标签: South America

南美洲

  • Ecuadorian artisans working to preserve the traditional craft of weaving horsehair strainers

    Ecuadorian artisans working to preserve the traditional craft of weaving horsehair strainers

    Nestled in the highlands east of Ecuador’s capital Quito, the small village of Guangopolo holds a 200-year-old Indigenous craft tradition that is quietly slipping into history: the hand-weaving of cedazos, traditional horsehair sieves that once defined the community’s identity and economic life.

    Inside 76-year-old artisan Ligia Ipiales’ modest family home, she moves with deliberate care, separating individual strands from raw horse tails to weave an intricate mesh as fine as medical gauze — the signature texture that made Guangopolo’s cedazos prized across Ecuador for generations. Today, only nine practicing cedacero artisans remain in the entire village, a dramatic collapse from the thriving trade that supported hundreds of households just half a century ago.

    Among the remaining craftspeople is 51-year-old Guido Paucar, the youngest and only man in the group. He remembers a very different Guangopolo from his childhood: 50 years ago, roughly 500 Indigenous families in the village made their full or partial living crafting and selling cedazos, shipping up to 600 finished sieves to markets across the country every month, priced between $6 and $30 depending on size. “This is our village’s identity. If it disappears, Guangopolo loses a part of who we are,” Paucar said. “We are the last generation making these sieves.”

    What doomed the centuries-old trade? The mass production of cheap plastic kitchen sieves and synthetic alternatives pushed handcrafted horsehair cedazos out of everyday Ecuadorian households, reducing them to decorative display pieces for tourists rather than functional kitchen tools. “Now we only sell up to 10 each week,” Paucar added. Compounding the decline is a growing scarcity of the traditional raw materials required for authentic cedazos. The craft relies on two key local resources: horsehair from working farm horses, and wood from the native Pumamaqui tree used to craft the 15-centimeter drum-shaped wooden rims that hold the mesh in place.

    Where working horses once populated every Andean farm in the region, modern agricultural mechanization has replaced equine labor with motorcycles and tractors, eliminating the local supply of horsehair. Artisans are now forced to import horsehair from distant regions of southern Colombia and central Ecuador, paying a steep premium: 45 kilograms of raw horsehair costs roughly $1,000, a major expense for small-batch producers.

    The process of crafting a single sieve remains labor-intensive, unchanged for two centuries. After harvesting, horsehair is washed, sun-dried, and sorted by length before being stretched onto a simple handcrafted wooden frame called a guanga. Seated cross-legged on the floor, artisans sort, stretch, and knot individual strands at a speed that makes their fingers blur, resulting in a fine, durable mesh that was once indispensable for sifting flour in Ecuadorian homes.

    For decades, the craft also played a critical social role: it provided rural women with independent extra income, often enough to cover school fees and other expenses for their children. Today, efforts to pass the tradition to younger generations at Guangopolo’s El Cedacero craft center — through free workshops and targeted training programs — have repeatedly failed.

    Leaving the village for higher-paying professional careers has become the norm for young people, turning traditional craft work into an unappealing option. “From the age of 6 or 7 our mothers taught us how to weave sieves,” explained 57-year-old artisan Leonor Cuje, gesturing to a table lined with finished sieves and smaller horsehair goods like bracelets and brushes. “Now they are professionals and they don’t want to do this anymore.”

  • Protesters, police clash in Bolivia after president signs law enabling a harsher crackdown

    Protesters, police clash in Bolivia after president signs law enabling a harsher crackdown

    Five weeks of widespread anti-government unrest has pushed Bolivia, the landlocked Andean nation, into a deepening political and humanitarian crisis, as fresh violent clashes between demonstrators and security forces broke out on Monday following new legislation that opens the door for a potential military crackdown on blockades.

    Protesters, who are demanding the immediate resignation of seven-month conservative incumbent President Rodrigo Paz, clashed with security personnel across multiple urban centers. In the central hub of Cochabamba, crowds hurled stones, firecrackers and sticks at police, who responded with tear gas to disperse the crowds. In El Alto, the populous neighboring city of administrative capital La Paz, demonstrators stormed a local public transport union office amid mounting anger over crippling fuel shortages. By the end of the day, local police confirmed that at least 51 people had been arrested across the two hotspots of unrest.

    The current wave of demonstrations was first ignited in early May by Paz’s controversial decision to scrap long-standing national fuel subsidies, a move that sent energy prices soaring for working-class and low-income Bolivian households. The anger has since broadened, with protesters pointing to the administration’s failure to address the country’s persistent economic challenges, including sky-high inflation and stagnant low wages that have squeezed livelihoods across the country. Protesters, many of whom cast Paz as a betrayer of the public trust, note that they helped vote him into office just seven months ago, only to be neglected by the new administration.

    The movement has drawn broad participation from across Bolivian civil society: the national workers’ union, highland Indigenous communities, and peasant farmer organizations have all joined the mobilization, turning to widespread road blockades as a core protest tactic. So far, demonstrators have established 90 blockades across the country’s key transportation arteries, cutting off supply routes to major urban centers and leaving the administrative seat of government La Paz particularly isolated. The blockades have paralyzed national logistics, leading to acute shortages of critical goods including food, fuel, and essential medical supplies.

    A preliminary independent report released over the weekend by Bolivia’s public ombudsman, an autonomous state oversight body, offered the first full accounting of the human cost of the five-week crisis: between May 1 and June 2, the unrest has left 10 people dead, 37 injured, and more than 360 arrested across the country. The Bolivian government has confirmed that seven of the recorded deaths stemmed from delays in emergency medical care caused by blocked transportation routes, and has stated that all violent incidents linked to the unrest are currently under investigation.

    Paz’s election victory last year marked a historic political shift for Bolivia, ending nearly two decades of uninterrupted rule by the left-wing Movement Toward Socialism (MAS), the party founded by iconic former President Evo Morales. Since the unrest began, the president has attempted to open dialogue with protest leaders and has so far instructed police to show restraint when responding to demonstrations. However, organizers have refused all calls for negotiation, insisting that their only non-negotiable demand is Paz’s immediate resignation from office.

    In recent days, political pressure has grown on Paz from conservative allies to take a far more aggressive approach to clearing the blockades and restoring order. On Monday, he signed into law a new piece of legislation that lowers the legal barriers for the executive branch to declare a national state of emergency. If enacted, the measure would suspend certain constitutional rights and deploy the military to clear road blockades and reassert government control. A separate presidential decree is still required to activate the state of emergency, and it remains unclear whether Paz will move forward with the step. The uncertainty stems from Bolivia’s own political history: past violent military crackdowns on mass popular protests have resulted in the ousting of sitting presidents, creating a major political risk for the incumbent.

    Framing the new legislation in a nationally televised address after signing the bill, Paz claimed the measure was necessary to protect the Bolivian majority from what he called “narco-terrorism” instigating the protest movement. “I extend my hand to the social organizations that have legitimate demands and reiterate my willingness to engage in dialogue,” Paz added in his address, even as tensions continued to boil over across the country in the hours after his speech.

  • Fujimori and nationalist Sánchez virtually tied as vote count continues in Peru

    Fujimori and nationalist Sánchez virtually tied as vote count continues in Peru

    LIMA, Peru — Peru’s historic presidential runoff election remained locked in a razor-thin deadlock this week, leaving the South American nation without a declared winner just days after voters cast their ballots. With 93% of all ballots fully tallied, conservative contender Keiko Fujimori and nationalist congressional leader Roberto Sánchez are separated by less than 0.2 percentage points, a gap so narrow it has thrown the final outcome into uncertainty. As of the latest count, Fujimori holds 50.095% of valid votes, equal to roughly 8.75 million ballots, while Sánchez trails narrowly at 49.905% with around 8.73 million votes cast in his favor.

    Whoever ultimately claims victory will become Peru’s ninth president in just 10 years, a statistic that underscores the deep political instability the country has grappled with for over a decade. Both candidates advanced to the runoff after emerging from an April first round that featured 35 total candidates, where neither broke the 20% support threshold. It took electoral authorities more than a month to confirm the two finalists for the runoff, a delay that already fueled public frustration with Peru’s political process.

    Peru’s top election official, Roberto Burneo, has issued a public call for voters and political factions to exercise democratic patience and responsibility as the final counting process wraps up, confirming that the official final result will not be announced for up to 30 days. The slow pace of tabulation is not a product of mismanagement, but rather a legal requirement that mandates every individual ballot and polling station tally sheet be physically transported to one of more than 100 regional processing offices. Adding to the timeline, more than 1.2 million ballots from Peruvian voters living abroad across 63 countries — primarily in the United States and Argentina — must also be shipped to the capital for counting, a logistical feat that extends the process significantly.

    Turnout on election day was visibly lower than in previous contests across Lima, even though voting is legally mandatory for all Peruvian citizens between the ages of 18 and 70, with fines of up to $32 for non-compliance. Many polling stations reported no waiting lines at any point during the day, a sign of widespread voter apathy that has defined this election cycle.

    For most Peruvians, runaway violent crime — and specifically the growing extortion crisis across the country — is the top issue shaping this election. A 2025 national survey from Peru’s National Institute of Statistics and Informatics found that 84% of urban residents fear they will fall victim to a crime within the next 12 months. Policy analysts trace the rising power of organized criminal networks in Peru to massive profits from decades of illegal gold mining operations in the Andes Mountains and Amazon rainforest, which have allowed groups to expand their influence across the country.

    Neither candidate has managed to win broad public trust, however, as both are inextricably linked to disgraced former Peruvian presidents mired in corruption and authoritarian controversy. Fujimori, 51, is the daughter of Alberto Fujimori, the late former president whose 1990s administration was marked by authoritarian rule, systemic corruption, and widespread human rights abuses. She stepped into the role of Peru’s first lady in 1994 after her parents separated, and this marks her fourth bid for the presidency. During her campaign, she has centered her platform on aggressive anti-crime policies, including new surveillance technology to track extortion rings, border militarization, increased deployment of police and military forces in high-crime areas, and mandatory prison labor to require incarcerated people to “repay society” for their crimes. In the sole runoff debate, she defended her father’s legacy, claiming he defeated the violent Shining Path extremist group and promising she would replicate that success against modern criminal groups. Speaking to supporters ahead of the final count, she urged calm, noting “So far, there is no winner in this race.”

    On the other side of the race, 57-year-old Sánchez, a former cabinet minister popular with rural and working-class voters, is one of the closest political allies to imprisoned former president Pedro Castillo, who was removed from office amid corruption allegations and widespread chaos during his 16-month term that saw more than 70 cabinet reshuffles. Sánchez often wears a wide-brimmed peasant hat gifted to him by Castillo as a symbol of his alliance. His policy platform focuses on rooting out corruption within the national police force and implementing reforms to allow the military to support civilian security operations. He has also expressed openness to a wide range of pro-growth economic policies and reaffirmed his support for continued Chinese investment in Peru. Speaking to supporters from a hotel balcony in Lima Sunday, he thanked Indigenous communities, farming groups, and working-class backers “who have decided to come and reclaim the government for the people.”

    That widespread distrust in both candidates has led many Peruvian voters to opt for blank or spoiled ballots. Magali Quiquia, a 44-year-old food vendor in Lima, told reporters she submitted a blank ballot because neither contender convinced her she could trust them. “Five years ago, I was disappointed by Castillo with his corruption, and … Roberto Sánchez is the same,” she said, adding that “Fujimori hasn’t done anything either” despite her party holding multiple seats in Congress. A pre-runoff poll conducted by Ipsos one week before voting found roughly 3 in 10 voters remained undecided heading into election day, mirroring the deep public disillusionment with the country’s political class.

    More than 27 million Peruvians are registered to vote in this election. The winner of the runoff is set to be inaugurated for a five-year presidential term on July 28.

  • Peru election result close as vote counting continues

    Peru election result close as vote counting continues

    Peru’s high-stakes presidential runoff has devolved into a razor-thin deadlock, leaving the nation facing a prolonged period of political uncertainty that echoes chaotic electoral battles from recent years. Early independent vote tracking by leading pollster Ipsos places left-wing candidate Roberto Sánchez on a narrow 50.3% to 49.7% edge over right-wing veteran Keiko Fujimori, a margin so tight it qualifies as a statistical tie. Though this tally is not the official count, Ipsos’ tracking has proven a reliable predictor of final outcomes in past Peruvian elections. Official counting, which has processed over 85% of all ballots, confirms the race remains too close to call, with a full recount widely expected to take weeks to resolve.

    The contest brings two fundamentally opposing visions for Peru to the ballot box, pitting a veteran of national politics against a first-time presidential frontrunner campaigning for systemic change. Fujimori, a household name in Peruvian politics who is making her fourth bid for the presidency, has leaned heavily into the controversial legacy of her late father, former President Alberto Fujimori. Though Alberto Fujimori was ultimately imprisoned for crimes against humanity, his base credits him with crushing violent insurgencies and delivering tangible social support to impoverished communities. Keiko Fujimori has centered her campaign on one key voter priority: a brutal military crackdown on soaring organized crime and extortion, issues that have dominated voter anger across the country.

    On election day, Fujimori kicked off her voting in San Juan de Lurigancho, Lima’s most populous district, where informal impoverished settlements cling to steep, arid mountains. She was greeted by throngs of enthusiastic supporters, who voiced urgent hope that she would deliver on her anti-crime pledges. “She will fight crime like her father did years ago,” supporter Alicia told reporters. Another voter, Catalina Solana Guamá, noted that previous administrations had ignored the needs of working-class hillside communities like hers. “It’s about time a woman governed us, one who makes us feel valued,” she said, adding that she backed Fujimori’s promise to deploy the military against gangs that have targeted transportation workers for extortion. “It’s not right that we go out to work and don’t know if we’ll come back alive.” Jennifer, another local voter, echoed that frustration, saying “right now things are very bad, especially in this district… there’s extortions and killings, she wants to fight that.”

    Sánchez, by contrast, is running on a platform of sweeping left-wing economic and state reforms, including expanding the government’s role in regulating Peru’s lucrative natural resource sector, increasing public investment in marginalized rural regions, overhauling the national tax system, and renegotiating existing mining contracts. He frames these changes as critical to redressing deep systemic inequality, arguing that wealth from Peru’s vast copper and gold reserves has failed to reach most working and poor Peruvians. His platform has earned him intense support in rural and highland Andean regions, but has also spooked domestic financial markets, echoing the investor anxiety that marked the 2021 election of former left-wing President Pedro Castillo.

    Sánchez’s campaign is closely tied to Castillo, who he served under as a cabinet minister. A key campaign pledge from Sánchez has been his promise to issue a presidential pardon for Castillo, who was jailed in 2022 after attempting to illegally dissolve Congress and rule by emergency decree. The 2021 election, which also pitted Castillo against Fujimori, ended in a similarly razor-thin result that dragged on for weeks of vote counting and political chaos, a parallel that has amplified anxiety around the current deadlock.

    Ipsos’ early tracking lays bare the deep geographic divide shaping the 2026 result: Fujimori carried the capital Lima, urban centers, and coastal regions, while Sánchez swept rural areas and the Andean highlands. Analysts expect Sánchez to gain additional ground as the last remaining rural ballots are processed, a dynamic that keeps the final outcome too uncertain to call.

    In statements to their supporters following the release of early counts, both candidates stuck to sharply differing narratives. Sánchez framed his narrow lead as a reflection of popular demand for systemic change, calling it an “important lead that reaffirms the will of the people, who want democracy and justice.” Fujimori, by contrast, described the race as an unambiguous “dead heat” warning that “there will be long days ahead” before a winner can be declared. She argued it would be “irresponsible” to call the result based on early partial tallies, stressing that “every single tally sheet must be counted.”

    Sánchez’s supporters in Lima voiced similar determination to see their candidate win, with many warning that they would take to the streets in protest if the result does not go their way. Many cited Castillo’s ouster and imprisonment as a core motivation for backing Sánchez this cycle. Giovanna, a Sánchez supporter gathered to hear him speak Sunday night, condemned the Fujimori family’s legacy, referencing the forced sterilization program carried out under Alberto Fujimori that harmed thousands of Indigenous and poor Peruvian women. “If we have to rise up, at the very least I would do it,” she said. Street vendor Hilda, who voted for Castillo in 2021, echoed that threat, saying “We voted for change… Previously we voted for Pedro Castillo, but our president who was elected has been removed and is in prison. That’s why we’re voting for Sánchez. Everyone is going to protest, we are going to go out into the streets.”

    The runoff comes after a chaotic first round marked by delays in delivering electoral materials to polling stations, with both sides trading accusations of electoral fraud. For the second round, however, independent election observers and Peru’s National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) have confirmed that voting proceeded without major disruptions or irregularities. Still, the prospect of weeks of recounting and political wrangling leaves Peru facing a fresh period of instability, a challenge that has plagued the country’s electoral system for much of the last decade.

  • Brazil right back Wesley is out of the World Cup with a thigh injury, and Éderson is replacing him

    Brazil right back Wesley is out of the World Cup with a thigh injury, and Éderson is replacing him

    MORRISTOWN, N.J. — With less than seven days remaining until Brazil kicks off its 2026 FIFA World Cup group stage campaign against Morocco, the South American powerhouse has been forced to implement a last-minute injury-induced adjustment to its 26-player squad. Veteran right back Wesley has been withdrawn from the roster, with 26-year-old midfielder Éderson tapped as his official replacement, the Brazilian Football Confederation announced Sunday.

    The injury occurred during Brazil’s pre-tournament friendly against Egypt held in Cleveland Saturday night. Wesley was forced to leave the pitch early in the contest after suffering a muscle strain in his left thigh. Follow-up diagnostic imaging confirmed the damage was severe enough to rule the defender out of the entire World Cup, ending his bid to compete for soccer’s most prestigious global prize before the tournament even officially began.

    In a public statement confirming the roster change, the confederation highlighted the popular defender’s standing within the national team setup: “Wesley is an athlete deeply loved by every member of this group, and he will always remain a part of this squad that is chasing Brazil’s sixth World Cup title.”

    Éderson is already en route to Brazil’s U.S.-based training camp to link up with his teammates ahead of the opening match. Brazil is scheduled to play its first group stage fixture this coming Saturday at the Meadowlands Sports Complex in East Rutherford, New Jersey, just a short distance from the announcement’s location in Morristown.

    This late roster change is not the only injury concern plaguing Brazil’s pre-tournament preparations. Star forward Neymar, the 34-year-old attacking talisman, remains sidelined with a nagging calf injury and did not travel with the rest of the squad for the Cleveland friendly against Egypt. The team has not yet released an update on whether Neymar will be fit enough to feature in the tournament opener against Morocco.

  • Mexico City attempts record-breaking wave

    Mexico City attempts record-breaking wave

    As soccer fever builds across the globe ahead of the upcoming FIFA World Cup, one of Latin America’s most populous urban centers is stepping into the global spotlight with an ambitious, crowd-powered challenge. Mexico City has launched an attempt to claim the Guinness World Record for the world’s largest human wave, tying the lighthearted, community-focused event directly to the ongoing countdown to the sport’s biggest international tournament.

    Organizers of the attempt have said the event is designed to harness the excitement and collective energy of Mexican soccer fans ahead of the World Cup, turning a simple stadium tradition into a celebration of national pride and global sporting unity. While details on the exact number of participants required to break the existing record have not been fully disclosed in early announcements, the attempt is expected to draw thousands of participants from across the capital city, uniting casual fans, local communities, and passionate soccer supporters in one coordinated, massive movement.

    The human wave, a staple of spectator culture in stadiums around the world, involves successive groups of spectators raising their arms in sequence to create a rolling wave of movement that travels across the crowd. Breaking the existing record will require precise coordination and a massive turnout, but organizers and participants alike have expressed confidence that Mexico City’s passionate fan base will deliver a performance strong enough to top the current global mark, adding a memorable milestone to the pre-World Cup celebrations.

  • Mexicans chase a world record wave – but is the trend even Mexican?

    Mexicans chase a world record wave – but is the trend even Mexican?

    Forty years after the stadium spectator wave cemented its global reputation under the name ‘Mexican wave’ during the 1986 FIFA World Cup hosted in Mexico, Mexico City is stepping forward to claim a new world record for the largest collective wave in history.

    The current Guinness World Record for the biggest wave has stood for nearly 18 years: it was set at a NASCAR racing event in Tennessee, United States, in 2008, when 157,574 spectators joined together to create the sweeping, rippling crowd movement that has become a staple at sporting events worldwide. To beat that mark, Mexico City organizers picked an unconventional non-stadium venue that would allow the wave to spread continuously across thousands of participants: Paseo de la Reforma, the city’s world-famous tree-lined arterial boulevard modeled after European grand thoroughfares.

    On Saturday, thousands of enthusiastic participants lined both sides of the iconic avenue. Dressed in the Mexican national men’s football team’s signature bright green jerseys in many cases, the crowd went through multiple practice rounds before making their official record attempt. Chants of “Mexico! Mexico!” rang out across the avenue as thousands raised their arms in unison to carry the ripple down the length of the road. For now, official adjudicators from Guinness World Records are still reviewing data from the attempt to confirm whether Mexico City has successfully taken the crown from the 2008 NASCAR record.

    Beyond the record attempt, the event reignites a long-running conversation about the origins of the beloved crowd tradition. While the global name ‘Mexican wave’ ties the phenomenon closely to Mexico thanks to its 1986 World Cup breakthrough, many credit American entertainer George Henderson, widely known as Krazy George, with creating and directing the first full stadium wave. Henderson says he first launched the movement during a 1981 Major League Baseball game between the Oakland Athletics and New York Yankees in California.

    Recalling the moment, Henderson explained that the Athletics had dropped two straight away games, and by the third inning he was eager to try something completely new to energize the crowd. He worked with fans across three sections of the stadium to explain the concept. The first two attempts fell flat, but the third successfully rolled all the way around the stadium, and the fourth produced a steady, continuous ripple. ‘The place was going crazy,’ Henderson recalled. The game was broadcast nationally, so the concept quickly spread to fans of other sports across North America. It was not until the 1986 World Cup in Mexico, however, that the wave was broadcast to a massive global audience, turning it into an international staple of spectator culture – and earning it the widespread ‘Mexican wave’ name outside North America.

    The uniquely collective nature of the wave has even drawn the attention of scientific researchers curious about crowd behavior. In 2002, a team of physicists from the Hungarian Academy of Sciences’ statistical and biological physics group decided to map the mechanics of the stadium wave, publishing their findings in the leading academic journal *Nature*. Lead researcher Illes Farkas told NPR the team was drawn to the project because crowd behavior in a wave offers a clear parallel to particle movement in physical systems.

    The team’s analysis uncovered clear, consistent patterns: most spontaneous human waves travel clockwise around stadiums at a speed of roughly 12 meters, equal to about 20 spectator seats, per second. Shockingly, they also found that a self-sustaining wave only needs between 25 and 35 initiating participants to get rolling in a large stadium. The mathematical model the team used to explain the wave’s spread was not newly developed for the research – it was the same framework already used to describe how forest fires spread and how electrical signals propagate through heart tissue.

    Beyond the physics, sports writer Chris Hunt, author of *World Cup Stories*, told the BBC that the wave also carries varied cultural meanings depending on context. While it is most commonly seen as a symbol of collective joy and excitement among spectators, it can also signal boredom when a match is slow or uneventful. ‘When a match drags and nothing interesting is happening on the pitch, fans feel it’s a way to make the most of the money they paid for their tickets,’ Hunt explained. Context also dictates whether a wave is likely to appear at all: a tense goalless draw in the final minutes of a World Cup final will almost never see a wave, while a lopsided friendly match with the home team leading handily is far more likely to spark the familiar ripple.

  • In Brazil’s Cerrado region, Indigenous fire practices reshape wildfire strategy

    In Brazil’s Cerrado region, Indigenous fire practices reshape wildfire strategy

    On a recent May morning in the remote Xerente Indigenous Territory of Brazil’s northern Tocantins state, a low crackle like distant rainfall drifted across the Cerrado, the sprawling savanna ecosystem that stretches across central and northern Brazil. Unlike the unplanned, destructive blazes that terrorize the region every dry season, these flames were intentional, part of a proactive wildfire prevention strategy forged through a historic collaboration between the Xerente people and Brazil’s federal environmental authorities.

    This year, the work carries extra urgency: with an El Niño event approaching, forecasters warn of prolonged drought and soaring regional temperatures that will create perfect tinder for out-of-control wildfires, amplifying the annual risk the Xerente have faced for generations.

    For decades, the Xerente and other Indigenous communities across Brazil faced systemic prejudice that dismissed their millennia of land management wisdom. Brazilian environmental policy for generations clung to a strict “zero-fire” doctrine, which labeled any controlled burn an illegal threat requiring immediate suppression. But over time, ecological research and shifting policy perspectives have revealed the critical role that low-intensity, controlled fire plays in the natural evolution of savanna ecosystems like the Cerrado. Today, that outdated approach has been replaced by a groundbreaking model: Indigenous ancestral fire management paired with modern scientific monitoring.

    The 2026 controlled burn operation, carried out on May 19, brought together trained Indigenous firefighters and agents from IBAMA, Brazil’s federal environmental protection agency, to map and burn targeted areas of dry vegetation ahead of the August-September peak dry season. On the ground, Xerente firefighters carried on tradition, igniting small, controlled patches with dry palm leaves and drip torches, while a small airborne team dropped precision incendiary spheres from a government helicopter to reach mapped, hard-to-access areas. Crews stood by at all times to immediately extinguish any flames that threatened to spread beyond planned boundaries, leaving behind a patchwork of safely burned plots that will act as natural fire breaks when high-risk season arrives.

    “The Xerente know this region, its climate, its vegetation, and the optimal windows to carry out burns better than anyone,” explained Marco Borges, the IBAMA agent coordinating fire prevention efforts across Tocantins. “We came to learn from their traditional knowledge, adapt it to our conservation goals, and align our work with their relationship to fire. They are our best teachers.”

    Ecologists confirm this approach aligns with the Cerrado’s natural history. “Fire is a natural part of the Cerrado’s ecosystem, and many native species actually rely on periodic low-intensity burns to thrive,” said Leandro Maracahipes, a biologist and researcher at Yale University. Historically, natural blazes sparked by lightning occurred at the start of the rainy season, when fuel loads were low and fires stayed contained. But in recent decades, human activity—particularly clearing for surrounding soy and cattle farms—has shifted fire patterns, leading to far more intense, destructive blazes during the peak drought months of August and September.

    By carrying out controlled burns early in the dry season, when vegetation is not yet fully parched, teams reduce the buildup of excess flammable grass that would otherwise feed catastrophic wildfires. The burned patches form protective barriers around villages, critical headwaters, and ecologically sensitive sites. As Maracahipes explains, the old zero-fire policy backfired dramatically: “Totally excluding fire leads to a massive buildup of fuel that feeds high-intensity burns. These intense fires can kill even the most fire-resilient trees and spread so rapidly across the landscape that firefighting becomes nearly impossible.”

    The day of the operation opened with a traditional ceremony that highlighted the new collaborative dynamic between Indigenous leaders and government officials. When IBAMA convoys arrived at the Xerente territory, 30 Indigenous community members gathered at the people’s association’s wood-and-thatch headquarters, forming two facing parallel lines to create a ceremonial corridor. One line was made up of Xerente firefighters in official bright yellow brigade uniforms, while the other held community members, many shirtless with traditional body paint marking their connection to ancestral land. Together, they chanted traditional songs and stomped in rhythm, welcoming the official team to their territory.

    Waiting at the end of the corridor was 68-year-old Lazaro Xerente, the community’s eldest traditional chief. Clad in a feathered headdress and bearing traditional body paint, he thanked officials for the collaboration but pushed back against the harmful misinformation that often plagues Indigenous communities after major fire events. “People say, ‘Oh, it’s the Indigenous people who are causing fires,’” he said through a translator. “But in reality, since I was born, and long before me, my ancestors have always protected this forest.” After major wildfires, out-of-context images of Indigenous controlled burns frequently circulate on Brazilian social media, falsely blaming communities for destruction that is in fact caused by unregulated clearing activity outside Indigenous territories. All burns in the current program are carefully mapped and monitored by joint fire management teams.

    Planning for each day’s burns combines modern satellite mapping data with generations of Xerente knowledge of the territory’s terrain and ecology, a model that has been formalized through government partnerships dating back to 2014. Some Xerente firefighters are hired on two-year government contracts, receiving formal training and a monthly salary, while others volunteer their time. The program receives partial funding from a partnership between the Bunge Foundation and IBAMA, which supports training and equipment for up to 40 Indigenous fire brigades across five Cerrado and Amazon states.

    This year’s operation is taking place as Brazilian authorities are on high alert for the impacts of the approaching El Niño. The climate phenomenon typically brings hotter, drier conditions to the Cerrado and Amazon, creating ideal conditions for wildfire spread. During the 2023-2024 El Niño event, data from MapBiomas, a nonprofit tracking deforestation and fire activity, shows Brazil suffered historic burning that destroyed more than 30.8 million hectares—an area larger than the entire country of Italy. The Amazon bore the brunt of the damage, accounting for nearly 60% of the total burned area, with the Cerrado ranking second at almost 10 million hectares affected.

    Brazil’s Environment Ministry has been tracking El Niño impacts since the start of 2026 and has deployed more than 4,000 brigade members across the country. Under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the government established a national fire management policy in 2024 that formalizes cross-sector coordination between authorities, civil society, and Indigenous communities, explicitly including the use of controlled burns led by Indigenous land managers. While the zero-fire policy remains in place for the more moisture-reliant Amazon ecosystem, where extreme drought has made even low-intensity fires a major risk, the Cerrado has embraced controlled burn as a core conservation tool.

    “When applied with technical expertise and traditional knowledge, fire can make a major contribution to environmental conservation,” said André Lima, secretary for deforestation control and land-use planning at Brazil’s Ministry of the Environment. “For example, when used in prescribed burns for sustainable land management, it can help prevent the major catastrophic disasters that destroy vast swathes of ecosystem every year.”

    For the Xerente, the model is a long-overdue validation of the wisdom their ancestors have nurtured for millennia. Bolivar Rodrigues Xerente, a Xerente member working with Brazil’s Indigenous affairs agency FUNAI, summed up the collaborative ethos that underpins the program: “My Indigenous elders taught me that traditional knowledge and modern science are like the two wings of a bird. A bird with two wings can navigate the wind, but with only one wing, it cannot fly. Technology without the traditional knowledge held by Indigenous communities simply does not work.”

  • With rising crime on their minds, Peruvians to vote for president yet again

    With rising crime on their minds, Peruvians to vote for president yet again

    Peru is set to select its ninth head of state in a decade on Sunday, as voters weigh two ideologically opposed candidates in a tightly contested runoff election dominated by widespread anxiety over rising violent and organized crime. Conservative Keiko Fujimori, daughter of the late disgraced former president Alberto Fujimori, and nationalist congressman Roberto Sánchez, a close ally of imprisoned former president Pedro Castillo, advanced to the runoff after topping an April first-round field of 35 candidates. Notably, neither candidate secured even 20% of the first-round vote, and pollsters still show roughly 30% of the electorate remains undecided heading into the final vote.

    Voting is compulsory for all Peruvian citizens between the ages of 18 and 70, with more than 27 million registered voters nationwide. Roughly 1.2 million of those registered voters will cast ballots from abroad, with the largest groups voting from the United States and Argentina. Given the close split in voter support, election observers expect Sunday’s final results to be extremely close, echoing the first-round uncertainty that saw electoral officials take more than a full month to officially confirm Fujimori and Sánchez as the top two finishers. Many political analysts warn a final official outcome could take days to emerge this round as well.

    Official first-round results put Fujimori at 17% of the vote, with Sánchez trailing at 12%, and a mid-June Ipsos national poll found support for the two candidates remains nearly identical, with undecided voters still holding the balance of power. Fujimori carries the dual legacy of her father’s 1990s administration, which is credited with defeating the violent Shining Path insurgency but tainted by widespread authoritarian corruption. After her parents separated in 1994, she stepped into the role of Peru’s first lady at a young age, and this marks her fourth bid for the presidency.

    For Sánchez, his closest political ties are to Pedro Castillo, the populist former president ousted and imprisoned following a 2022 attempted dissolution of congress. Castillo’s turbulent 16-month term saw more than 70 cabinet reshuffles, leaving many voters wary of his close affiliation with the candidate. The 57-year-old, who often wears a wide-brimmed peasant hat gifted to him by Castillo, draws his strongest support from rural Peruvian communities. He has sought to ease investor concerns about his presidency, explicitly ruling out nationalization of foreign-owned mining and gas assets, and has openly welcomed continued Chinese investment in Peru’s key natural resource sectors.

    Crime and public safety have emerged as the defining issue of the campaign, with recent data underscoring the depth of public anxiety. A 2025 national survey from Peru’s National Institute of Statistics and Informatics found that 84% of urban residents fear they will fall victim to a crime over the coming 12 months, with extortion identified as one of the fastest-growing threats. Policy experts trace the growing power of organized criminal groups to massive profits from decades of illegal gold mining operations in the Andes and Amazon regions, which have allowed networks to expand their influence across the country.

    Both candidates have centered their campaigns on aggressive crime-fighting pledges, though their approaches differ sharply. Fujimori, 51, has run on a hard-line platform that echoes her father’s counter-insurgency successes. Her policy proposals include deploying new digital tracking tools to target extortion rings, militarizing Peru’s border regions, increasing the presence of police and military personnel in high-crime areas, and mandating that incarcerated people work to “repay society” for their crimes. During the only pre-runoff debate, she defended her father’s record, telling voters a vote for her would restore the safety that would let Peruvians leave their homes without fear of attack.

    By contrast, Sánchez has focused his security platform on rooting out corruption within Peru’s national police force, while advancing reforms that allow the military to formally support domestic security operations. With the entire country watching Sunday’s vote, the election will not only shape Peru’s response to its growing crime crisis but also set the course for the nation’s economic and political future after a decade of constant executive turnover.

  • Messi sits out Argentina’s friendly against Honduras while managing muscle fatigue, hamstring strain

    Messi sits out Argentina’s friendly against Honduras while managing muscle fatigue, hamstring strain

    COLLEGE STATION, Texas — As the 2026 FIFA World Cup rapidly approaches, Argentine soccer legend Lionel Messi was forced to watch his team’s pre-tournament friendly against Honduras from the Kyle Field sideline on Saturday night, sidelined by ongoing management of muscle fatigue and a mild left hamstring strain. The 38-year-old, who will celebrate his 39th birthday just three weeks from the match, did complete warm-up routines alongside his teammates on the Texas A&M University campus before taking up a spot on the bench for the full 90 minutes. He was a spectator as his side secured a solid 2-0 win over the Central American side.

    The Argentine Football Association has noted that Messi’s recovery timeline will be adjusted based on his ongoing clinical improvement and functional progress as he works to regain full fitness ahead of the World Cup. This friendly against Honduras marked the second-to-last warm-up match for the reigning World Cup champions, who will wrap up their pre-tournament preparation with a matchup against Iceland in Auburn, Alabama this coming Tuesday. Following that final tune-up contest, the squad will return to training in Kansas City to finalize their game plans before the tournament kicks off.

    Messi’s hamstring issue first drew attention earlier this week, when he arrived late to team training sessions in Kansas City. Instead of joining full squad drills, the star forward completed individualized conditioning work separate from the rest of his teammates to avoid exacerbating the minor injury.

    This summer’s World Cup is widely expected to be Messi’s final appearance in international soccer, closing out a record-breaking career with the Argentine national team. He already holds the all-time record for the most matches played in World Cup history, with 26 appearances to his name. He is also just four goals away from breaking another iconic World Cup record: Miroslav Klose of Germany’s all-time mark of 16 World Cup goals. Argentina will open its 2026 World Cup title defense against Algeria on June 16 at Kansas City’s Arrowhead Stadium.