标签： Asia

Mali’s ruling military junta is facing one of its most serious security challenges in years, as an undeclared, cross-ideology collaboration between Tuareg separatist fighters and an al-Qaeda-linked armed coalition has plunged the country’s northern regions into widespread conflict. While the long-term durability and formal status of this unusual partnership remain unconfirmed, the coordinated violence it has already spawned has exposed critical gaps in the junta’s defenses and shifted control of key strategic territory across the Sahel nation.

The coordinated campaign of attacks launched on April 25 marked a dramatic escalation of long-running instability in northern Mali. On that day, fighters from the Tuareg separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam Wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the al-Qaeda-affiliated armed coalition, launched synchronized assaults on multiple military and government targets across Malian cities. In a shocking high-profile strike, Malian Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in a suicide bombing at his official residence. In the days following the opening attacks, rebels have advanced, with the FLA claiming full control of the northeastern city of Kidal and the strategically critical Tessalit military base. JNIM, a coalition of disparate armed groups across Mali that aligned with al-Qaeda in 2017, has also imposed a blockade on the capital Bamako and called for a unified popular front to oust the junta and pave the way for what it describes as a peaceful, inclusive political transition.

A senior anonymous Malian government official, speaking to Middle East Eye, described the assaults as sudden, meticulously planned, and deliberately targeted at the heart of the state’s command structure, hitting sensitive sites including military installations and the capital’s airport. The coordinated timing and speed of the offensive, the official added, revealed major failures in defensive coordination between government and allied forces. While the junta, which seized power via back-to-back coups in 2020 and 2021, has publicly claimed the overall security situation remains under control, and that the Russia-backed Malian military retook most captured positions within hours of the initial attacks, on-the-ground accounts from northern Mali tell a far different story.

Ahmed, a Timbuktu resident who has family and community ties to the Azawad separatist movement, confirmed that clashes continue to flare across wide swathes of the north. He told reporters that multiple fighters from Russia’s Africa Corps paramilitary force, the main foreign backer of the Malian junta, have been captured by FLA fighters. “Kidal, Gao and surrounding areas are witnessing intermittent fighting, with some locations effectively under siege,” Ahmed explained.

Tuareg separatist sentiment has deep roots in northern Mali, stretching back more than a century, with repeated uprisings against central state rule breaking out since French colonial forces withdrew from the country in 1960. The most transformative of these uprisings came in 2012, when the secular separatist National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) formed an uneasy alliance with the hardline Islamist Tuareg group Ansar Dine to seize control of the entire northern region. The seizure of the north triggered a coup in Bamako, and while the separatists declared an independent state of Azawad, infighting between the secular and Islamist factions, followed by French and United Nations military intervention, defeated the rebellion. Many fighters remained active in remote border regions, however. Ansar Dine eventually became a core founding member of JNIM, while the FLA was established earlier this year through a merger of the MNLA’s remaining factions and other smaller Tuareg separatist groups.

For years after the 2012 collapse of their alliance, FLA predecessor groups avoided close ties to JNIM, rooted in deep ideological divisions over the coalition’s hardline interpretation of Islamic law. But faced with a shared enemy in the Mali junta, the two groups have set those differences aside to launch coordinated operations. Sahel political analyst Jibrin Issa described the new partnership as “a marriage of necessity from Azawad’s perspective, and an operational arrangement from al-Qaeda’s perspective.” The core strategic goal, he explained, is to stretch Malian government defenses thin by opening simultaneous multiple fronts: separatist fighters tie down army units in the north, while JNIM pushes south to encircle the capital.

Paris-based Malian journalist Hamdi Jowara echoed this analysis, framing the alignment as a temporary tactical partnership rather than a permanent merger: “It’s a temporary alignment driven by the presence of a strong common enemy that neither side can defeat alone.” Coordination, he added, “is reflected more in a division of roles across fronts than in any formal organisational integration.” This on-the-ground understanding was confirmed by Ahmed, who noted that the two groups maintain an unwritten agreement to avoid conflict with one another, coordinate attack timelines, and respect de facto spheres of influence. “We are not fighting each other… our enemy is the same,” Ahmed said of the relationship between FLA and JNIM.

The northern city of Kidal, a Tuareg-majority hub located roughly 1,500 kilometers northeast of Bamako, has emerged as the epicenter of the current offensive. While the FLA claims it holds full control of Kidal, JNIM asserts it jointly controls the city alongside separatist forces. Sharif Ag Akli, an FLA fighter based in Kidal, told reporters: “The city has been under our control since the start of the fighting. We returned to our city and want to live freely. We are not terrorists, we are demanding our legitimate rights.” Footage shared by Ag Akli shows largely calm, quiet streets in the city following the offensive.

Local and official accounts confirm the capture of Kidal came via a large-scale, dual-front surprise offensive that overwhelmed outnumbered government forces. The Malian government official estimated that more than 2,000 combined rebel and jihadist fighters participated in the assault, forcing government troops and their allies to retreat to reposition in other northern outposts. JNIM forces are now active across large areas of central and western Mali, while junta and Africa Corps forces retain control of most of southern Mali and the capital, despite frequent small-scale attacks.

Ahmed noted that the presence of Russian paramilitary support has changed the dynamic of fighting compared to past uprisings. “In previous confrontations, the Malian army would withdraw, but the situation has changed due to the support of the African Corps,” he said, adding that fighting has become “more intense and organised” as a result.

Mali’s shift toward Russia followed the 2021 coup that brought President Assimi Goita to power, when the junta severed long-standing security ties with former colonial power France and aligned closely with Moscow. Initially, the Kremlin deployed fighters from the Wagner Group paramilitary network to prop up Goita’s government. Following the 2023 Wagner mutiny and the effective collapse of the original group, Moscow reorganized its deployed fighters into a formalized paramilitary unit called Africa Corps. Kremlin spokespeople have repeatedly reaffirmed Russia’s commitment to combating terrorism in Mali, and the Malian government official described Russia’s role as “central at both the military and logistical levels,” though he added that expanding offensive operations across multiple fronts remains a major challenge. Turkey also supports the Malian military with unmanned aerial vehicles and tactical training, the official confirmed.

While the tactical alignment has delivered early gains for the FLA, analysts warn the partnership carries major long-term risks for the separatist movement’s goal of an independent Azawad. Issa noted that any formal or sustained alignment with a UN-designated terrorist organization linked to al-Qaeda will close off diplomatic pathways and cut off potential international mediation. “It could close the door to mediation and complicate the regional landscape,” Issa said, as major international institutions and Western and regional governments are unlikely to engage with a separatist movement openly tied to al-Qaeda.

The Goita junta has already made unsubstantiated claims that the offensive was stoked and supported by anti-Malian powers including France and Ukraine. But the most damaging revelation for the junta may come from within its own ranks: last week, a military tribunal prosecutor announced that preliminary investigations have found “serious evidence” implicating current active-duty Malian soldiers, retired officers, and even potential political figures in plotting and coordinating the April 25 attacks. Issa noted that the scale and coordination of the offensive make internal infiltration highly likely.

While Jowara claims the government is gradually stabilizing the situation and has a formal response plan in place, he predicts further military escalation in the coming weeks. Issa warned that sustained coordination between the FLA and JNIM could extend the conflict and make a political resolution even more elusive. For civilians across northern Mali, however, the reality of the conflict is already a daily reality. “People have been living with war for years… families flee deep into the desert, and the men return to fight,” Ahmed said. “Daily life is now tied to the rhythm of the fighting.”

On Monday, five drone attacks targeted Khartoum International Airport, throwing an already volatile region into deeper crisis and pushing already fraught relations between Sudan and its eastern neighbor Ethiopia toward the brink of open confrontation. The incident has also dragged the United Arab Emirates into a fresh wave of mutual accusations, as Sudan’s top military leadership says its forces stand ready to defend national sovereignty against cross-border aggression.

Sudan’s army chief, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, confirmed in an interview with Middle East Eye that his command is prepared to safeguard the country’s territorial integrity. If ongoing investigations confirm the drones originated from Ethiopian territory, Burhan noted the Sudanese military will take all appropriate defensive measures in coordination with the international community.

A senior Sudanese intelligence source disclosed to MEE that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and its Joint Forces partners have begun preparations for a heavy military deployment to Blue Nile State, which shares a long border with Ethiopia, as well as to al-Fashaga, a long-disputed border region between the two nations. The source added that both Sudan’s military and civilian leadership anticipate a rise in cross-border attacks amid rapidly deteriorating bilateral ties, with the risk of full-scale military confrontation growing by the day.

This latest escalation follows an exclusive MEE report last month that revealed the Ethiopian military maintains an operational base in Asosa, located in the country’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, that is used to support the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The RSF has been locked in a brutal civil war with the SAF since April 2023, and the paramilitary group is openly backed by the UAE, a key diplomatic and military ally of Ethiopia. After that report was published, Sudanese officials say Ethiopia refused to respond directly to repeated requests for clarification on the base’s use, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has still not agreed to a meeting with Burhan to de-escalate tensions.

Following Monday’s attacks, Sudan’s government, military and intelligence officials directly accuse both Ethiopia and the UAE of complicity in the RSF drone strikes. The attacks were carried out by modified CH-series kamikaze drones originating from China, which have been altered to carry up to four missiles and are designed for silent flight. According to Sudanese officials, all five drones were launched from Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport. One of the incoming drones was intercepted by Sudanese air defenses before it could reach its target, crashing into a residential home in an eastern Khartoum neighborhood.

During a midnight joint press conference in Khartoum, SAF spokesperson Brigadier General Asim Awad Abdelwahab and Sudanese Foreign Minister Mohieddin Salem went public with their accusations, stating the country holds solid, concrete evidence of foreign involvement. “We have strong and hard evidence proving the involvement of Ethiopia and UAE in this aggression against Sudan, which represents a violation of our sovereignty and of international laws,” Awad told reporters. He added that Sudanese air defense units have intercepted drones launched from Ethiopian territory on multiple occasions since the start of March. On March 1 alone, three drones launched from Bahir Dar struck targets across White Nile, Blue Nile, and both North and South Kordofan states. After a March 17 attack, Awad said military investigators confirmed drone serial number S-88 was owned by the UAE and transferred from Bahir Dar to carry out the strike. He also tied Ethiopia and the UAE to recent RSF drone attacks on Kurmuk in Blue Nile State and el-Obeid in North Kordofan.

Foreign Minister Salem emphasized that cross-border violations from Ethiopia and the UAE have become a repeated pattern, and said Sudan will pursue formal international complaints against both countries. “Ethiopia and the UAE have repeatedly practised these violations against Sudan, and we have the right to react – and they know that when we say it, we mean it,” Salem stated.

In response, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry issued an official statement rejecting the accusations as unfounded. The statement added that Ethiopia has shown significant restraint over past months, choosing not to publicize what it calls repeated violations of Ethiopian territorial integrity and national security by belligerent parties in Sudan’s civil war. The Ethiopian government further accused the SAF of arming, funding, and hosting Tigrayan rebel forces, a claim Sudan has not publicly addressed. The UAE has also consistently denied any involvement in Sudan’s ongoing internal conflict.

A senior official with Sudan’s Civil Aviation Authority told MEE that all incoming and outgoing flights at Khartoum Airport have been suspended indefinitely as a security precaution. The official added that the attacks caused only minor structural damage that could be repaired quickly, but the strike was intentionally timed to disrupt the planned resumption of direct international flights from Khartoum, scheduled to launch May 4 to multiple neighboring countries. Prior to the attacks, the airport had only operated limited local flights, with all international services routed through Port Sudan’s airport.

Additional sources and eyewitnesses confirmed that Monday’s attacks were not limited to Khartoum Airport. Multiple military air bases across the region were also targeted, though SAF ground defenses successfully repelled all other attempted strikes. Separate military sources confirmed that radar and monitoring systems helped intercept a planned strategic drone attack in Blue Nile State near the Ethiopian border, as well as another strike targeting Jabal Awliya, a city south of Khartoum.

Satellite imagery collected between February 26 and May 4 by Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab has already confirmed damage consistent with aerial bombardment at a key fuel depot in Kenana, White Nile State, matching recent strike claims from Sudanese military officials.

Civilians across Khartoum and its neighboring twin city of Omdurman described being woken early Monday morning by the sound of massive explosions. “We woke up in the morning with the sounds of the bombs and the ground defence forces coming from around Wadi Seidna military airport in Omdurman,” one local resident told MEE in a phone interview. Another eyewitness, who lives just meters east of Khartoum Airport on Obaid Khatim Street, said, “I heard the bombs and saw the smoke coming from the airport at 12pm on Monday.”

The strikes have sparked widespread panic and unfounded rumors among civilian populations, particularly for the thousands of displaced residents who have only recently returned to their homes in Khartoum as frontlines stabilized in recent weeks. “This has caused panic and spread of rumours among civilians, especially the thousands of people who have recently come back to their homes in Khartoum,” one recently returned civilian told MEE. A Khartoum native who lives just west of the airport added, “I think these attempts are aimed at creating panic among the people and spoiling the attempts of voluntarily returning people to their homes. So, we urge the Rapid Support Forces and those who are supporting it not to attack these civilian locations and complicate the life of the civilians. We also demand that the SAF works seriously on the protection of civilians.”

Two employees at major telecommunications companies operating in Sudan confirmed to MEE that their firms have evacuated all non-essential staff from Khartoum to the safer city of Atbara in River Nile State, including staff from regional giants MTN and Zain.

As of Tuesday, daily life across most of Khartoum and Omdurman has continued largely as normal, but residents and officials warn that the recent strikes threaten to derail the ongoing government and grassroots initiative to encourage displaced civilians to return to their homes in the capital.

After years of tightly restricted access driven by repeated security threats, the annual pilgrimage to Tunisia’s iconic Ghriba Synagogue — one of the oldest active Jewish sites on the African continent — is witnessing a notable revival in 2025, with rising international participation and boosted security protections from Tunisian authorities.

The centuries-old pilgrimage, held each spring on Tunisia’s Djerba Island, was for decades a major global Jewish gathering, drawing thousands of worshippers and visitors from across Europe, North America and beyond. But the event was gutted by scaled-down operations following a devastating attack on the synagogue complex in May 2023, which left six people dead including two visiting pilgrims and three Tunisian security officers.

That attack, carried out by off-duty National Guard officer Wissam Khazri, unfolded on the final day of the 2023 pilgrimage. Khazri first killed a fellow officer, seized the officer’s ammunition, and opened fire on worshippers and security personnel at the site before being fatally shot by responding security forces. Nine additional people were injured in the violence. The attack was the deadliest incident targeting the synagogue since a 2002 suicide truck bombing that killed 21 people at the same location.

In the two years after the 2023 attack, attendance was drastically limited to address ongoing safety concerns. In 2024, public processions were canceled entirely, with events restricted to small-scale prayer services and candle lighting. Just 50 pilgrims participated that year, a drop from the roughly 7,000 attendees that took part in the 2023 gathering before the attack occurred. That low turnout also came on the heels of a separate anti-Jewish attack just one week before the 2024 event, when a Jewish jeweller was stabbed in his Djerba shop by an assailant wielding a butcher knife.

The trial of individuals accused of aiding Khazri concluded in February 2025, with all convicted accomplices receiving prison sentences ranging from one to 15 years. The legal proceedings remain controversial, however: both defense attorneys representing the defendants and lawyers for civil parties harmed in the attack have publicly condemned the investigation as deeply flawed, while Tunisian government officials have never formally labeled the 2023 attack as an antisemitic act.

This year, authorities have taken a new approach, permitting organized international pilgrimage groups to travel to Djerba while rolling out sweeping enhanced security measures across the island and around the synagogue. Rene Trabelsi, former Tunisian Tourism Minister and one of the lead organizers of the pilgrimage, told Agence France-Presse that a clear rebound in turnout is already underway this year. “This year, there has been a marked return of pilgrims to the island. We estimate that around 200 have come from abroad,” Trabelsi said. He added that confidence in the event is slowly recovering, noting that organizers are grateful for the extensive security infrastructure the Tunisian state has deployed to protect attendees.

Constructed as early as the 6th century BCE, Ghriba Synagogue holds the distinction of being the oldest active synagogue in Africa, and it is widely viewed as a landmark symbol of Tunisia’s long history of religious and cultural diversity. Today, roughly 1,500 Jewish residents remain in Tunisia, with the majority residing on Djerba Island. That number is a sharp decline from the estimated 100,000 Jews who lived in the country before it gained independence from France in 1956, when large numbers of Jewish residents emigrated to Israel and France in the decades following independence.

The detention of two humanitarian activists by Israeli forces in international waters has sparked international outcry, as legal representatives reveal the pair have been subjected to routine psychological abuse, poor detention conditions and explicit threats of death or decades-long imprisonment. The two men — Thiago Avila, a Brazilian national, and Saif Abu Keshek, a Spanish-Swedish citizen of Palestinian descent — were seized last Wednesday when Israeli naval forces intercepted the Global Sumud Flotilla, a civilian convoy carrying humanitarian aid to the blockaded Gaza Strip, approximately 600 nautical miles off Gaza’s coast near the Greek island of Crete.

In total, Israeli forces intercepted at least 21 vessels during the raid, detaining 175 activists across the convoy. Flotilla organizers have labeled the interception, which took place far outside Israel’s recognized territorial boundaries, as an unambiguous act of piracy on the high seas.

Adalah, the Israeli legal center representing Avila and Abu Keshek, released a detailed statement on Monday outlining the abusive conditions the two men have endured since their capture. Both have been held in solitary confinement for more than a week, held in cells kept at extremely low temperatures and illuminated by constant bright lighting — a well-documented coercive tactic used to induce sleep deprivation and psychological disorientation. Whenever the pair are removed from their cells, even for scheduled medical check-ups, they are forced to wear blindfolds, a practice Adalah says constitutes a severe violation of international medical ethics.

Avila has been subjected to repeated interrogations lasting as long as eight hours at a time, during which interrogators allegedly threatened that he and Abu Keshek would either be killed or locked away for a century. Both men deny the multiple serious charges filed against them, which include assisting an enemy during wartime, maintaining contact with a foreign agent, membership in a designated terrorist organization, providing services to that group, and transferring funds to the organization.

In protest against their unlawful seizure and abusive detention conditions, Avila and Abu Keshek have entered their sixth day of a hunger strike. Last Tuesday, an Ashkelon District Court extended their pre-trial detention until Sunday. Legal team members Hadeel Abu Salih and Lubna Tuma argued in court that the entire case is fundamentally flawed and illegal, emphasizing that Israel has no legal jurisdiction to apply its domestic law to foreign nationals seized in international waters far from its own territory.

The interception has already drawn formal condemnation from the activists’ home countries. On Friday, the governments of Spain and Brazil released a joint statement declaring the detention of Avila and Abu Keshek to be illegal under international law.