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  • Hamas names Khalil al-Hayya as new leader

    Hamas names Khalil al-Hayya as new leader

    In a formal announcement made Monday, the Palestinian militant and political group Hamas has named veteran senior leader Khalil al-Hayya as its new chief, filling a leadership vacancy created by the battlefield death of former leader Yahya Sinwar at the hands of Israeli forces in October 2024.

    Sinwar, who took over the role following the assassination of former Hamas head Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran just three months earlier in July 2024, was killed during direct combat engagements with the Israeli military in Rafah, the southernmost city in the Gaza Strip, on October 17, 2024. In the immediate aftermath of Sinwar’s killing, Hamas initially opted against naming a permanent successor, instead establishing an interim five-person leadership council headed by Muhammad Ismail Darwish, chair of the group’s top advisory Shura Council.

    Hayya, a long-time senior Hamas leader based outside of Palestinian territories, has emerged as one of the group’s central figures in diplomatic and ceasefire negotiations with Israeli mediators over the past three years. The 64-year-old leader, who was born in Gaza in 1960, is one of Hamas’ earliest founding political members. He first connected with Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin in 1980, seven years before the group was formally established, and went on to hold leadership posts in Palestinian student and labor organizations before winning a seat on the Palestinian Legislative Council in the 2006 legislative elections.

    Hayya has survived multiple Israeli assassination attempts spanning more than 15 years. A 2007 targeting attempt gone wrong killed multiple members of his immediate family, including his wife and three of his children. Most recently, in September 2023, an Israeli strike targeting Hayya and other senior Hamas leaders in Doha, Qatar, claimed the life of his son Hammam al-Hayya and his office director Jihad Lubbad, while leaving Hayya and other senior figures including former Hamas leader Khaled Meshal unharmed, according to multiple sources close to Hamas who spoke to Middle East Eye in the wake of the attack.

    Throughout his decades-long tenure with Hamas, Hayya has built a track record as a key negotiator, leading ceasefire talks with Israel during the 2014 Israeli military campaign in Gaza and continuing in that role through the ongoing conflict that erupted in October 2023. In 2022, he also played a pivotal role in mending fractured ties between Hamas and the Syrian government, traveling to Damascus to formally reestablish relations that broke down in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings and the subsequent Syrian civil war.

  • Andy Burnham promises ‘new economic and political model’ as UK prime minister

    Andy Burnham promises ‘new economic and political model’ as UK prime minister

    In a historic transfer of power at Downing Street on Monday, Andy Burnham was sworn in as the United Kingdom’s new prime minister, succeeding Keir Starmer and immediately setting out an ambitious agenda to reshape British politics and economics after decades of neoliberal restructuring. The former mayor of Greater Manchester, who previously served as a cabinet minister during the New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, used his first address to the nation to acknowledge the extraordinary political volatility Britain has experienced over the past eight years, noting he is the seventh prime minister to hold office since 2016.

    “It requires my generation of politicians to raise our game and rise to the new challenge,” Burnham told the crowd assembled outside 10 Downing Street.

    Aligning himself with progressive priorities first championed by former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, Burnham revealed that his first official order of business as prime minister will be to end the national crisis of rough sleeping across the UK. He outlined that a sweeping 10-year national strategy will be introduced later this year, mapping a unified path forward for all British citizens regardless of socioeconomic background or partisan affiliation. While the full long-term plan will be unveiled in the coming months, Burnham pledged immediate targeted action to ease the strain of the ongoing cost of living crisis, with specific relief measures — including details on how the policies will be funded — set to be announced Tuesday.

    On the foreign policy front, the new prime minister offered few new details, confirming only that the UK will uphold all existing defence commitments to its international allies while focusing domestic policy efforts on tackling the cost of living crisis.

    The core of Burnham’s inaugural address was a sharp rebuke of the neoliberal economic framework introduced by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in 1979, which he said had left lasting damage to communities across the UK. He argued that Thatcher’s agenda triggered decades of centralized political power, mass privatization of public assets and deindustrialization that has never been reversed for left-behind regions.

    “Political power was centralised, economic power privatised, large parts of the country deindustrialised, and they still haven’t recovered,” Burnham said. “Many feel as though they’re still in decline, and they don’t have the ability to turn things around.”

    Thatcher’s administration privatized core national sectors including energy, water and social care, dismantling the post-World War II social democratic consensus that shaped British policy for nearly four decades. Notably, this neoliberal framework was largely retained by the New Labour governments Burnham served in between 1997 and 2010. The former prime minister’s vision of restructuring the economy was explicitly designed to reshape British society, with Thatcher famously stating in 1981 that “economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul.”

    A longstanding advocate of devolving power away from Westminster and London to regional and local governments across the UK, Burnham pledged to reverse decades of deindustrialization and rebuild a national economy that puts essential public services and utilities under greater public oversight to lower costs for households. He stopped short of committing to full nationalization of key industries, however. The new prime minister also promised to accelerate construction of affordable public council housing to address the UK’s ongoing housing crisis.

    Earlier in the day, outgoing prime minister Keir Starmer delivered his farewell address, framing his two years in office as a period of successful reform for the Labour Party and tangible progress for the country. Starmer took over the Labour leadership following the party’s 2019 general election defeat, and credited his internal reforms for delivering a landslide general election victory for Labour in 2024. In a notable break from his previous public comments, Starmer did not repeat his false claim that the Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn had been institutionally antisemitic.

    Starmer claimed that during his tenure, public services have improved, child poverty has fallen, and net immigration to the UK has dropped substantially. Describing his time in office as the greatest privilege of his life, he reaffirmed his unflinching support for Ukraine amid Russia’s ongoing invasion. He framed Burnham’s ascent to the premiership as an orderly, peaceful handover of power, offering his full backing to the new prime minister.

    “I wish him every success,” Starmer said.

  • World Cup 2026: Israel loves Argentina but do Argentinians actually love them back?

    World Cup 2026: Israel loves Argentina but do Argentinians actually love them back?

    The 2026 FIFA World Cup final between Argentina and Spain carried far more stakes than just a global football title, turning the world’s most-watched sporting event into an unexpected public stage for the ongoing Middle East conflict, driven by sharp shifts in the two nations’ foreign policy stances toward Israel and Palestine.

    Hours before kickoff at the final, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a public message of support to Argentine President Javier Milei, framing the new Argentine leader as a key ally. “Javier [Milei], you are a real friend, a great friend. We support you, we support Argentina, in so many ways,” Netanyahu said. While Spain ultimately claimed the trophy with a 1-0 victory over Argentina, the political symbolism of the match had already cemented itself in global public discourse, with social media users quickly aligning the two teams along the Israeli-Palestinian divide: Argentina was cast as Israel’s proxy side, while Spain was identified with Palestine.

    This alignment did not emerge out of thin air. Since taking office in December 2023, Milei has made unwavering support for Israel the cornerstone of Argentina’s foreign policy, a dramatic reversal of the country’s longstanding position. His predecessor, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, officially recognized Palestinian statehood back in 2010. Milei, by contrast, has stood firmly with Netanyahu throughout Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, has publicly announced his intention to convert to Judaism, and has pledged to relocate Argentina’s embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem – a move that aligns Argentina closely with Israeli policy.

    On the other side of the divide, the Spanish government under Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has taken the opposite approach. Sanchez has openly condemned what the original report terms Israel’s genocide in Gaza, has called for Israeli leaders responsible for civilian casualties to face international arrest, and officially recognized the State of Palestine as a sovereign nation in 2024. Even the teams’ star players became wrapped up in this political contrast: Argentina captain Lionel Messi has faced repeated scrutiny over his past ties to Israel, while young Spanish star Lamine Yamal made headlines last season when he displayed a Palestinian flag after FC Barcelona won the Spanish La Liga title.

    Netanyahu was far from the only Israeli politician to publicly back Argentina ahead of the final, with the entire right-wing Israeli cabinet leaning into the political narrative. Argentina’s newly appointed ambassador to Israel, Rabbi Shimon Axel Wahnish, met with far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich ahead of the match, gifting him an Argentina national team jersey and an official 2026 World Cup match ball. Smotrich – who the ICC prosecutor has also requested an arrest warrant for over alleged war crimes against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank – echoed Netanyahu’s support, saying “Every patriotic Israeli supports Argentina. Go Argentina!”

    Other senior Israeli officials quickly followed suit. National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, another controversial far-right figure, stated “We will love those who love Israel. Let’s go, Argentina.” Transport Minister Miri Regev posted public congratulations to Milei and the Argentine people, writing “Fingers crossed for you in the final!” Even Foreign Minister Gideon Saar and Israel’s UN ambassador Danny Danon publicly celebrated Argentina’s previous victories on the road to the final.

    However, Israeli leaders’ enthusiastic support for Argentina is rooted in its alignment with Milei, not the Argentine people themselves – a distinction that both Netanyahu and Argentine public opinion have made clear. A February-to-May 2026 Pew Research Center survey of Argentine public opinion found that 55% of respondents held a very or somewhat unfavorable view of Israel, with just 21% holding a favorable opinion. The divide between Milei’s policy and public sentiment was captured in a viral video filmed after Argentina’s semi-final win over England, where one Argentine fan rejected the framing of the team as an Israeli proxy. “No Argentinian that is a real Argentinian supports Israel,” she said. “Don’t believe our fucking president that has been put with money there.”

    Netanyahu himself has openly acknowledged that Israel’s support stems from Milei’s leadership, not broader Argentine sentiment. Speaking on the Ben Ben Baruch podcast, he noted “They have a president who’s a superstar… Milei is a huge friend of Israel.” In a meeting with Argentina’s ambassador to Israel, he added: “I don’t hide the fact that I’m an Argentina fan. Most Israelis are Argentina fans, because President Milei has revolutionised Argentina’s relations with us. We have no greater or better friend.”

    The political contrast also evokes the legacy of legendary Argentine footballer Diego Maradona, who took a very different stance from Milei’s current alignment with Israel. Unlike Messi, Maradona – who died in 2020 – was an outspoken supporter of Palestinian statehood, and met with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas during the 2018 World Cup in Russia. “In my heart, I am Palestinian,” Maradona said at the time.

  • UN secretary-general race: What it takes to be the world’s top diplomat

    UN secretary-general race: What it takes to be the world’s top diplomat

    For nearly eight decades, the office of United Nations Secretary-General has stood as one of the most consequential yet constrained positions on the global stage. Unlike heads of state or military commanders, the UN’s top leader commands no armed forces and holds no legal authority to compel sovereign nations to act. Yet from averting full-scale conflict to brokering landmark peace deals and coordinating global responses to catastrophic humanitarian crises, successive secretaries-general have shaped the course of international relations since the UN’s founding in 1945. Today, as current incumbent António Guterres prepares to wrap up his second five-year term on December 31, 2026, the world body is in the final stages of selecting its 10th secretary-general, a process unfolding at a moment of unprecedented challenge to the UN and the rules-based international order it was built to uphold.

    Defined by the UN Charter simply as the UN Secretariat’s “chief administrative officer” rather than a formal political leader, the role of secretary-general has evolved dramatically over its 81-year history, shaped by the actions and priorities of the nine men who have held the post to date. A long-standing informal tradition bars candidates from the UN Security Council’s five permanent veto-wielding members – the United States, United Kingdom, France, China and Russia – ensuring the role always goes to a national from a middle or smaller power not aligned with any of the major global blocs.

    The office’s trajectory was set early on by its second holder, Dag Hammarskjöld of Sweden, who expanded its political scope after taking office in 1953. Hammarskjöld pioneered the practice of preventive diplomacy, leveraging the secretary-general’s “good offices” to mediate in disputes that split the major powers, turning the Charter into a framework for launching fact-finding missions and deploying UN peacekeeping forces. His tenure cut short by a 1961 plane crash while en route to resolve the Congo conflict – a crash that remains mired in conspiracy theories of targeted attack – Hammarskjöld posthumously received the Nobel Peace Prize, and his expansion of the role laid the foundation for all future holders.

    Every successive secretary-general built on that foundation: Myanmar’s U Thant defused the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis through quiet diplomacy; Austria’s Kurt Waldheim advanced shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East, Cyprus and Namibia; Peru’s Javier Pérez de Cuéllar mediated a permanent ceasefire to end the 1988 Iran-Iraq War; Egypt’s Boutros Boutros-Ghali mapped out a new agenda for UN peace operations in the post-Cold War era; Ghana’s Kofi Annan, the first secretary-general to rise through the UN’s internal ranks, shared the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize with the entire organization; South Korea’s Ban Ki-moon made climate change a top global priority; and current leader Guterres has steered the UN through an era of crippling funding cuts and repeated Security Council deadlock, driven by permanent member vetoes, over catastrophic conflicts in Gaza, Ukraine and Sudan.

    Time and again, secretaries-general have stepped in to act when the Security Council is split along major power lines. During the 1956 Suez Crisis, after Britain, France and Israel invaded Egypt following the nationalization of the Suez Canal, Hammarskjöld oversaw the creation of the United Nations Emergency Force – the UN’s first armed peacekeeping operation – which oversaw the invading forces’ withdrawal by early 1957 and set a enduring precedent for global peacekeeping. In 1988, Pérez de Cuéllar spent a year mediating between Iran and Iraq to turn a Security Council ceasefire resolution into a lasting end to their eight-year war. In 1998, Kofi Annan brokered a landmark memorandum of understanding with Saddam Hussein’s government that secured access for UN weapons inspectors and averted an immediate U.S.-British invasion. Most recently, in December 2023, Guterres made the first explicit formal invocation of Article 99 of the UN Charter in decades, bringing the catastrophic Gaza war before the Security Council with a warning that it threatened global peace and security. Though his push for a ceasefire was ultimately vetoed by the United States and drew calls for his resignation from Israel’s UN envoy, the move underscored the unique platform the secretary-general holds to highlight pressing global threats.

    Article 99 remains the only explicit independent political power granted to the secretary-general in the UN Charter, allowing the holder to bring any issue they deem a threat to international peace and security directly before the Security Council. It has been formally invoked only a handful of times in history. In practice, the role is defined by four core functions: mediating between conflicting parties, publicly or privately; setting the global agenda as the UN’s official global spokesperson; administering the Secretariat and appointing senior officials and special envoys; and raising early warnings of emerging threats before the Security Council takes formal action. All of these functions depend entirely on the cooperation of UN member states, particularly the five permanent Security Council members that hold veto power.

    Three long-standing informal rules govern the selection process. The first is informal regional rotation: while the UN has no official rotation policy, the post has cycled between world regions for decades, and the last holder from Latin America and the Caribbean left office 35 years ago. That has created widespread pressure for the next secretary-general to come from the region, a dynamic reflected in the current candidate pool: five of the six official candidates hail from Latin America and the Caribbean. The second rule, as noted, bars permanent Security Council members from putting forward their own nationals. The third requires that any candidate be acceptable to all five permanent members, each of whom can veto a candidate during the Security Council selection process. The only exception in modern history came in 1996, when the U.S. vetoed a second term for Boutros Boutros-Ghali, citing concerns that he operated too independently of U.S. interests and clashed with Washington over UN interventions in Somalia and the Balkans.

    The 2026-2027 selection process follows a six-step framework laid out in General Assembly resolutions, culminating in the new secretary-general taking office on January 1, 2027. The process began in November 2025, when the presidents of the Security Council and General Assembly formally invited member states to submit nominations. All nominations were submitted by mid-June 2026, with each candidate put forward by one or more member states (self-nominations are not permitted) and required to submit a CV, policy vision statement and campaign finance disclosure. Candidates have already completed public interviews before the General Assembly, civil society groups and other stakeholders, and all six will participate in a full public debate in the UN General Assembly Hall on July 23, 2026, hosted by General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock.

    After the debate, the Security Council will begin holding informal secret straw polls, where the 15 council members mark each candidate as “encourage,” “discourage” or “no opinion.” Permanent members use colored ballots distinct from non-permanent members, allowing negotiators to identify early which candidates face an eventual veto. Polling continues until one candidate emerges with no veto from a permanent member and at least nine total votes from the 15-member council. The Security Council is expected to formally forward its recommended candidate to the General Assembly between September and early October 2026, aligning with the timeline of the General Assembly’s 81st session and annual high-level general debate. The 193-member General Assembly will then hold a final vote, and has never rejected the Security Council’s recommendation. The winner will receive a five-year term, renewable once for a maximum of 10 years in office.

    The current candidate pool marks a potential historical turning point for the UN: of the six candidates, four are women, a first for an organization that has only ever had male leaders. The candidates are: Michelle Bachelet, former president of Chile and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights; María Fernanda Espinosa, former president of the UN General Assembly from Ecuador; Rafael Grossi, Argentine head of the International Atomic Energy Agency; Rebeca Grynspan, Costa Rican secretary-general of the UN Conference on Trade and Development; Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett, Guyana’s permanent representative to the UN; and Macky Sall, former president of Senegal (the only candidate from outside Latin America and the Caribbean).

    Whoever takes office will inherit an organization at a crossroads, grappling with overlapping crises that threaten its very viability. The UN currently faces a record financial shortfall, driven in large part by U.S. funding cuts and withheld dues. Under the second Trump administration, the United States – which has long been assessed to contribute 22 percent of the UN’s regular core budget – has withdrawn from 66 UN bodies and international organizations, including the World Health Organization, UNESCO and the UN Human Rights Council, and withheld billions in mandated contributions. By the end of 2025, outstanding unpaid dues across the UN system hit a record $1.57 billion, forcing the organization to cut its 2026 regular budget by more than 15 percent and reduce staffing by nearly 19 percent. In early 2026, Guterres warned member states that the UN faced “imminent financial collapse” and could run out of operating cash by July 2026.

    Beyond the funding crisis, the UN faces growing gridlock in the Security Council, where permanent member vetoes have blocked action on ongoing conflicts that have killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions. Critics increasingly question the legitimacy of a post-WWII international order designed to prevent global war, at a time when the United States – the primary architect of that system – has itself emerged as one of the greatest threats to the rules and institutions it built.

  • Iran ready to ‘welcome’ US ground invasion as tit-for-tat attacks continue

    Iran ready to ‘welcome’ US ground invasion as tit-for-tat attacks continue

    A dangerous cycle of retaliatory military strikes between the United States and Iran has plunged the Middle East into escalating tension, following the deaths of three American service members in attacks blamed on Iran earlier this month. This outbreak of open hostilities has disrupted critical global energy shipping through the Strait of Hormuz and pushed regional security to its most fragile point in years, even as behind-the-scenes diplomatic efforts continue to de-escalate the crisis.

    The current spiral of violence began on July 17, when an Iranian drone and ballistic missile attack targeted two key US military installations in Jordan and northern Iraq. US officials confirmed that 25-year-old Lieutenant Tyler James Feehan from Hawaii, 19-year-old Private First Class Isabella Gonzales from Texas, and one additional American soldier were killed in the attacks, with dozens more service members wounded. In response, the US Central Command (Centcom) launched nine straight nights of airstrikes targeting Iranian military assets across Iran, marking one of the largest sustained US military campaigns on Iranian territory in modern history.

    In the early hours of Monday, the US military detailed that its latest round of strikes hit a range of key Iranian military infrastructure: command centers, coastal surveillance outposts, air defense sites, missile and drone launch facilities, and military communications networks. US President Donald Trump told reporters that the “very hard” strikes were carried out to honor the fallen American troops, claiming “those who died were fighting so that Tehran cannot have a nuclear weapon.” Trump added that Iran’s military capacity has been left heavily damaged, saying “they’ve lost everything almost – militarily. They’ve got some missiles, some drones, some manufacturing ability, not much.”

    Shortly after Centcom announced the latest strikes, Iranian state media reported widespread explosions across multiple Iranian cities, including the southern ports of Bandar Mahshahr, Bandar Imam Khomeini, Bushehr, and Chabahar, as well as the northwestern city of Tabriz. One civilian was killed and several others were wounded in strikes near Tabriz, according to Iran’s semi-official Mehr News Agency. Strikes also hit multiple locations near Bushehr, home to Iran’s primary operational civilian nuclear power plant, while an under-construction nuclear facility at Darkhovin in southwestern Iran was also hit in earlier strikes. Tehran has called on the International Atomic Energy Agency to condemn the attack on Darkhovin, with Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization denouncing the strike as a clear violation of international law.

    Iranian officials have issued a fiery response to the US attacks, with Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei stating that Iran’s leadership is “counting down the minutes to welcome” any US ground invasion. Baghaei also emphasized that the terms of the Pakistan-brokered interim deal signed between Washington and Tehran in June are “completely clear,” leaving “no excuse” for the US to violate the agreement. Despite the military escalation, Baghaei confirmed that diplomatic backchannels between the two sides remain active, with mediators continuing to exchange proposals to end the fighting.

    In the wake of US strikes, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) launched a wave of retaliatory attacks against US military assets and infrastructure across US-allied states in the region, including Jordan, Kuwait, Syria and Bahrain. The IRGC claimed that it targeted US aircraft at Aqaba airport in Jordan with ballistic missiles, inflicting severe damage on multiple planes, and also struck 20 US troop shelters at Jordan’s Muwaffaq Salti Air Base, claiming to have killed dozens of American personnel. Anonymous US officials confirmed that dozens of US troops have been wounded and multiple helicopters damaged in Iranian strikes in Jordan over the past week.

    In Kuwait, the IRGC said it targeted US military facilities at Ali Al Salem Air Base, striking an aviation warehouse and a hangar housing US MQ-9 surveillance drones and setting multiple aircraft on fire. Kuwaiti officials reported that a civilian desalination plant was struck for the second consecutive day, condemning the attack as a deliberate strike on critical civilian infrastructure, and activated air defense systems across the country to intercept incoming projectiles. The IRGC also carried out a surprise strike on a US-allied command center at al-Tanf in southern Syria, saying the attack was revenge for recently killed IRGC soldiers in southeastern Iran. Air defense sirens also sounded in Bahrain’s capital Manama, with local state media confirming that air defense systems intercepted incoming Iranian attacks.

    The escalating conflict has directly threatened the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical energy chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil supplies pass daily. The IRGC has issued a stark warning that “not a single drop” of oil will be allowed to transit the strait if US attacks continue, and has already disrupted shipping in the region. The IRGC claimed that it disabled two “offending” oil tankers south of the strait that were attempting to transit the waterway under US coercion, while the UK Maritime Trade Operations reported an unexplained fire on a cargo ship just off the coast of Oman. Shipping data confirms that traffic through the strait has already dropped by 50% amid the violence, falling from eight transiting vessels on July 18 to just four on July 19. Global oil prices initially spiked sharply following the outbreak of hostilities, but fell back below $90 a barrel on Monday following confirmation of ongoing diplomatic talks.

    US Secretary of State Marco Rubio accused Iran of using the strategic strait as a bargaining chip to coerce the international community, calling on global powers to step up efforts to protect commercial shipping. Despite the ongoing exchange of attacks, Rubio reaffirmed that the United States remains open to a diplomatic resolution to the ongoing crisis. In a public statement, the IRGC doubled down on its opposition to US presence in the region, saying: “This is our land, and the intervention of the American terrorist army from thousands of kilometers away has no legal basis and will be dealt with with certainty. As long as America’s evil deeds continue in the region, this passage will not be safe for the passage of chemical fertilisers or even a single drop of oil and gas.”

  • Israeli ministers lead march calling for settlements in Gaza

    Israeli ministers lead march calling for settlements in Gaza

    On a Sunday in mid-July 2026, thousands of Israeli demonstrators, headed by senior cabinet ministers and sitting lawmakers, rallied near the boundary with the Gaza Strip to push for a dramatic policy shift: the re-establishment of Israeli Jewish settlements in the Palestinian enclave, 21 years after Israel pulled all its settlers and military forces out of the territory.

    The demonstration was organized by Nachala, a hardline settler advocacy movement, which adopted the rallying slogan “Returning home after 21 years” in direct reference to Israel’s 2005 disengagement from Gaza, when the state dismantled all 21 existing Israeli settlements in the enclave. Organizers confirmed that at least 28 sitting ministers and members of Israel’s parliament took part in the event, including two of the most far-right figures in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing coalition: Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir. Multiple legislators from Netanyahu’s own Likud party also joined the march.

    Addressing the assembled crowd, Nachala’s founder and leader Daniella Weiss issued an explicit, controversial remark when responding to a common question about the future of Palestinian residents currently living in Gaza. “There will be no more Arabs in Gaza,” she declared, drawing applause from sections of the crowd.

    Speaking to his supporters, Smotrich framed the push for resettlement as a correction of what he called a historic mistake. “We erased the disgrace of the expulsion in northern Samaria, and with God’s help, we will do the same here in the Gaza Strip,” he said, referencing the recent re-establishment of Israeli settlements in parts of the northern occupied West Bank that were also evacuated as part of the 2005 disengagement.

    Ben Gvir doubled down on the demand for full Israeli control of Gaza, stating bluntly, “There will be Jewish settlements in all of Gaza.” He went on to echo common far-right talking points about encouraging the mass departure of Palestinians from the territory, adding, “Encourage voluntary immigration [of Palestinians to other countries], send those who need it to their countries. And we return home. Gaza is ours.”

    Weiss summed up the core goal of the demonstration, telling attendees, “We are walking today to tell the government of Israel and show all the world that this land belongs to us.”

    Prior to the scheduled march, the Israel Defense Forces had declared the entire area along the Gaza boundary a closed military zone in an attempt to restrict access to the border. Despite the order, hundreds of participants bypassed Israeli army roadblocks and reached locations within close proximity of the security fence that separates Israel from Gaza. As of initial reports, no demonstrators crossed into Gaza territory itself.

    Many attendees brought family members, including children, to join the demonstration. Local reporting from the *Times of Israel* notes that many participants wore stickers printed with the phrase “Gaza is ours forever”, while a number of activists carried flags calling for the construction of a Third Temple on the site of Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque, a site that is the third holiest in Islam and is also the holiest site in Judaism.

    In a post-rally statement, Nachala celebrated the turnout, writing, “Thank you to the tens of thousands who came as close as possible to the Gaza border with a clear call: we are settling Gaza now!”

    Calls for resettling Gaza have grown dramatically louder among Israeli far-right political circles and settler organizations since Israel launched its large-scale military campaign in Gaza in October 2023, following the Hamas-led cross-border attack that killed roughly 1,200 people and took around 250 hostages. The original text of this report references the campaign as a “genocide”, and notes that resettlement advocacy has intensified significantly over the course of the conflict.

    Nachala has previously stated that more than 1,000 Israeli families are already “ready to actually settle in Gaza”, and claim that a large share of the Israeli public supports the return of Jewish settlements to the enclave.

    Beyond Gaza, there are currently roughly 250 Israeli settlements spread across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, home to an estimated 700,000 Israeli settlers. Under long-standing principles of international law, all Israeli settlements built on occupied Palestinian territories are classified as illegal, a position that has been repeatedly affirmed by the United Nations and most of the international community.

  • ‘A triumphant failure’: How Israel’s use of social media influencers to win back support backfired

    ‘A triumphant failure’: How Israel’s use of social media influencers to win back support backfired

    Against the backdrop of Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza that has drawn widespread global condemnation, a multi-hundred-million-dollar investment in social media public diplomacy—known locally as Hasbara—has failed to reverse plummeting support for Israel across Western nations, particularly among younger demographics, regional analysts have confirmed in an interview with Middle East Eye.

    A March Pew Research Center survey underscores this shifting sentiment: 60% of the American general public now holds an unfavorable view of Israel. The trend crosses partisan lines among younger voters, with 57% of Republicans under 50 and 84% of Democrats under 50 registering unfavorable opinions. Analysts broadly attribute this shift to the growing reliance of young people on social media for news, rather than mainstream Western outlets that have historically maintained overwhelmingly pro-Israel framing.

    To counter this grassroots shift in public opinion, Israeli lawmakers approved a historic $730 million Hasbara budget in March 2025—nearly five times the previous year’s allocation, which itself was 20 times higher than pre-2023 levels. In September 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with a group of high-profile American influencers in New York to recruit them to amplify pro-Israel messaging to U.S. audiences. During the meeting, Netanyahu framed social media as the most critical battlefield for Israel’s public relations campaign, noting “We have to fight with weapons that apply to the battlefields in which we’re engaged in and the most important ones are on social media.” He also praised the recent acquisition of TikTok’s U.S. operations by American billionaire Larry Ellison and other pro-Israel business leaders, calling it “the most important purchase going on right now.”

    As part of its coordinated propaganda campaign, Israel has launched covert public relations initiatives, including a secret operation code-named the “Esther Project,” which hired global corporate public relations firms to manage networks of paid influencers. U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) filings show Israel paid participating influencers up to $7,000 per post through its contractor Bridges Partners, which partnered with global advertising giant Havas Media Group Germany on the formal “Influencer Campaign.” Havas also signed a $15 million contract with Clock Tower X, a firm founded by former Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale. That contract was recently exposed as backing a covert social media campaign targeting the Biden administration’s ceasefire agreement with Iran on Israel’s behalf.

    Last week, Time Magazine published a report revealing that participating influencers received detailed scripting guidance for posts on platforms including X, Instagram, and TikTok in private group chats, with payouts reaching up to $4,250 per approved post. Separately, Wall Street Journal reporting documented a proposal from a U.S.-based group called Show Faith by Works to spend more than $3 million pushing pro-Israel messaging to megachurch attendees and Christian college students across the American Southwest, with a planned reach of 4 million people through partnerships with churches, pastors and Christian social media creators. Group founder Chad Schnitger later confirmed the organization has scrapped those plans.

    Additional details about Israel’s global Hasbara infrastructure emerged in April 2025, when Ella Kenan, a former captain in Israeli military intelligence, disclosed at a New York conference that she had coordinated with a network of 60,000 international influencers to shape public narratives in Israel’s favor after the October 7, 2023 attacks. Kenan founded the organization Bright Mind to counter what she frames as misinformation about Israel, and claimed her network’s content—much of it produced for non-Jewish influencers to share—has amassed nearly 3 billion views across social platforms. She also took credit for coining the slogan “Hamas is ISIS,” which was later adopted by global leaders including former U.S. President Joe Biden.

    The Israeli Foreign Ministry has also launched targeted outreach to right-wing American creators, funding an Israel tour for influencers associated with the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement through a $86,000 contract with nonprofit Israel365. The trip brought 16 U.S.-based influencers under 30 to Israel to encourage them to share messaging aligned with the Israeli government with their large followings of young conservative Christians.

    One high-profile misstep in this outreach came recently when U.S. right-wing influencer Clavicular—real name Braden Eric Peters, a leading figure in the male “looksmaxxing” internet subculture—faced widespread backlash after visiting Israel to address past accusations of antisemitism. Clavicular had previously appeared alongside self-described misogynist Andrew Tate and white nationalist Nick Fuentes while singing lyrics from Kanye West’s song “Heil Hitler.” During the visit, which was promoted as “Israelmaxxing” by pro-Israel right-wing outlet The Free Press, Clavicular appeared on a livestream with Shira Braun, a soldier in the Israeli army’s Spokesperson Unit (the military’s official propaganda wing), and asked her if he would be paid $7,000 for sharing pro-Israel posts. Braun was subsequently removed from her role as social media coordinator and barred from continuing the position. Clavicular was also publicly confronted by Israeli citizens over his past antisemitic comments, and the entire incident failed to produce the polished positive publicity Israeli officials had planned for.

    Marc Owen Jones, associate professor of media analytics at Northwestern University, explained to Middle East Eye that modern pro-Israel propaganda campaigns have shifted away from reliance on official government accounts, instead operating through hybrid networks that blend state institutions, advocacy groups, private donors, diaspora organizations and independent content creators, blurring the line between official public diplomacy and decentralized grassroots digital advocacy. “The strategy contains an inherent trade-off: influencers derive much of their persuasive power from perceived authenticity, yet overt coordination or sponsorship can undermine that credibility and generate backlash,” Jones said, pointing to the Clavicular incident as a clear example of this flaw.

    Rachel Lester, a former Israeli military spokesperson who spent four years producing social media content for the Spokesperson Unit’s international branch, acknowledged in an interview with The Media Line that Israel cannot win the online battle against rising anti-Israel sentiment. “Our enemies are too good at manipulating the world’s emotions,” she said, adding that the “biggest challenge that we face is that you can’t really fight photos of dead children.” Lester explained that her branch’s core goal was convincing global audiences that Hamas does not care about Palestinian civilians in Gaza, and even the highest-performing pro-Israel content focused on civilian suffering in Gaza failed to shift broader public opinion, because “the international community doesn’t really have much sympathy for Israel.”

    Miriyam Aouragh, professor of Digital Anthropology at the University of Westminster in the U.K., told Middle East Eye that most of Israel’s influencer recruitment attempts have backfired. Not only have they failed to move public opinion, but they have also drawn unwanted attention to the covert infrastructure behind the messaging, turning the propaganda operation itself into the central story. She frames the strategy as a “triumphant failure”: even as Israel has consolidated control over mainstream media and gained leverage over major social media platforms, it has been unable to reverse the shifting cultural zeitgeist and growing organized pro-Palestine movement pushing for change.

    Aouragh noted that Israel faces an inherent messaging conflict between its domestic and international audiences: to maintain public support among its own population for continuing the occupation and conflict, it relies on colonial framing that radicalizes the public around ethnic supremacy, a narrative that directly undermines Israel’s longstanding international branding as “the only democracy in the Middle East.”

    “Palestine has become our generation’s… political cause like Vietnam was in the 60s and 70s,” she said. “It is impossible to break through the zeitgeist with money and influence. There are some things that money cannot buy.”

    This shift in attitudes among younger Americans poses a long-term existential challenge to Israel, which has depended on consistent bipartisan support from elected U.S. officials to maintain the billions of dollars in annual military aid it receives. However, recent Democratic midterm primary elections have seen multiple openly pro-Palestine candidates defeat establishment incumbents whose ties to pro-Israel funding have come under growing scrutiny from voters.

    One high-profile example is Abdul El-Sayed, who is running in Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary against incumbent Haley Stevens. According to pro-Israel lobbying watchdog TrackAIPAC, pro-Israel political action committees have spent more than $20 million to support Stevens’ campaign. The United Democracy Project, the super PAC aligned with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), launched a barrage of attack ads against El-Sayed claiming he has “a history of disrespecting women” after multiple polls showed El-Sayed leading the race ahead of the August 4 primary. A Jewish influencer recently revealed he received a confidential recruitment offer from Stevens’ campaign, offering $1,500 to share pro-Stevens talking points under a non-disclosure agreement he ultimately refused to sign. Middle East Eye reached out to the Stevens campaign, Clavicular, and the Israeli army for comment, but received no response prior to publication.

    During the campaign, El-Sayed faced criticism for meeting with Hasan Piker, a prominent political commentator and Twitch streamer who is one of the most influential pro-Palestine voices for younger American audiences. Piker was recently the target of a coordinated smear campaign by U.S. mainstream media, but a rally with Piker boosted El-Sayed’s polling numbers, increasing his name recognition and cementing his standing as the anti-establishment candidate voters were seeking. A similar trend benefited Piker himself after he was banned from the U.K., a move he says was “at the behest of Israel.” The ban increased his popularity, an example of what Piker calls the “Streisand effect,” where attempts at censorship draw greater public attention to the censored viewpoint.

    Unlike Israel’s network of paid influencers, Aouragh noted that independent pro-Palestine content creators set the media agenda and understand how to build social media traction that can operate parallel to mainstream media, and even drive mainstream news coverage. She added that efforts to ban creators like Piker are a dangerous development: “every erosion of citizen liberal rights is one too many, and creates… new rules of engagement” that normalize the suppression of free speech.

    Abeer al-Najjar, professor of media and journalism studies at the American University of Sharjah, told Middle East Eye that Israel’s campaign to silence pro-Palestine creators and buy support from other influencers is almost guaranteed to fail, and may in fact accelerate the shift in public opinion that Israel fears. Pro-Israel influencers act as “the ‘organic-looking’ front of a professionalised state operation” whose official channels have already lost credibility, she explained, with the core goal of “laundering state messaging as peer culture.”

    “Israel’s real problem is the gap between message and reality; you cannot ‘explain’ a livestreamed genocide,” al-Najjar said. “The Clavicular episode exposes the model’s limit; even funded, curated trips can’t manufacture the authenticity they’re buying.” Instead of winning over young audiences, Israel can expect “diminishing returns, visible backlash like the Clavicular fiasco, and deepening cynicism among the very youth being targeted,” she added.

  • Yemenis turn to ‘Ruqyah’ faith healers as medical healthcare remains in crisis

    Yemenis turn to ‘Ruqyah’ faith healers as medical healthcare remains in crisis

    Deep in the heart of Taiz, Yemen, the rhythmic cadence of Quranic recitation drifts through every floor of a four-century residential building, broadcast from a decades-old cassette player tucked away on the second level. While recitations of the Quran are traditionally tied to funeral rituals across the country, this daily gathering serves a far different, more urgent purpose: hundreds of people travel from every corner of Yemen to wait for hours, just for a chance to meet with a sheikh offering Ruqyah Shari’ah, a form of divine spiritual healing through Quranic recitation. Many of these visitors also receive cupping therapy (Hijama) alongside recitations, with patients seeking relief from ailments ranging from routine headaches to late-stage, life-threatening cancer. For most who arrive, their turn to spiritual healing is not a matter of choice, but necessity born of a collapsed national healthcare system.

    Take 60-something Fatima, who is fighting an aggressive stomach cancer. When she first developed symptoms, she sought care at every major hospital across Taiz Governorate, even making the long journey to Aden in search of a diagnosis and effective treatment. Her search yielded nothing. With no other options left, she followed her sister’s advice to visit a Ruqyah sheikh, after her sister reported feeling better following similar treatment. For six months, Fatima returned weekly, paying the sheikh 12,000 Yemeni riyals – roughly $7 – each week, a sum that drained her limited resources while doing nothing to stop her cancer’s progression. The sheikh repeatedly told her her illness was caused by the evil eye and that healing required patience, but as months passed, Fatima’s condition deteriorated until she could no longer eat and the pain became unmanageable. It was only when her illness reached a critical stage that the sheikh finally urged her to see a specialist tumor. “It was then that I realised the sheikh couldn’t actually do anything; he was just trying to make money by reciting the Quran over patients,” Fatima explained in an interview.

    Today, Fatima’s case remains incomplete: she has never had a full scan to check if her cancer has spread to other parts of her body. Cancer care in Yemen is already nearly inaccessible for most: without advanced diagnostic equipment or specialized treatment available domestically, only patients wealthy enough to travel abroad for care can access life-saving treatment, while low-income patients are left to die at home. Fatima’s story is far from unique across a country where decades of armed conflict and catastrophic funding shortfalls have left the national healthcare system in complete ruins. According to the World Health Organization, more than half of all Yemeni health facilities are completely non-functional, and 18 percent of the country’s districts have no doctors at all. Most highly skilled medical professionals have fled the country for better opportunities abroad, leaving Yemen with just 0.1 doctors per 1,000 residents – a figure that is a fraction of the regional average of 1.1, the global average of 1.9, and even the average 0.5 doctors per 1,000 people seen in other conflict-affected fragile states. Overall, more than 20 million Yemenis – nearly half the country’s total population – lack access to basic medical care.

    With affordable clinical care out of reach for most, unregulated Ruqyah centers have spread rapidly across every Yemeni governorate, with rural women making up the vast majority of patients, a gap widened by widespread limited access to education in marginalized rural areas. Fifty-year-old Khadijah al-Ghaili, who struggles with chronic shortness of breath, traveled 80 kilometers from her remote village to see a well-known Ruqyah sheikh who also offers cupping therapy. While she acknowledges that formal care is available at private hospitals, the cost is far beyond what she can afford. “Private hospitals require a lot of money that I simply cannot afford, so I chose to come to this sheikh as an alternative,” al-Ghaili said. “This is a good alternative because it was recommended by our Prophet, and our grandparents used it back when there were no hospitals.” After three cupping sessions across six treatment areas, she says her shortness of breath remains, but the accompanying pain has faded, and she remains confident she will recover once she completes her treatment plan with the sheikh.

    The rising popularity of unregulated Ruqyah healing has sparked debate among both practitioners and medical professionals, who emphasize that the issue is not the religious practice itself – which is widely recognized in Islam – but the exploitation of desperate patients by unqualified actors looking to profit. Abu Ahmed, a 60-year-old Ruqyah practitioner with more than 20 years of experience who uses a pseudonym for privacy, notes that the practice is meant to address spiritual afflictions such as the evil eye, envy, or jinn possession, not to replace evidence-based clinical care for physical illness. “If I see that a patient is not suffering from the evil eye, envy, magic, or jinn possession, I advise them to visit a hospital to seek medical healthcare, as we cannot help every case,” he explained. He also acknowledged that the lack of any licensing or regulatory framework for Ruqyah centers has opened the door for bad actors: “This work should, first and foremost, be a voluntary act for the sake of Allah. Those who can afford to pay should only pay a small amount, and it should be entirely free for those who cannot.”

    Dr. Adel, a Yemeni tumor specialist who also uses a pseudonym to avoid conflict with fraudulent practitioners, says he regularly sees patients who only seek formal medical care after spending months consulting unregulated Ruqyah sheikhs, by which point their conditions have already deteriorated to untreatable stages. “I am not speaking about all Ruqyah sheikhs, as Ruqyah is part of Islam. I am talking about the fraudsters who claim they can treat physical diseases like tumours, deceiving patients for months until their conditions become critical,” he said. Just this month, he treated a female patient with a facial tumor who came to him after months of unsuccessful Ruqyah treatment, but her cancer had progressed too far for any intervention to save her. “It is the needy who fall victim to both the collapse of the healthcare system and the deception of these religious traders,” he added, noting that wealthy patients almost always seek clinical care first before traveling abroad for treatment, leaving only low-income patients exposed to exploitation.

    Mohammed Abdulkhaleq, director of health awareness and media at the Taiz health office, confirms that widespread poverty and the sky-high cost of formal medical care are the primary drivers pushing patients to seek out Ruqyah sheikhs instead of hospital care. “Ruqyah is a religious practice and is absolutely not a replacement for medical healthcare. However, there are several factors, including the two I mentioned, that prevent people from seeking hospital care,” he explained. The biggest public health risk, he notes, is that patients delay seeking formal care until their condition is already untreatable. “We urge anyone who is sick to go to whatever hospital they can afford as early as possible.”

    For her part, Fatima, who continues to fight her cancer, is now speaking out to warn other Yemeni patients to avoid the trap she fell into. “Those who need medical help should avoid Ruqyah sheikhs, and head straight to hospitals to seek medical treatment from the early stages of their illness,” she said. “Ruqyah is for spiritual healing. It is not for someone who has tumours in their body.”

  • Israeli fire kills two Palestinians during settler assault on West Bank town

    Israeli fire kills two Palestinians during settler assault on West Bank town

    Two Palestinian men have been killed by live fire during a coordinated attack carried out by Israeli settlers and backed by regular Israeli military forces in the occupied West Bank on Sunday, according to local Palestinian officials. The Palestinian Ministry of Health has publicly identified the deceased victims: 26-year-old Ahmad Adel Abu Mukho and 53-year-old Odeh Abdul Rahim Odeh Farakhneh.

    The assault unfolded after nightfall in Deir Jarir, a small town located northeast of Ramallah, when a group of armed Israeli settlers entered the populated area, local Palestinian media reports confirm. Eid Hammad, who leads the Deir Jarir village council, told reporters that settlers first broke into a residential property in the town’s old quarter and stole a flock of sheep belonging to the local homeowner. When local residents mobilized to intervene and halt the incursion, settlers and accompanying Israeli soldiers opened live fire on the crowd, Hammad said.

    Hammad added that Israeli military forces blocked emergency medical ambulances from reaching the shooting site to treat the wounded. The Palestine Red Crescent Society further confirmed that Israeli troops also opened direct fire on one of its ambulances responding to the incident, endangering medical personnel.

    Settler violence targeting Palestinian communities has been a persistent reality for Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank for decades, but UN and Palestinian official data shows that attacks have spiked dramatically since the outbreak of the Gaza war in October 2023. Today, settlers carry out near-daily assaults on Palestinian towns and villages, ranging from arson and property vandalism to violent physical attacks and efforts to forcibly displace local communities. Most of these attacks occur with explicit military protection from Israeli forces, according to multiple international investigations.

    The escalation of violence continued in the days leading up to the Deir Jarir attack: on Saturday, settlers set fire to a privately owned Palestinian home in the village of Tell, southwest of Nablus, while Israeli military forces burned dozens of mature olive trees— a critical source of income for many Palestinian agricultural families— in Deir Qaddis, west of Ramallah.

    Last month, the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory released a report documenting an unprecedented, sustained surge in settler violence against Palestinian civilians across the West Bank. The commission concluded that the Israeli government actively facilitates these attacks through direct financial backing, logistical support, and military protection for settler groups. “Violence by settlers is the direct outcome of Israeli policies that support, enable and protect their actions,” said Srinivasan Muralidhar, the commission’s chair.

    The UN report recorded that settlers killed seven Palestinians and injured 832 more in 2025, representing a 130 percent increase in fatal attacks compared to 2024. This sharp upward trend has continued into 2026, with documented attacks reported on an almost daily basis. Official data from the Palestinian Authority’s Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission shows that at least 50 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli settlers since October 2023, with at least 15 of those fatalities recorded in the first half of 2026.

  • Hungary probes deal with China’s BYD carmaker after ex-foreign minister takes job there

    Hungary probes deal with China’s BYD carmaker after ex-foreign minister takes job there

    BUDAPEST, Hungary — Hungary’s new government has opened a wide-ranging official investigation into a major Chinese electric vehicle investment by global industry leader BYD, a project that was negotiated by former foreign minister Péter Szijjártó — who resigned from parliament last week to take a senior executive role at the automaker. The sudden career move has sparked fierce accusations of conflict of interest, and thrown a spotlight on the hundreds of billions of forints in public support Szijjártó helped secure for BYD while he held public office.

    Prime Minister Péter Magyar outlined the scope of the probe to Hungarian lawmakers on Monday, noting that Szijjártó, a long-time close ally of former prime minister Viktor Orbán, backed BYD’s expansion in Hungary with hundreds of billions of forints in public funding, diplomatic backing, and state-supported infrastructure development. “We will examine every decision, every negotiation, and every state commitment that Péter Szijjártó made that is connected to the BYD Hungary investment,” Magyar stated.

    The investigation will not be limited to the BYD deal alone. Magyar confirmed that reviewers will scrutinize all subsidies, tax incentives, construction permits, environmental regulatory exemptions, and public-paid infrastructure projects granted to large multinational corporations over the course of Orbán’s 12-year tenure in office. “We will look into who made these calls, who drafted the policies, what expert warnings were overlooked, and what burdens these decisions have left for Hungarian taxpayers, workers, local communities, and the natural environment,” Magyar added.

    To date, neither Szijjártó nor BYD have issued a public response to the conflict of interest allegations leveled by the prime minister. Szijjártó has previously framed his new role at BYD as a prestigious opportunity to contribute to what he calls one of the most successful modern stories in the global automotive sector.

    During his time in government, Szijjártó was the central figure in courting Chinese foreign direct investment for Hungary, including landing the BYD projects that have now come under scrutiny. In 2023, he announced BYD would build its first European manufacturing plant in the country, a move that lets the company avoid the European Union’s punitive import tariffs on Chinese-built electric vehicles, which were enacted to protect the bloc’s domestic auto industry. Two years later, in 2025, he revealed plans for BYD to locate its European headquarters and a new research and development center in Budapest, in exchange for 20 billion forints ($63.7 million) in direct government assistance.

    The BYD investments are part of a broader strategy carried out by the Orbán administration to position Hungary as a global hub for lithium-ion battery manufacturing, a push that has centered heavily on attracting Chinese battery firms to build a string of new production facilities across the country. This policy has already sparked widespread pushback from local residents, environmental activists, and opposition politicians, who have raised concerns that the expanding new industry will worsen existing environmental degradation, strain Hungary’s limited freshwater supplies, and increase the country’s economic dependence on China.

    The BYD probe is not the only investigation Szijjártó is facing. The former foreign minister has long drawn international controversy for his close ties to the Kremlin, which he maintained even after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Breaking with nearly all other EU foreign ministers, Szijjártó made repeated trips to Moscow to negotiate energy purchase agreements for Russian oil and natural gas, and repeatedly met with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov, whom he has publicly referred to as a personal friend.

    He became a major point of contention during Hungary’s 2026 election campaign after the Washington Post published a report alleging that he provided live updates on discussions during high-level EU meetings to Lavrov via regular phone calls. Szijjártó has denied the core of the report, though he has acknowledged that he consulted with Lavrov before and after EU foreign minister gatherings to discuss meeting agendas and policy outcomes. During a government press briefing last week, Magyar confirmed that a separate investigation into Szijjártó’s ties to the Russian government has already been launched, “as far as I know.”