense contractor. 1789 Capital acquired a $2.5 billion stake in Anduril more than a year before the announcement.

    The report details a pattern of contract awards closely following the Trump sons’ involvement with emerging defense and aerospace firms. Last year, Unusual Machines, a Florida-based producer of drone components, secured a contract to manufacture motors for the U.S. Army, a deal that came just months after the firm named Trump Jr. as a senior advisor. Earlier in 2025, Powerus, another drone technology company that lists both Trump sons as direct investors, received a purchase order of undisclosed value from the U.S. Air Force. Neither Unusual Machines nor Powerus had ever been awarded a U.S. government contract before the Trump brothers joined their stakeholder rosters.

    Additional examples cited in the analysis include Vulcan Elements, a startup focused on rare earth magnet production that counts 1789 Capital among its backers, which received a $620 million low-interest loan from the Pentagon in 2024. In April 2025, Foundation Future Industries, a military robotics startup that appointed Eric Trump as its chief strategy advisor, was awarded a $24 million Pentagon procurement contract. Shortly after the award was made public, Eric Trump publicly told Fox Business that the contract would help the U.S. “win” the global technological race with China to develop deployable battle-ready robotic systems.

    A spokesperson for Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump pushed back against the implications of the ABC report, defending the pair’s business activities. “They are experienced business leaders who have built and invested in businesses across a wide range of industries for decades, long before their father first ran for public office,” the spokesperson said. “Their investment decisions are based solely on their independent business judgment and personal convictions, and they do not seek to influence, direct, or participate in any government decision, procurement, award, regulatory action, or other governmental process. Attempts to portray their ordinary investment activities as improper are a deliberate distortion of the facts.”

    Despite this denial, critics across the political spectrum have decried the string of contracts as a historic case of public corruption. The official social media account for House Democrats wrote, “Donald Trump and his sons have raked in BILLIONS while Americans struggle to make ends meet. Let’s call this what it is: blatant corruption and an abuse of power.”

    Phillips O’Brien, a professor of strategic studies at the University of St. Andrews, argued that congressional Democrats should leverage their control over federal spending to block funding for deals tied to the Trump family’s business interests. “Corruption of this kind is why the Democrats need to freeze or cut back US defense spending if they take control of Congress,” O’Brien posted on social media. “If you actually care about US security, funding this is destructive.”

    Mark Jacob, former metro editor at the Chicago Tribune, characterized the pattern of awards as anything but accidental. “Pentagon contracts for the Trump-linked firms were not a coincidence, but deep corruption that never would have tolerated before a convicted felon took over the White House,” Jacob wrote.

    Sarah Longwell, a veteran Republican pollster who left the GOP over its alignment with Trump, echoed those criticisms, saying the cumulative value of the contracts confirms that “the president of the United States and his family are insanely, unprecedentedly corrupt.”

    This reporting was originally published by Common Dreams.

  • Residents airlifted to safety after flooding in central Chile

    Residents airlifted to safety after flooding in central Chile

    Central Chile is grappling with catastrophic flooding after a historic week of torrential downpours, driven by an unusually strong 2026–2027 El Niño event that has upended regional weather patterns and left at least one person dead and dozens trapped. As floodwaters submerged entire neighborhoods and turned rural dirt roads into rushing rivers, emergency teams launched urgent helicopter airlifts to pull stranded residents and their pets to safety from inundated homes.

    The disaster unfolded after record-breaking rain soaked the region surrounding Chile’s capital, Santiago. Meteorologists confirm the capital recorded 74 millimeters of rainfall in just the first seven days of October, making this the wettest start to October the area has seen in 76 years. The extreme downpour caused the Mapocho River, which cuts through central Chile, to overflow its banks, sending muddy water surging into large swations of Talagante, a city located 35 kilometers southwest of Santiago.

    Unlike severe storms that hit the region back in July, this sudden flooding caught riverside communities in Talagante off guard. No pre-emptive evacuation order was issued ahead of the heavy rains, leaving residents trapped in their homes as water levels rose rapidly overnight. Chilean national police deployed helicopter units to the affected area, conducting multiple rescue operations to extract people from submerged properties surrounded by fast-moving floodwaters.

    Tragedy was confirmed in San Bernardo, a city located just south of Santiago, where officials recovered a body from a flooded underpass. Authorities have not yet formally confirmed the cause of death, but preliminary assessments link the fatality to the ongoing flood disaster.

    Climate scientists have long warned that the 2026–2027 El Niño event, one of the strongest recorded in recent decades, will trigger dramatic global weather disruptions. The climate pattern, which brings above-average sea surface temperatures to the central and eastern Pacific, is known to amplify extreme weather around the world: it intensifies drought conditions in some regions while dumping far more rain than average on others, and central Chile is among the areas forecast to see well above normal precipitation through the southern hemisphere spring.

    Meteorologists have issued ongoing warnings that the unusual El Niño activity will continue to bring severe hazards to the region, including more heavy downpours, powerful wind gusts, and intense storm systems through the spring season, leaving communities bracing for additional flood risk in the coming weeks.

  • Afcon final to play out in court – when will Morocco or Senegal be crowned champions?

    Afcon final to play out in court – when will Morocco or Senegal be crowned champions?

    What was meant to be a 90-minute battle for continental football supremacy has stretched into a nine-month legal saga, and the long-awaited final chapter of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) is finally set to begin this week. Instead of being decided by penalties or a last-minute strike on Rabat’s Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium pitch, the 2025 Afcon title will be settled by the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), sport’s highest global legal body, which will hear Senegal’s appeal against the controversial decision to strip the West African side of the championship they celebrated lifting in January. Fans hoping for an immediate resolution have already been told a final ruling will not come on the day of Thursday’s hearing, leaving both nations and the global football community waiting longer for closure.

    The chaos that sparked this unprecedented legal fight began on a charged night in the Moroccan capital, where 66,000 raucous home fans packed the stadium to watch their team chase a first Afcon title in nearly 50 years. With the final deadlocked at 0-0 deep into stoppage time, Senegal thought they had secured a dramatic late winner through Ismaila Sarr, only for referee Jean Jacques Ndala to disallow the goal after blowing his whistle for a Moroccan free kick moments before Sarr’s shot. Controversy escalated minutes later when a VAR review led Ndala to award Morocco a penalty. Tensions boiled over completely: Senegal head coach Pape Thiaw led a number of his players and staff off the pitch and into the tunnel, while clashes broke out between supporters and stadium security that briefly left the venue without order.

    Play eventually resumed after the unrest, and in the 124th minute of extra time, Morocco missed a golden chance to claim the title when Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz saw his Panenka penalty saved by Senegal goalkeeper Edouard Mendy. Shortly after, Pape Gueye scored the decisive strike to give Senegal a 1-0 win, and the side lifted their second Afcon trophy in front of the world. Or so they thought.

    Within days of the final, the Royal Moroccan Football Federation (FMRF) filed an official complaint with the Confederation of African Football (CAF), citing tournament regulations that punish teams that leave the pitch without referee approval. Article 82 of CAF’s competition rules, found under the chapter covering match withdrawals, states that any team that exits the playing field before a match concludes without the referee’s explicit authorization will be considered the losing side and eliminated from the competition. In March, a CAF appeals board upheld Morocco’s complaint, ruled that Senegal had forfeited the match, and awarded Morocco a 3-0 default victory and the 2025 Afcon title.

    The ruling divided football observers across the continent. While CAF has a history of overturning results in Afcon and World Cup qualifying matches, some critics — including a former senior CAF official — have argued that only the match referee has the authority to officially abandon a game in the event of a team walk-off. Senegal’s national football federation (FSF) dismissed the ruling as “unfair, unprecedented and unacceptable” and immediately launched an appeal to CAS, the independent Lausanne-based legal body that serves as the final arbitrator for disputes in international sport.

    Founded in 1984 to handle the growing number of commercial and regulatory disputes as global football grew into a multi-billion-dollar industry, CAS handles more than 900 cases annually across more than 50 sports, covering everything from doping violations and transfer disputes to corruption claims and tournament organization conflicts. Senegal’s appeal will be heard by a three-arbitrator panel led by 76-year-old French legal scholar Gerald Simon, founder of the University of Burgundy’s Sports Law Laboratory and a CAS member for more than two decades. If the panel cannot reach a unanimous decision, Simon will cast the deciding vote.

    While the closed-door hearing — requested by both federations — is scheduled to conclude Thursday afternoon, CAS has already confirmed that no ruling will be issued that day. Under CAS rules, final appeal verdicts must be issued no later than four months after a hearing, with an informal target of three months, though high-profile cases have moved faster: in 2020, Manchester City’s appeal against a UEFA European ban over financial fair play violations saw a verdict issued just five weeks after the hearing.

    A ruling overturning CAF’s original decision would deal another significant blow to the governing body’s reputation, which has already faced widespread criticism for the retrospective title handover. CAF president Patrice Motsepe has already stated the organization will accept and respect any ruling CAS issues, and a ruling in Senegal’s favor could force amendments to CAF’s official tournament regulations. Already, the chaotic events of the January final have driven a global rule change: the International Football Association Board (IFAB), football’s global lawmaking body, updated its rules in April to state that any player leaving the pitch in protest of a referee’s decision can be sanctioned with a red card, and any team official that incites a mass walk-off faces similar punishment, with teams responsible for match abandonment expected to forfeit by default.

    The fallout from the final has already cost two head coaches their jobs: Thiaw was fired by Senegal following the team’s 2026 World Cup round of 16 exit, while Morocco’s Walid Regragui was dismissed in March. For both federations, however, the stakes remain far higher than just the title: Morocco invested heavily in hosting its first Afcon since 1988, and senior FMRF officials argue Senegal’s walk-off permanently tarnished the tournament’s global image. For Senegal, the dispute has amplified long-held frustrations across parts of African football over what the FSF and Senegalese government describe as disproportionate Moroccan influence within CAF; tensions were already high before the walk-off over incidents including laser pointers directed at Senegal players and a scuffle that saw reserve goalkeeper Yehvann Diouf tackled by three Moroccan ball boys when he intervened to stop them moving starting goalkeeper Edouard Mendy’s towel.

    With the 2027 Afcon set to kick off in less than a year, fans have already begun speculating about a potential on-pitch rematch between two of Africa’s top national sides. But regardless of where the final verdict lands, there is widespread agreement across the global football community: the winner of a major continental title should be settled on the grass, not in a Swiss courtroom.

  • Could Christa Pike face execution again and by what method?

    Could Christa Pike face execution again and by what method?

    Thirty years after being sent to death row for the brutal torture and murder of 19-year-old Colleen Slemmer, Christa Pike has plunged Tennessee’s capital punishment system into uncharted legal and political chaos following a botched lethal injection attempt that left her alive and able to walk and talk in limited capacity one week post-procedure.

    The botched procedure, which delivered two full lethal doses of pentobarbital to Pike without ending her life, is not an isolated failure for Tennessee’s capital punishment program. Back in May, state officials also aborted the planned execution of Tony Carruthers after failing to locate a usable vein for injection, granting him a one-year temporary reprieve. In response to Pike’s botched attempt, Governor Bill Lee has launched an independent investigation into the state’s execution protocols and suspended all scheduled executions through the end of 2025, leaving Pike’s ultimate fate trapped in a murky legal limbo.

    At a recent court hearing, state attorneys confirmed that any decision to schedule a second execution would rest with the Tennessee Supreme Court, while Pike’s legal team is pushing aggressively to have her death sentence commuted to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. Governor Lee, who holds statutory power to grant clemency, has so far declined to signal his position on the request.

    To understand the context of the crime that put Pike on death row: Slemmer was killed in 1995 by Pike and her then-boyfriend Tadaryl Shipp, who was a minor at the time of the murder. Shipp was spared the death penalty and remains incarcerated for his role in the killing.

    Legal experts interviewed by the BBC have outlined a range of possible outcomes for the unprecedented situation, each carrying significant legal and political hurdles. If the Tennessee Department of Correction chooses to attempt a second lethal injection, the state will almost certainly face immediate constitutional challenges over the practice’s violation of the ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

    Stephen Ross Johnson, a Tennessee-based defense attorney and president-elect of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, noted that two botched executions in a single year gives defense attorneys broad legal standing to challenge the constitutionality of the state’s entire lethal injection protocol. Even if the state narrows its challenge to Pike specifically, her pre-existing medical conditions create additional legal barriers. Pike’s legal team warned officials before the first attempt that her small veins and thrombocytosis, a condition that causes excessive blood clotting, would complicate the injection procedure. Johnson argues that the combination of this known risk and the botched first attempt makes it nearly impossible for the state to justify a second lethal injection in court.

    Another option floated by some state political leaders is switching to an alternative execution method. High-profile Tennessee Republicans have already called for drastic changes: U.S. Senate Marsha Blackburn, who is running for governor in next month’s state election, has publicly called for bringing back the electric chair, while Congressman Tim Burchett has introduced legislation to reinstate hanging as an execution method.

    Vanderbilt University law professor Chris Slobogin explained that Tennessee could technically use the electric chair for Pike because her crime was committed in 1995, before the state updated its execution laws to limit methods. However, state law requires that Pike voluntarily waive her right to lethal injection in writing for an alternative method to be used, a step she is extremely unlikely to take voluntarily. Switching methods would also require navigating a maze of additional legal approval, including sign-off from the governor’s office and potentially the state legislature, adding months if not years of delay to any proceedings.

    Even if the state clears those procedural hurdles, experts say there is a scenario where Pike could never be executed at all, regardless of method. Her current exact medical condition remains undisclosed, and there is growing concern that the botched lethal injection may have caused irreversible brain damage. Under U.S. constitutional law, it is considered cruel and unusual punishment to execute a prisoner who is mentally incompetent and unable to understand the reason for their execution. This standard has historically applied to prisoners with advanced dementia or severe psychosis, but experts say it could extend to Pike if her brain damage leaves her mentally incapacitated.

    There is recent national precedent for both alternative execution methods and clemency after botched procedures. In 2024, Alabama successfully carried out an execution using nitrogen hypoxia after failing to complete a planned lethal injection, setting a national precedent for last-minute method changes. Conversely, Alabama also granted clemency to death row inmate Doyle Hamm after a failed two-hour execution attempt where officials could not place an IV line; the state ultimately agreed to commute his sentence to life as part of a legal settlement tied to his poor health, and Hamm later died of natural causes.

    For the immediate future, all capital punishment in Tennessee is on hold. Only one execution was scheduled after Pike this year, and Governor Lee has already postponed that proceeding. Legal experts across the board agree that Pike’s case will see significant delays while the independent investigation reviews the botched attempt and medical professionals evaluate her current health.

    Slobogin predicts that the most likely outcome is that Governor Lee will ultimately commute Pike’s death sentence, especially if the independent investigation uncovers evidence that state officials failed to follow existing protocols or made avoidable missteps during the first execution attempt. “If the investigation in any way suggests that the protocol was not followed, or is unworkable, that would be the easiest political and legal outcome for the governor, given all the complications and negative public attention around this case,” Slobogin explained.

  • ‘No one listens to us’: France’s mass student protests expose social and racial inequality

    ‘No one listens to us’: France’s mass student protests expose social and racial inequality

    France’s student protest movement has entered its third week, with testimonies from young people revealing that systemic educational inequity disproportionately harms working-class and ethnically diverse communities in the country’s peripheral suburbs, known as banlieues. What began as a localized strike over teacher shortages and crumbling facilities at Lycee Saint-Exupery in Creteil, a southeastern Paris suburb, has erupted into a nationwide movement, drawing hundreds of thousands of demonstrators to demand systemic change and an end to structural inequality that marginalizes low-income communities.

    After viral videos of the initial strike spread across social media in mid-September, high schools across France began joining the movement, blocking campus entrances and staging mass demonstrations. The movement spread nationwide in just 10 days, and by October 6, French Interior Ministry figures show approximately 250,000 people – including high school and university students, parents, teachers, and union representatives – have marched in the streets. Their core demands center on increased public investment in education for low-income neighborhoods, spanning everything from renovated school infrastructure and additional teaching staff to reduced class sizes, a reformed national college admissions system, and an overhaul of the current 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. school day.

    In response to the unrest, the French state has deployed a heavy security presence that human rights groups including Amnesty International have condemned as “unnecessary and disproportionate,” calling on authorities to de-escalate the use of force. Footage shared online shows national police and guard units deploying tear gas, firing rubber bullets, and striking protesters with batons. Hundreds of people have been injured, some critically: in Val-d’Oise, a 14-year-old lost multiple teeth after a tear gas canister was fired at his face from point-blank range, while a 15-year-old student in Lens lost a hand during a confrontation with police. Following the Lens incident, the interior minister announced a temporary pause on the use of stun grenades at school protests but rejected widespread accusations of police brutality. To date, more than 5,000 protesters have been arrested, 85% of whom are minors, according to official ministry data.

    The nationwide wave of school blockades has laid bare a deep, long-simmering crisis in France’s public education system, with abysmal material conditions at schools in low-income areas at the center of student grievances. In many of these schools, campus buildings are in severe disrepair: students report leaky roofs, crumbling ceilings, rodent infestations, broken plumbing, insufficient classroom furniture, and extreme temperature fluctuations during recent summer heatwaves. “It’s either freezing in the winter or unbearably hot in the summer. The power cuts out, so the classrooms go dark, the computers stop working, the lights stop working,” explained Madeleine, a high school student at Lycee Francois Villon in Les Mureaux, a northwestern Paris suburb.

    Overcrowding is rampant, with some urban classrooms holding more than 36 students, and teacher shortages leave roughly 10% of scheduled teaching hours unfilled – a gap that hits low-income areas hardest. “We have asbestos in the walls, classrooms where there aren’t enough chairs or desks. There are 35 of us in a classroom. We go to school from 8am to 6pm and then we have to do homework, it’s impossible,” a student from Lycee Alfred Kastler in Pontoise, 30 kilometers northwest of Paris, told reporters. Other students highlighted repeated power failures, a lack of ventilation or air conditioning to combat extreme heat, and unsanitary bathroom facilities that often lack toilet paper and soap. In some classrooms, students report standing during entire lessons because there are not enough chairs for every enrolled student.

    While the French government has acknowledged the “legitimate” nature of student grievances and pledged to address overcrowding, school schedules, teacher replacement protocols, and building repairs, a recent Senate report estimates that billions of euros will be required over the coming years to renovate France’s thousands of aging public schools.

    Underfunding affects schools across the country, but the burden falls heaviest on schools in deprived neighborhoods with large immigrant and ethnic minority populations. Unlike many other European capital cities, Paris is defined by a stark geographical wealth divide: wealth and resources are heavily concentrated in western Paris and adjacent inner suburbs, while lower-income and immigrant communities are largely segregated in the peripheral northern and eastern banlieues. This geographic divide directly shapes student outcomes: OECD data shows that social background remains one of the strongest predictors of academic success in France, with disadvantaged students concentrated in under-resourced schools that face higher rates of teacher absenteeism and poorer learning conditions.

    Students from the banlieues argue that racialized prejudice against working-class suburban communities perpetuates systemic institutional neglect. “They assume that because we’re from the banlieues, we’re supposed to be uneducated, that we don’t learn anything, that the suburbs are worthless,” explained Jelan Kone, a student from Lycee Paul Eluard in Saint-Denis, a northern Paris suburb and one of the first high schools to join the protest movement. “But we don’t just let people walk all over us. We try to improve our communities and show that the banlieues aren’t something that should be neglected.”

    Witnesses and extensive research on racial bias in French policing confirm that discriminatory treatment is also common during protest responses. A 2025 study from France’s independent administrative authority Défenseur des droits found that young men perceived as Black, Arab, or North African face four times the risk of involuntary identity checks than other population groups. France’s largest and most influential judges’ organization, the Magistrates’ Union, has also condemned the authorities’ treatment of protesters, noting that protection of student rights “cannot be applied selectively” and that disproportionate force primarily targets young people of color from working-class neighborhoods.

    Students report that police overwhelmingly target Black and Arab youth during protests. “During one of the school blockades, I heard one student say to a policeman: ‘I don’t speak to cops’. The police man replied: ‘We don’t speak to Black people,’” reported Nellie, a student from Lycee Alfred Kastler in Cergy, a northwestern Paris suburb. Her classmate Maelie added that police regularly “show up at their school, hit and tear-gas innocent people.”

    Another major source of student frustration is Parcoursup, France’s national higher education application platform. Students argue that algorithmic biases in the system prioritize applicants from more affluent neighborhoods and schools, perpetuating existing social and racial inequality. “We’re at a high school in the Paris banlieue. Because of that, we’re not viewed as favourably and it means that we don’t necessarily have the same opportunities as students from rich schools, even though we have the same level, and sometimes an even higher level than them,” explained Imene, a high school student in Saint-Denis. “Parcoursup is a source of stress for all students in France. It’s unbearable. There are people who have an average grade of 18 out of 20 but were rejected by top universities, or from programmes like medicine, simply because other students were given priority.”

    A 2024 Défenseur des droits report on systemic discrimination against young people by origin highlighted persistent inequalities in access to higher education and raised formal concerns about selection procedures on Parcoursup. The report called for stronger equal treatment measures and recommended that Parcoursup publish clear, verifiable selection criteria, increase ministerial oversight of admissions algorithms, and end the practice of using an applicant’s previous high school as a selection criterion. Despite these recommendations, students from banlieue schools report they still feel overlooked and ignored by national policymakers.

    “Everyone is equal in this country, we want to have the same rights as everyone else. That’s what they don’t want to understand. They just want us to stay quiet and put up with it,” said Melissa, another Saint-Denis high school student. While many teachers support the protests, students in Saint-Denis note a deep socioeconomic divide between staff and pupils that makes it hard for teachers to relate to their lived experiences: most teachers attended elite universities and do not come from the banlieues or identify as racialized people, so they do not share the same struggles.

    Student organizers say the movement will continue until their demands are heard, noting that students and staff have raised these same issues for decades without meaningful systemic change. “Every single year, there’s another issue. But nothing changes,” lamented Zara, a student organizer. As of this report, students are continuing to organize new school blockades and demonstrations, and participation is growing. Despite the violence, mass arrests, and uncertainty, students remain determined to push for reform. “If we don’t act now, it’s never, ever, ever going to change. But this time, if we keep going, things will change, I have hope,” Imene said.

  • Former Bachelor Australia star Sam Wood denied bail over domestic violence charges

    Former Bachelor Australia star Sam Wood denied bail over domestic violence charges

    One of Australia’s most recognizable reality television personalities turned fitness entrepreneur has been denied bail and will remain in custody following his arrest on serious domestic violence charges, in a case that has already collapsed his professional brand and drawn widespread public scrutiny.

    Sam Wood, 46, who catapulted to national fame as the lead of the 2015 season of *The Bachelor Australia* and built a multi-million dollar fitness business off the back of his media profile, was taken into custody Saturday at a beachfront holiday home in Noosa on Queensland’s Sunshine Coast. The former reality star, a Melbourne resident who was on vacation with his family when the allegations emerged, was formally charged with domestic violence assault and strangulation following his arrest.

    Appearing via videolink at Maroochydore Magistrates Court on Thursday after five nights behind bars, Wood filed an application for bail that was immediately contested by police prosecutors. Sergeant Jeanette Grigoris told the court the alleged victim had submitted a formal video statement detailing the attack, claiming she was choked until she could not breathe, had her head slammed repeatedly against the floor, and believed she would die during the incident. Prosecutors also submitted photographic evidence of the victim’s visible injuries, along with an emergency call recording from a witness that corroborates the victim’s account of the choking. Grigoris added that the complainant fully supports the ongoing criminal proceedings and raised three key concerns about releasing Wood on bail: a risk he would tamper with witnesses, a likelihood of reoffending, and a chance he would fail to return to Queensland for future court dates.

    Wood’s legal defense team has pushed back against the most serious charge, with his lawyer Mathew Cuskelly telling the court that Wood denies the strangulation allegation entirely, and may pursue a self-defense argument for the lesser assault charge. Cuskelly argued that the incident grew out of a heated family argument where the complainant acted with hostility toward Wood, prompting him to push her in what he claims was a defensive response. He also questioned the strength of the prosecution’s evidence for the strangulation charge, noting the lack of definitive proof for an allegation of that severity is unusual. Cuskelly further argued for bail on the grounds that Wood lives with severe clinical depression and requires ongoing access to specialized mental health care that is not available in custody, adding that his client’s decades-built professional reputation has already been irreparably damaged and bail would allow him to attempt to salvage what remains of his career.

    In the days following his arrest, Wood has been completely cut off from the business empire he built. In 2022, DGB Health purchased his popular online fitness and nutrition brand 28 by Sam Wood for an undisclosed multi-million dollar sum. The company initially announced Wood had been placed on indefinite leave, but quickly reversed that position and severed all commercial ties with the former star effective immediately. In a public statement following the split, DGB Health made its position clear: the company does not tolerate domestic violence in any form, and its leadership extended support to all people impacted by domestic abuse.

    The fallout extended beyond Wood’s main business, with a string of high-profile fitness influencers, brand partners and corporate sponsors cutting ties with him in the wake of the charges. Notable departures include Australian celebrity fitness trainer Tiffiny Hall and *Married At First Sight* Australia star Jules Robinson, both of whom distanced themselves publicly from Wood after the allegations became public.

    On Monday, a joint statement posted to both Sam Wood and his wife Snezana Wood’s social media accounts addressed the case for the first time. The couple, who met when Snezana Markoski competed on Wood’s 2015 season of *The Bachelor*, married in 2018 and share four children including one from Snezana’s previous relationship. The statement called the situation a challenging period for the entire family, noted that the couple was working through the matter together, and confirmed they are fully cooperating with law enforcement authorities.

    Wood is scheduled to make his next court appearance on 23 November, with legal proceedings expected to unfold through the coming months as the case progresses.

  • Why Zimbabwe tycoon ‘Sir Wicknell’ was loved and hated in Africa

    Why Zimbabwe tycoon ‘Sir Wicknell’ was loved and hated in Africa

    Last week, Zimbabwean business magnate and political powerbroker Wicknell “Sir Wicknell” Chivayo, 45, and his wife Lucy Muteke died in a helicopter crash, sparking a fierce national debate that has kept the story at the top of Zimbabwe’s public discourse. Chivayo, a figure who polarized public opinion in life, continues to split the country in death, leaving behind a legacy of ostentatious wealth, controversial political ties, and unresolved questions about the origins of his fortune.

    A self-made magnate who built his public persona entirely around unapologetic excess, Chivayo rose from extremely humble beginnings. Orphaned at age 10, he dropped out of high school at 15 when his family could no longer afford tuition, starting his career as a wages clerk at a local bus company. He cut his teeth in informal trade during Zimbabwe’s crippling hyperinflation crisis, selling mobile phones and trading foreign currency, much of it on the black market. In 2005, he was convicted of money laundering involving 837,000 South African rand, serving three years of a five-year sentence at Chikurubi Maximum Prison before his release.

    After leaving prison, Chivayo built his business empire in Zimbabwe’s energy sector, operating as a so-called “tenderpreneur” who profited from securing lucrative government contracts. As the head of Intratrek Zimbabwe, he partnered with Chinese electrical giant CHiNT Electric, taking advantage of the country’s indigenization policy, which required foreign firms to cede majority control to black Zimbabwean owners. His most high-profile and controversial project was a 100MW solar power plant in Gwanda, awarded to Intratrek in 2014 with a $170 million contract. Though the company received a $5 million advance, the plant was never built, with a parliamentary inquiry labeling Intratrek a “briefcase company” used as a front for investment. Chivayo defended the arrangement, noting CHiNT was responsible for technical expertise, and just weeks before his death, the government issued a new order for Intratrek to complete the project within 24 months.

    Chivayo’s relationship with Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu-PF party and President Emmerson Mnangagwa perfectly encapsulated his controversial rise. When Mnangagwa first took office in 2018, he publicly warned Chivayo, noting Chikurubi Maximum Prison was not full, in a clear reference to the tycoon’s past conviction and controversial business practices. Within a few years, however, the relationship transformed into a close public alliance, with Chivayo openly endorsing Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF, and gaining unprecedented access to the president. His political connections stretched across the African continent: he secured citizenship and a diplomatic passport from Eswatini’s King Mswati III, posed for photos with nearly a dozen sitting African presidents, and even was driven to his helicopter by Kenyan President William Ruto after attending the engagement of Ruto’s daughter. Ruto offered a glowing tribute after Chivayo’s death, but the relationship sparked widespread criticism from Kenyan citizens who viewed Chivayo with deep suspicion.

    A defining feature of Chivayo’s public life was his relentless self-promotion and ostentatious displays of wealth on social media. He posted photos of himself posing with stacks of cash, gave video tours of his collection of luxury vehicles (mostly customized white Rolls-Royces with vanity plates), and flaunted his collection of high-end watches and designer shoes. In a country where the World Bank estimates nearly half the population lives below the international poverty line, Chivayo ignored widespread criticism of his extravagant lifestyle, doubling down on displays of wealth as his fortune grew.

    Beginning in 2023, Chivayo launched a high-profile gifting spree, handing out luxury cars and cash to influential politicians, musicians, religious leaders, and social media influencers across Zimbabwe. Critics framed the giving as blatant grandstanding and an attempt to buy political influence for Zanu-PF, noting nearly all recipients were aligned with the ruling party. Prominent beneficiaries included top Zanu-PF-aligned musician Jah Prayzah, who received three luxury cars and roughly $400,000, and Bishop Nehemiah Mutendi, leader of the fiercely pro-Zanu-PF Zion Christian Church, who received four luxury cars and millions in cash. Even some high-profile critics of the regime and Zanu-PF-aligned figures rejected his gifts: veteran musician Thomas Mapfumo initially turned down an offered luxury car and home, calling Chivayo’s money “dirty”, though he later accepted $1 million to perform at Chivayo’s upcoming birthday party, drawing criticism from long-time supporters. Not all of Chivayo’s giving was targeted at the powerful: he donated 20 ambulances to Zimbabwe’s struggling public health system, gave buses to local schools, and pledged $500,000 to upgrade schools and a clinic in his rural hometown, where he was building an $8 million eight-bedroom mansion.

    In death, the polarization that defined Chivayo’s life remains as sharp as ever. Supporters and recipients of his generosity have mourned his passing, with politicians, religious leaders, and business figures offering public tributes, describing him as a generous, pure-hearted philanthropist who lifted up fellow Zimbabweans. Detractors, however, have pushed back against the cultural norm of avoiding criticism of the dead, arguing that Chivayo’s wealth came from inflated government contracts that siphoned resources from a struggling nation, pointing to Zimbabwe’s collapsing public health system and widespread poverty while he doled out luxury gifts to already wealthy elites. Pedzisai Ruhanya, director of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute, told media that Chivayo’s generosity was almost exclusively targeted at influential people, calling it a strategic move to secure protection and support from ruling party power brokers.

    Chivayo’s sudden death has left Zanu-PF without one of its most high-profile and colorful campaigners, and left many Zimbabweans with lingering unanswered questions about how a high-school dropout with a prior criminal conviction rose to become a billionaire with access to the highest levels of political power across the continent. Even as the country prepares for the couple’s burial, debate over his legacy continues to rage across Zimbabwe and the broader African continent.

  • How oil-rich Alberta’s economy might fare if it broke away from Canada

    How oil-rich Alberta’s economy might fare if it broke away from Canada

    On October 19, residents of Alberta, Canada’s resource-rich western province, will head to the polls for a vote that could reshape the future of the Canadian federation. This is not an immediate vote to split from Canada; instead, Albertans will decide whether to authorize a formal, binding independence referendum at a later date. Even so, political analysts across the country widely view the ballot as one of the most consequential democratic exercises in modern Canadian history, representing the most significant strain on national unity in decades.

    For proponents of separation, led by activists like Keith Wilson, Alberta’s economic foundations make it more than capable of standing alone as an independent nation. Blessed with the world’s fourth-largest proven crude oil reserves, a robust agricultural sector, and a young, highly skilled workforce, the province already boasts Canada’s highest per capita GDP. Crude oil alone generated C$142 billion in export revenue in 2025, most of it shipped to refineries in the United States. Separatists argue that decades of membership in the Canadian federation have shortchanged Alberta, with much of the province’s natural resource wealth redistributed to poorer, less productive provinces through federal equalization transfers. Calculations from the Fraser Institute show Alberta has contributed a net C$322 billion to federal coffers since 2007, averaging C$17 billion per year—nearly four times the net contribution of British Columbia and more than four times that of Ontario. The province has not received equalization payments, which are distributed to less wealthy “have-not” provinces, since 1965.

    The Alberta Prosperity Project, a leading pro-independence organization, projects that an independent Alberta would save up to C$47 billion annually by eliminating federal tax contributions. After accounting for new costs unique to an independent nation—including national defense, diplomatic services, and the establishment of sovereign governmental institutions—the group still estimates an annual surplus of between C$24 billion and C$46 billion. Proponents argue this surplus could be used to cut personal income taxes by more than C$10,000 per resident annually, fund major infrastructure upgrades, or grow the province’s sovereign wealth fund. Wilson rejects the doom-and-gloom projections from separation opponents, noting that Alberta already attracts global investment for its in-demand natural resources despite federal policy constraints. He argues comparisons to the economic fallout of the United Kingdom’s Brexit withdrawal from the European Union are unfounded, saying the fundamental economic dynamics of a potential Alberta separation are entirely different from Brexit.

    Opponents of separation, including Alberta’s Premier Danielle Smith, warn that the short and long-term costs of splitting from Canada far outweigh any potential benefits. A government-commissioned report released earlier this month calculated that separation would cost the province between C$50 billion and C$170 billion over the first five years alone, with massive uncertainty hanging over long-term economic projections. Smith estimates that transition costs alone could reach C$400 billion, while political upheaval would drive away billions more in lost investment and cross-border trade.

    A separate report from the CanadaWest Foundation, an Alberta-based non-partisan think tank, adds that an independent Alberta would be required to assume a share of Canada’s national debt, adding between C$258 billion and C$333 billion in new liabilities for the province. The new sovereign state would also need to build entirely new governmental institutions from scratch: it would need to draft a constitution, establish independent legal and court systems, create national tax and security agencies, launch a public pension plan, and negotiate the division of federal assets ranging from national parks to military bases. The report projects that separation would reduce the average Albertan’s disposable income by 5.8% due to GDP contraction and additional fiscal burdens.

    Prime Minister Mark Carney has repeatedly pointed to Brexit as a cautionary tale for Alberta. One 2025 analysis found Brexit reduced the UK’s total economic output by 6% compared to pre-vote projections. If Alberta suffered a similar contraction, Calgary-based economist Trevor Tombe projects the province’s annual GDP would drop by C$62 billion, with 175,000 jobs lost. Lennie Kaplan, a former Alberta finance official, questions the logic of creating massive economic uncertainty that would undermine the province’s long-term fiscal health, arguing that Alberta’s grievances are better addressed within the existing Canadian federal framework. Even economists at the Fraser Institute, which has long highlighted Alberta’s large net contributions to Ottawa, warn that prolonged political uncertainty from the separation process would deter business investment, as companies will avoid committing capital to a region with an unclear political future.

    The separatist movement, once a fringe political idea in Alberta, has grown into a mainstream political issue driven by decades of simmering discontent known as “western alienation.” Separatists say the province’s priorities and values are consistently overlooked and misunderstood by federal decision-makers in Ottawa, who have long been led by a Liberal Party government at odds with Alberta’s conservative-leaning electorate. Grievances have been fueled by federal environmental policies that blocked proposed pipeline projects to move Alberta’s landlocked oil to global coastal markets, as well as lingering anger over strict COVID-19 public health lockdowns that many Albertans viewed as federal overreach. After separatist organizers held dozens of public town halls across the province and collected more than 300,000 signatures on a pro-independence citizen petition earlier this year, Premier Danielle Smith opted to allow the October 19 advisory vote to move forward.

    Current opinion polling shows that between 20% and 25% of Albertans intend to vote in favor of moving forward with a binding independence referendum, with higher support among younger, rural, and conservative voters. Regardless of the outcome of next month’s vote, the debate has already exposed deep rifts within Canadian federalism, and will leave a lasting mark on the future of national unity.

  • Israel demolishes properties of Palestinian who saved 30 Israelis on 7 October

    Israel demolishes properties of Palestinian who saved 30 Israelis on 7 October

    Just one day before the two-year anniversary of the October 7, 2023 attacks on southern Israel, Israeli authorities have demolished multiple structures belonging to Yousef Zyadna, a Palestinian Bedouin citizen of Israel who drew widespread praise across Israel for rescuing 30 Israelis from the deadly Nova music festival massacre. The demolitions are part of a long-running state campaign targeting unapproved construction in Bedouin communities in the Negev (Naqab) region, and Zyadna’s neighborhood faces a total of 65 pending demolition orders that threaten to displace dozens of families.

    According to local Israeli news outlet Local Call, dozens of Israeli bulldozers entered Zyadna’s neighborhood near the southern Bedouin city of Rahat on Monday, leveling a warehouse and chicken coop owned by Zyadna, as well as the home of his nephew. The newlywed nephew had already demolished the home himself to avoid the humiliation of a state-forced demolition, social commentator Zachary Foster reported on social media. Zyadna, a part-time minibus driver, drove to the festival grounds in the early hours of the October 7 attacks to ferry trapped attendees to safety, an act of bravery that later earned him a public award at Israel’s Friends of Zion Museum.

    Despite the loss of his family’s property, Zyadna says he holds no regret for his actions on October 7. “These are our values. This is how we were raised,” he told Local Call. Tragically, the Zyadna family already suffered devastating loss from the October 7 attacks: four family members were taken hostage by Hamas, and while two were released in a November 2023 hostage exchange, two others—Hamza and Yousef—died in captivity, with their remains only returned to the family in January 2025. Zyadna says he holds Ottoman-era land documents that prove his family has lived on the land continuously long before the founding of the State of Israel, and he remains defiant in the face of the state’s demolition campaign. “I will not leave my land,” he said.

    The demolitions have drawn sharp condemnation from Israeli opposition politicians, who describe the action as a moral failure that betrays the spirit of coexistence Zyadna came to represent. “Yousef Zyadna is an Israeli hero and a symbol of coexistence,” said Knesset member Naama Lazimi of the opposition Democratic Party. “Monday’s demolition is a moral and ethical disgrace. The shared trauma and solidarity of October 7 cannot remain only in ceremonies and speeches. It must also be expressed in policy, in recognition of heroism, and in the state’s responsibility toward all of its citizens.”

    Zyadna also revealed that he has required ongoing mental health treatment in the years since the October 7 attacks, but the Israeli state has provided no financial support for his care. He canceled a planned scheduled media interview just days after the demolition, inviting reporters to instead come to his neighborhood to see the destruction firsthand.

    The demolitions targeting Zyadna’s community are part of a broader policy pushed by Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, who has made clearing so-called illegal construction in Bedouin Negev communities a central policy priority. Ben Gvr frames the campaign as an effort to “restore governance” to the region, and just one day after the Rahat demolitions, he celebrated additional home demolitions in occupied East Jerusalem on social media platform X, writing, “The bulldozers of governance never rest for a moment.”

    Bedouin communities make up roughly a third of the Negev’s total population, numbering around 320,000 people. For decades, Bedouin communities in the region have faced systemic displacement and dispossession, and they remain among the poorest and most socially marginalized groups in Israeli society. Rahat, the city near Zyadna’s neighborhood, was itself established decades ago as part of a state campaign to force Bedouin communities off their ancestral grazing lands and into concentrated, state-approved settled communities.

  • Palestinian killed during settler attack on olive farmers in West Bank

    Palestinian killed during settler attack on olive farmers in West Bank

    On Wednesday, a fatal attack carried out by Israeli settlers against Palestinian agricultural workers in the occupied West Bank left one farmer dead and nine others injured, marking the latest escalation in a documented wave of settler violence targeting local communities during the annual olive harvest season. The slain worker was identified by the Palestinian Ministry of Health as 44-year-old Ali Hassan al-Bazari, who was among a group of harvesters tending to olive groves on their ancestral land between the town of Burqa and the Ramin Plain, located east of Tulkarm.

    Eyewitness accounts and local officials confirm that Israeli military personnel were present at the scene during the assault and provided protection for the attacking settlers. As of initial reports, it remains unconfirmed whether al-Bazari’s fatal wound was caused by gunfire from settlers or from Israeli army forces. The nine injured Palestinians have wounds ranging from minor to life-threatening, with one victim listed in critical condition. A woman is counted among those hurt, with casualties transported to two separate medical facilities: Thabet Thabet Government Hospital in Tulkarm and Rafidia Hospital in Nablus.

    In addition to the attack on the farmers, the Palestinian Ministry of Health reported that Israeli army forces also targeted ambulance crews responding to the incident, as medics attempted to access the Ramin Plain to evacuate wounded civilians. Soldiers detained three paramedics and one civilian volunteer, seized the keys to their ambulances, and only released the group after ordering them to abandon the area entirely. This blockade delayed emergency care for bleeding casualties for nearly three hours, according to local officials.

    Shadi Abu Omar, a representative of the Burqa Village Council, explained that the attack unfolded in a part of the West Bank classified as Area B under the Oslo Accords, a zoning that places all civil administration under the Palestinian Authority. The site is also located far from any official Israeli settlements or unofficial outposts, meaning the harvesting residents had no reason to expect an confrontation with settlers. “Residents had gone to the area to harvest olives and were not expecting to encounter settlers,” Abu Omar told Middle East Eye. He detailed the sequence of the assault: “A group of settlers arrived in a vehicle and opened fire on them. After the shooting, the settlers approached the harvesters, began beating them and then bound them. Among them was al-Bazari, who had been shot in the back. Despite bleeding from the wound, he, along with the other injured people, including a woman, was tied up.”

    Abu Omar added that the entire attack transpired under the watch of Israeli forces, who made no attempt to intervene to remove the settlers. Settlers also personally blocked medics from reaching multiple wounded victims, issuing threats to shoot anyone attempting to access the incident site and prevent emergency evacuation.

    This deadly assault comes as part of a dramatic, well-documented surge in settler violence against Palestinian civilians, disproportionately targeting farmers during the critical annual olive harvest, a core component of many West Bank Palestinian livelihoods. Data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) shows that from the start of the current year through early September, more than 1,100 Palestinians have been injured in settler-linked attacks, with over 1,000 of those injuries directly inflicted by settlers.

    OCHA records highlight a steep upward trend in such violence in recent years: in 2020, an average of one Palestinian was injured in settler attacks every three days; by 2025 that rate rose to two injuries per day, and so far in 2026 it has reached more than three injuries per day. Since January, the UN has documented over 1,300 separate settler attack incidents impacting roughly 250 Palestinian communities across the West Bank – an average of more than six attacks per day. These incidents span a wide range of hostilities, including physical assaults, arson attacks on homes and vehicles, deliberate vandalism of private property and cultivated farmland, and targeted attacks against Palestinians attempting to access their own agricultural land.

    Settler violence during the olive harvest carries particular economic and social harm, as OCHA has repeatedly identified access to agricultural land and livelihoods as one of the primary contexts for settler aggression. The UN has documented widespread injuries to harvesters and the destruction of hundreds of mature olive trees and agricultural assets across multiple West Bank towns.

    Salah al-Khawaja, director of the central office of the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, argued that settlers in the West Bank operate with near-total impunity for their attacks against Palestinians. “Settlers are carrying out killings in front of the media, shooting at farmers and burning farmland,” he said. “We are facing a government that supports terrorism and criminality, providing full backing to settlers because it is a terrorist government.”