标签: Asia

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  • Trump-Xi summit’s cautious progress and subtle win-wins

    Trump-Xi summit’s cautious progress and subtle win-wins

    On May 15, 2026, US President Donald Trump concluded his two-day visit to China, wrapping up a high-stakes summit with Chinese leader Xi Jinping that drew global scrutiny for signals about the future of the world’s most consequential bilateral relationship. Trump praised the meetings as “incredible,” while Xi framed the talks as a milestone that opened the door to a “new bilateral relationship.” Yet independent analysts struck a more cautious tone, pointing out that the highly anticipated gathering of the leaders of the globe’s two most powerful nations produced no major tangible breakthroughs.

    Yan Bennett, a leading scholar of US-China relations and author of *American Policy Discourses on China*, breaks down her three core observations from the historic summit in this analysis.

    ### Taiwan: Firm Rhetoric, Unchanged Status Quo
    Few observers predicted any major shifts on the Taiwan issue, over which mainland China asserts sovereignty, even as Beijing has long pushed for a clearer US commitment opposing the island’s formal independence and explicitly supporting eventual reunification. What emerged from the summit aligned with expectations: Beijing reaffirmed that Taiwan remains its non-negotiable core priority. Xi emphasized on the first day of talks that the Taiwan “question” is the single most critical issue in US-China ties, warning that any mismanagement could spark “clashes and even conflict.”

    This firm rhetoric served two key audiences. First, it addressed domestic political expectations: for decades, Taiwan has held a central place in Chinese political messaging, and the 100 million members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) widely expected Xi to take a strong stance on the issue. Second, it delivered a clear warning to Washington against backing Taiwanese independence — a message that did not upend existing US policy. The 2025 US National Security Strategy already explicitly opposes unilateral changes to the status quo from “either side,” signaling to Beijing that Washington also opposes a formal Taiwanese declaration of independence.

    Trump did raise the topic of US arms sales to Taiwan during the talks, but long-standing US policy — dating back to the Reagan administration — has barred foreign interference in Washington’s decisions on what defensive weapons it sells to the island. This policy remained entirely unchanged, as did the US’s 1979 commitment to provide Taiwan with sufficient defensive capabilities to maintain its self-defense capacity.

    Ultimately, both sides have a shared interest in preserving the status quo on Taiwan, with no party poised to benefit from an immediate shift. That said, Xi’s push to modernize the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has stirred uncertainty in Washington. Xi has set military modernization milestones that include having the capacity to invade Taiwan by 2027, a timeline that has fueled misinterpretation in the US under the “Davidson window” framework, which claims China intends to launch an invasion by that date.

    In reality, China currently lacks the capacity to carry out a successful full-scale invasion of Taiwan. The PLA does not yet possess a blue-water navy capable of sustained independent operations far from Chinese ports, and Taiwan’s rugged geography — with only two suitable landing zones accessible at limited times of year — makes an amphibious invasion extraordinarily challenging. Taiwan has also steadily built up its defensive capabilities, drawing lessons from Ukraine’s resistance to Russia to develop a strategy that would make any occupation cost-prohibitive for Beijing.

    Xi’s broader military modernization goal targets turning the PLA into a “world-class military” on par with the US by 2049. Still, the fact that China spends more on domestic internal security than on national defense indicates the CCP’s core priority remains maintaining domestic control, not expanding external military capability.

    ### Trade: Modest Progress, Tamed Expectations
    For years, the US and China have worked to repair and re-stabilize bilateral economic ties, which were once deeply integrated but have grown strained in recent years. Both sides bring clear priorities to the table: Beijing aims to regain the large access to the American market it enjoyed in the 1990s and early 2000s, reversing the fragmentation that followed the 2018 US-China trade war. Since his first term in office, Trump has framed Chinese control of key supply chains and the bilateral trade imbalance as pressing national security concerns, while Washington has also pushed to end unfair trade practices such as requirements that foreign companies share proprietary blueprints, trade secrets, customer data and marketing strategies to operate in the Chinese market.

    What tangible outcomes came from the summit? On the surface, results were limited. Small progress was made on allowing US beef exports to resume, and Trump announced that Beijing would purchase 200 Boeing aircraft — a figure far lower than the 500-plane deal that had been rumored in pre-summit media reports. Several Chinese firms also agreed to purchase microchips from US semiconductor giant Nvidia, a continuation of a trade arrangement that launched in late 2025.

    Notably, Trump himself tempered pre-summit expectations, avoiding the bold, sweeping promises that have marked his past trade announcements. The most meaningful outcome was a structural agreement: Xi and Trump committed to establishing a new bilateral Board of Trade and Board of Investment, designed to create a structured framework for advancing trade liberalization in coming months.

    Semiconductor trade has emerged as a central point of focus in bilateral tech ties. China currently trails the US by roughly 18 months in advanced microchip development, and some US policymakers have raised questions about selling chips to Beijing, warning that China could steal intellectual property and adapt high-end chips for military use. Current US policy restricts chip sales to prevent Chinese telecom firm Huawei from dominating the Chinese chip market, only allowing exports of Nvidia chips that Washington deems appropriate for non-military use.

    ### Military Ties: Washington Pushes for Open Communication Lines
    During the Cold War, the US and Soviet Union maintained permanent open lines of military communication to prevent accidental escalation and catastrophic miscalculation. No such reliable channel has existed between Beijing and Washington, a gap that led to dangerous standoffs during the 2001 EP-3 spy plane collision and the 2023 Chinese spy balloon incident.

    At the 2026 summit, Washington prioritized establishing a formal military communication channel, a goal that explains the unusual presence of US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth in Beijing for the talks — a rare attendance for a defense secretary at a head-of-state summit. While Trump has publicly downplayed the need for Chinese cooperation on military matters, stating as much ahead of the summit, the inclusion of Hegseth signals the US’s commitment to building this critical guardrail against conflict.

    The summit also produced little public news on cooperation around the ongoing Iran conflict. While Beijing has publicly criticized US policy amid the war, it has privately pressured Tehran to halt airstrikes on neighboring Gulf states. Contrary to commentary that claims China benefits from the US being bogged down in the Middle East, Xi prioritizes reaching a diplomatic resolution to prevent economic fallout from spiking oil prices. China’s current stockpile of discounted Iranian oil will only last a few more weeks, leaving the country exposed to sharp price increases that would damage its domestic economy.

    *Yan Bennett is a Professorial Lecturer at American University and holds a contract position at the US Department of State’s Foreign Service Institute, where she trains US diplomats on transnational issues. Her views are her own and do not represent the official position of the US government. This article is republished under a Creative Commons license from The Conversation.*

  • 3 Finnish divers arrive in the Maldives to remap the search for the bodies of 4 Italian divers

    3 Finnish divers arrive in the Maldives to remap the search for the bodies of 4 Italian divers

    A tragic deep diving incident off the coast of the Maldives has left four experienced Italian divers dead and a Maldivian military rescue diver killed mid-mission, prompting an international team of specialist divers to arrive this weekend to plot a new recovery effort. What started as an unauthorized private recreational dive far deeper than local safety limits has turned into one of the Indian Ocean archipelago’s deadliest diving accidents in recent years, spawning official investigations and growing questions about safety protocols.

    On Thursday, a group of five Italian divers entered an uncharted underwater cave system located in Vaavu Atoll, at a depth of roughly 50 meters — nearly 20 meters beyond the Maldives’ official 30-meter recreational diving limit. Only the body of the fifth diver, a diving instructor, was recovered that same day near the cave’s mouth. Authorities confirmed the remaining four divers — an associate professor of ecology, her daughter, a marine biologist, and a researcher — had ventured deeper into the cave system and did not exit.

    The University of Genoa later confirmed that two of the victims, associate professor Monica Montefalcone and researcher Muriel Oddenino, were in the Maldives for an official scientific mission focused on monitoring marine environments and studying climate change’s impact on tropical biodiversity. However, the fatal dive was not part of the scheduled research work, and was organized as a private trip. The two other victims, Montefalcone’s daughter Giorgia Sommacal and marine biologist Federico Gualtieri, had no connection to the official research expedition.

    As rescue and recovery efforts got underway, bad weather repeatedly hampered progress for search teams. By Saturday, eight local divers were working rotating shifts to locate the four bodies, after initial teams had already mapped and marked the cave entrance. During the operation, Mohamed Mahudhee, a serving diver with the Maldivian National Defense Force, developed life-threatening decompression sickness while working in the cave. He was evacuated to the capital Male for emergency medical care, but died from his condition Saturday. Following Mahudhee’s death, all search operations were suspended, and he was buried with full military honors that same night, with Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu in attendance.

    On Sunday, three Finnish diving specialists with extensive training in deep-water and cave diving arrived in Male to join the recovery effort, meeting with Maldivian coastguard officials to develop a new, safer search strategy. Experts note that cave diving is an exceptionally high-risk activity that requires specialized training, purpose-built technical equipment, and strict adherence to safety protocols. Inside underwater cave systems, sediment disturbances can cut visibility to nearly zero, leaving divers disoriented and lost, while depths beyond 40 meters exceed the recommended limit for recreational diving set by all major global scuba certification agencies; any dive beyond that threshold is classified as technical diving that demands specialized preparation.

    The Italian tour operator that organized the group’s trip to the Maldives has denied any knowledge or authorization for the deep dive. Attorney Orietta Stella, representing Albatros Top Boat, told Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera that the operator had no advance warning the group planned to descend past the 30-meter limit, a depth that requires special approval from Maldivian maritime authorities, and that the company would never have permitted such a dangerous unsanctioned dive. Stella added that the fatal dive went far beyond the planned scientific cruise’s itinerary, which was only meant to involve coral sampling at standard recreational depths, and that the group was using standard recreational diving gear rather than the specialized technical equipment required for deep cave exploration.

    Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani has pledged that the Italian government will do everything in its power to recover the four victims’ bodies and repatriate them to Italy, and extended official condolences for the death of the Maldivian military diver who died during the rescue mission. Carlo Sommacal, husband of Montefalcone and father of Giorgia Sommacal, has raised questions about the incident, noting that his wife was a careful, highly disciplined diver with decades of experience who would never knowingly put her daughter or colleagues at risk, meaning something unforeseen must have gone wrong inside the cave.

    Official investigations into the incident are already underway. The Maldives Tourism Ministry has suspended the operating license of the dive vessel *Duke of York*, which carried the group to the dive site, pending the outcome of the probe. Roughly 20 other Italian nationals on the same expedition remain unharmed, and Italy’s embassy in Colombo, which oversees diplomatic relations with the Maldives, is providing consular assistance to the group, and has coordinated with the Red Crescent to deploy trained volunteers to provide psychological support to those affected by the tragedy. The cause of the initial fatal accident remains under active investigation as the new search team prepares to enter the cave.

  • North Korean women’s soccer team arrives in South Korea for regional tournament

    North Korean women’s soccer team arrives in South Korea for regional tournament

    After an eight-year hiatus of cross-border athletic exchanges between the two Koreas, a delegation of North Korean female soccer players and support staff touched down in South Korea on Sunday to compete in a continental club tournament, a rare face-to-face interaction that has drawn global attention amid long-frayed inter-Korean relations.

    A group of 39 players and officials with North Korea’s Naegohyang Women’s FC flew into Incheon International Airport, located west of Seoul, after departing from China. The delegation offered no public remarks on their arrival, but the moment was marked by small acts of welcome: local activists called out greetings, while ordinary South Korean citizens pulled out their mobile phones to capture the historic arrival.

    The North Korean side is scheduled to face South Korea’s Suwon FC Women on Wednesday in the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) Women’s Champions League semifinal, hosted in Suwon, a city south of the South Korean capital. The other semifinal matchup will pit Australia’s Melbourne City FC against Japan’s Tokyo Verdy Beleza on the same day, with the tournament final set to take place this Saturday at a Suwon-based stadium.

    While inter-Korean sports exchanges have historically been used as a soft diplomatic tool to ease tensions during periods of warmer relations, analysts broadly agree this visit is unlikely to signal a broader thaw in ties. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has maintained a hardened confrontational stance toward Seoul in recent years, repeatedly branding South Korea as Pyongyang’s “principal enemy” and moving to formally enshrine a “two-state” framework on the Korean Peninsula that erases any concept of shared national identity. Observers attribute this shift to Kim’s wariness of South Korean cultural influence seeping across the border and his assessment that engagement with Seoul offers little strategic benefit in Pyongyang’s standoff with Washington.

    Lee Wootae, a senior research fellow at Seoul’s Korea Institute for National Unification, emphasized that overinterpreting the visit as a sign of improving relations would be premature. “It would be more accurate to view this as a limited South-North Korean contact within the framework of international sports,” Lee noted in a recent analysis.

    The last time North Korean athletes traveled to South Korea for a competition was in December 2018, for an international table tennis event. That visit came amid a wave of cross-border exchange and cooperation that followed North Korea’s participation in the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics hosted in South Korea, a brief period of detente that collapsed in 2019. The thaw dissolved after U.S.-led diplomatic efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula broke down over disagreements related to international sanctions imposed on Pyongyang. In the years since, North Korea has conducted a steady stream of provocative weapons tests to expand its nuclear and conventional missile arsenal, and has rejected repeated outreach from Seoul and Washington to restart diplomatic talks.

    South Korea’s sitting liberal government, led by President Lee Jae Myung, has long pushed for rapprochement with Pyongyang. In line with this policy, the administration has committed public funding to South Korean civic groups organizing a 3,000-person cheering squad for Wednesday’s cross-border semifinal. The group plans to cheer for both squads and their players while complying fully with AFC competition rules. “We will enthusiastically cheer for them by chanting the names of both teams and their players, while faithfully adhering to AFC guidelines,” the civic groups said in a joint statement.

    Beyond its geopolitical context, the matchup carries significant athletic weight: North Korea has long been a global powerhouse in women’s soccer, particularly at the youth international level, with four titles at the FIFA Under-17 Women’s World Cup and three victories at the Under-20 Women’s World Cup. Naegohyang Women’s FC already proved its strength against Wednesday’s opponent in November 2024, beating Suwon FC Women 3-0 in the tournament’s group stage hosted in Myanmar.

  • Former Canada coach Priestman leads Phoenix to final in return from drone spying ban

    Former Canada coach Priestman leads Phoenix to final in return from drone spying ban

    WELLINGTON, New Zealand — Disgraced former Canadian women’s national soccer head coach Bev Priestman has turned in a remarkable first performance since her one-year FIFA suspension ended, guiding the Wellington Phoenix women’s squad to its first-ever Australian A-League Women grand final, marking a stunning turnaround for both the coach and the underperforming club.

    Priestman’s new side ultimately fell 3-1 to Melbourne Victory in Saturday’s championship decider, but the result masks extraordinary progress that few predicted before the season began. The Phoenix have struggled consistently across their four prior campaigns in the 11-team A-League, finishing dead last in their debut two seasons, then placing eighth and ninth in the following two years. This run to the final represents a quantum leap for the expansion side.

    The Wellington Phoenix head coaching role is Priestman’s first senior position since she completed her 12-month ban from international football handed down by FIFA for violating fair play principles amid a 2024 Paris Olympics drone espionage scandal.

    The England-born coach previously claimed Olympic glory, leading Canada to a gold medal at the 2021 Tokyo Games. But her career hit a crisis ahead of Canada’s opening 2024 Paris Olympic match against New Zealand, when an unauthorized drone was captured flying over a closed New Zealand team training session, in an incident that sparked global condemnation.

    Two Canadian support staff were immediately sent home from the Games, and Priestman voluntarily stepped away from her coaching duties ahead of the team’s first match. Canada Soccer subsequently suspended her, launched a formal investigation, and ultimately terminated her contract as head coach. FIFA later issued a one-year ban over what it called “offensive behavior and violation of the principles of fair play.”

    Priestman received a second chance thousands of miles from her former post, with New Zealand’s Wellington Phoenix offering her a two-year contract to rebuild their underperforming women’s program. At her introductory press conference after signing, the coach expressed gratitude for the opportunity to restart her career.
    “I want to thank the club for having faith in me to return to the game,” Priestman said at the time. “For me, coming back has felt like the right move. Today is a good day.”

    Speaking after Saturday’s final loss, Priestman reflected on a surprisingly successful first season back in top-level soccer, saying the campaign had been an overwhelmingly positive experience. She added that the hunger she witnessed from her young squad had been one of the highlights of the season, and that the narrow defeat would only fuel the team’s ambition for the next campaign.
    “Losing leaves a little bit on us. And in many ways, it might help us next year to push to another level,” Priestman said. “I’ve got an ambitious club. I’m at my best in these moments; the hunger, the desire to push forward. I think everybody will channel that now. When we turn up in pre-season, we’ll all know what could have been.”

  • Order, character and time preserved in China’s classical furniture

    Order, character and time preserved in China’s classical furniture

    Stepping into the presence of an authentic Ming horseshoe-back armchair for the first time, a striking dissonance quickly settles in: this centuries-old object does not read like an antique. It feels like a masterpiece of modern design, crafted centuries ahead of its time.

    Unlike the ornate, heavily decorated furniture that defined later Qing Dynasty tastes, Ming-style pieces reject over-the-top ornamentation, flashy inlays of mother-of-pearl, gilded accents, or bulky construction meant to signal status. It stands on four solid legs, with arms that curve gently outward and a back that arcs with deliberate, understated restraint. Bathed in light, the natural grain of the wood seems to shift and breathe, and while the piece remains silent, its intentional structure, balanced proportion, and layered hierarchy speak volumes.

    The enduring value of Chinese classical furniture does not stem from a vague label of “exotic Eastern style.” It emerges from the way that raw timber, generations of craftsmanship, human scale, traditional spatial etiquette, and centuries of collecting history converge in a single everyday object, elevating it to a tangible expression of Chinese civilization.

    ### The Foundation: Precious Tribute Woods
    At the core of this craft lies the choice of wood. According to Shi Hao, founder and director of Wuhan’s Donghu Rosewood Museum, Ming and Qing Dynasty imperial furniture relied on three legendary tribute hardwoods, sourced and offered to the imperial court by local authorities and tributary states. Ranked by value as “first yellow, second purple, third red,” they are huanghuali, zitan, and dahong suanzhi. Each carries distinct qualities that have made them prized for centuries: huanghuali is celebrated for its warm tone and dynamic grain; zitan for its unmatched density, deep dark hue, and imposing gravity; and dahong suanzhi for its rich crimson color, hardness, and dimensional stability.

    Among all Ming-style furniture, huanghuali holds a unique place of honor. The finest old-growth huanghuali from Hainan Island glows with layered hues of amber, honey, and warm reddish-brown, with grain patterns that evoke rolling mountains, flowing rivers, or drifting clouds. Its most iconic markings are the rare guilian (or limian) patterns, widely known as “ghost faces”—dark brown organic clusters that can resemble theatrical masks, leopard spots, or stacks of ancient bronze coins. Across the surface of a chair back or tabletop, these half-formed shapes emerge: half-face, half-shadow, always organic. Unlike carved decorations, these patterns grow naturally from within the wood, leading craftsmen and collectors to describe huanghuali as a living material.

    This reverence for the wood’s inherent beauty explains the iconic plain surfaces of Ming furniture. The lack of elaborate carving is not a failure of craftsmanship—it is an act of respect. The wood already holds its own landscapes and patterns; excessive ornamentation would only disrupt the natural painting that forms within its grain.

    From the mid-to-late Ming Dynasty onward, premium hardwoods flowed into elite Chinese circles through southern overland trade and maritime commerce, fueled by the booming consumer culture of the Jiangnan region. As slow-growing old-growth huanghuali became increasingly scarce, it earned its reputation as “gold among woods.” Jiangnan literati of the era favored its unadorned beauty, arguing that the natural grain alone was enough to make a piece extraordinary.

    Today, institutions like the 2,000-square-meter Donghu Rosewood Museum, which holds more than 400 pieces of rare classical rosewood furniture, are working to preserve and revitalize this lost material knowledge. In collaboration with expert teams from the Palace Museum and Shanghai Museum, the museum revives traditional Suzhou craftsmanship to bring the quiet elegance of Ming furniture back to contemporary audiences. This work extends far beyond a single institution: it signals that Ming-style furniture is no longer merely a collectible category for antique markets. It has reclaimed its place in academic material studies, craft history, museum research, and modern public aesthetic education.

    ### The Hidden Genius: Structure and Proportion
    After material, the defining strength of Chinese classical furniture lies in its hidden structural mastery, most visible in its iconic mortise-and-tenon joinery. This technique is far more than the romantic idea of “furniture built without nails.” It is a sophisticated structural system designed to accommodate the natural expansion and contraction of wood with changes in humidity, distribute weight evenly, and guarantee long-term stability. Metal nails would damage the wood’s natural integrity, but mortise-and-tenon joints allow the wood to “breathe” within controlled limits—a key reason so many Ming pieces have remained intact for more than 500 years.

    To truly understand a Ming horseshoe-back armchair, one must look beyond its graceful outer silhouette. You have to examine how the arms extend seamlessly from the backrest, how the curved splat is shaped to fit the human spine, how the legs splay just enough to balance stability and lightness, how the stretchers distribute weight across the frame, and how aprons and open spaces balance structural support with visual rhythm. Terms like luoguo stretchers, ba wang stretchers, mitered floating panels, waisted construction, and foot supports are not just jargon for antique dealers—they are the grammatical building blocks of Ming furniture design.

    Proportion is everything to the spirit of a Ming piece. If proportions are off, the entire object loses its soul. An armrest set too high feels uncomfortable to the body; a backrest too straight makes sitting uninviting; legs too thick erase the signature lightness of Ming design. Ming furniture is not simply “minimalist”—it is precise, intentional simplicity earned through centuries of refinement. A stripped-back appearance is only surface deep; precision is its true essence.

    In traditional Chinese craft, dimensions were never arbitrary. Ming carpenters, particularly in Jiangnan, relied on the Luban ruler (also called the menguang or bazi ruler) to set measurements for all furniture, doors, and structural elements. Named for Gongshu Ban (better known as Luban), the legendary 5th-century BCE craftsman from the Spring and Autumn period, this tool wove together technical measurement and traditional symbolic order centuries before modern design standards emerged.

    The Luban ruler divides all measurements into auspicious and inausicious categories, with favorable markers for wealth, status, righteousness, and good fortune, and unfavorable markers tied to illness, loss, and calamity. A traditional saying from the *Luban Jing Jiangjia Jing*, Luban’s classic text on craft, holds: “Beds do not leave seven, tables do not leave nine, stools do not leave three, doors do not leave five”—a rule that held that final dimensions should not only serve functional use, but also align with auspicious symbolism.

    From a modern perspective, this belongs to traditional feng shui and cultural belief. Within the context of pre-modern Chinese society, it reveals that furniture making was never just manual labor. It integrated human scale, domestic harmony, and psychological order into a single craft discipline. Imperial architecture and court furniture took this commitment to measured, symbolic proportion even further: the Qing Dynasty’s official building standards, the *Gongbu Gongcheng Zuofa Zeli*, devotes entire sections to door dimensions aligned with auspicious Luban positions, categorized by names like “wealth-increasing doors” and “fortune and virtue doors.”

    For traditional Chinese craftsmen, a table, chair, or bed was never just shaped timber. It carried expectations of household stability, intergenerational good fortune, and maintained social order. The balanced proportions of classical Chinese furniture come not just from the trained eye and hand of the carpenter, but from thousands of years of inherited measurement culture. This design logic is exactly why Ming furniture fits so seamlessly into modern 21st-century spaces. Modernist design prioritizes structural honesty, respect for material, functional clarity, and formal restraint—and Ming furniture achieved all of these principles centuries earlier. It lacks the cold rigidity of mass-produced industrial design, but it holds the core of modern design spirit at its center: it does not hide its structure, it does not overindulge in unnecessary decoration, and it does not use bulk to signal authority.

    A well-preserved Ming chair sits naturally in a modern apartment, contemporary gallery, or private study alongside stone accents, concrete walls, abstract painting, and modern lighting without feeling out of place. Its outline is clean, its scale controlled, its material unobscured, its structure obvious.

    ### Furniture as Spatial and Social Order
    Even so, Ming furniture is far more than just timeless design. In the elite literati culture of the late Ming, furniture shaped the entire spatial and social order of the home. A painting table was not merely a surface to work on—it was the central gathering point for reading, writing, appreciating art, burning incense, and receiving guests. A horseshoe-back armchair dictated posture, line of sight, the ritual distance between host and guest, and even the bearing of the person sitting in it. A small incense stand might hold nothing more than a burner, a small vase, or a scholar’s rock, but it gave an entire room room to breathe. A luohan bed functioned as a cross between a bed, couch, and seating piece, used for reclining, conversing, drinking tea, reading, or resting, occupying the gentle space between private leisure and social interaction.

    Furniture for entrance halls prioritized order and ritual; furniture for studies prioritized solitude and self-cultivation; beds and couches connected the daily needs of the body to the inner life of the mind. The placement, scale, and grouping of furniture formed a quiet social language, and Ming design placed unique value on empty space. Emptiness here is not absence—it is intentional control. It creates distance between objects, leaving room for light, air, and movement. A sophisticated Ming-style room is never cluttered with valuable objects; it is a space where every object knows its place.

    ### Value, Authenticity, and the Market
    This holistic framework also shapes how collectors judge the value of classical Chinese furniture. The market price of a piece is never determined by the type of wood alone—wood is only the starting threshold for value. What gives a piece its scholarly and market worth is a combination of age, form, proportion, craftsmanship, condition, provenance, publication history, exhibition record, and collecting pedigree.

    The international auction market has long recognized the value of top-tier classical Chinese furniture. Christie’s has recorded landmark sales: a 16th–17th century huanghuali circular incense stand sold for $5.8475 million, while an 18th-century zitan luohan bed fetched $3.6075 million. These results confirm that top-tier Chinese classical furniture is no longer categorized internationally as mere decorative antique. It is a high-value fine art asset that combines material rarity, technical refinement, aesthetic distinction, and centuries of collecting history.

    When evaluating a huanghuali piece, experts ask a series of critical questions: Is the timber authentic old-growth material? Does the form align with period conventions? Are the mortise-and-tenon joints original, or have components been replaced? Is the patina natural, or has the surface been over-polished, re-waxed, or re-colored? Has the structure undergone major structural alteration? Have dimensions been changed? Is the provenance clearly documented? Has the piece been previously held in significant collections, included in exhibitions, or listed in scholarly catalogues?

    Provenance is particularly critical for high-end pieces. Without a clear documented history, even a piece with beautiful timber will have limited market value. With a verified collecting record, publication history, and scholarly provenance, an old piece of furniture becomes a tested cultural asset, vetted by time, connoisseurship, and the market.

    Authenticity is the skill that demands the most hands-on experience. Classical Chinese furniture cannot be judged by a quick glance at how old it looks: old timber can be used to make new forgeries, new furniture can be artificially aged, old components can be reassembled into fake period pieces, and partial restoration can completely alter the value of an intact original. True authentication depends on verifying that all elements of the piece—wood, structure, proportion, tool marks, patina, wear patterns, and functional logic—align with each other.

    Naturally aged furniture wears unevenly, in patterns shaped by use: armrests grow smooth where generations of hands have rested, seats develop subtle wear from constant body contact, lower legs hold faint traces of centuries of contact with the floor, and drawer edges round softly from repeated opening and closing. Natural wear is never uniform; if a piece looks evenly aged from top to bottom, it is almost certainly a forgery.

    Patina, too, is often misunderstood: it is not just a shiny surface. It is a complex surface condition built up over centuries from contact with hands, air, light, dust, and daily use. Good patina is calm, warm, and layered. Over-polishing erases the evidence of time, while artificial aging fabricates a false history. Old furniture faces two great risks: being over-restored to look like new, or being artificially treated to look falsely old. One destroys authentic historical evidence; the other invents a fake history.

    ### The Imperial Footnote: The Carpenter Emperor of Late Ming
    No discussion of late Ming furniture culture is complete without mentioning the Tianqi Emperor Zhu Youxiao, who reigned from 1620 to 1627 CE. So deeply devoted was he to woodworking that he is widely remembered as the “carpenter emperor”—the most hands-on imperial craftsman in Chinese history. This title is far more than a trivial historical anecdote: it places the extraordinary refinement and popularity of late Ming woodworking alongside the accelerating political decay of the Ming court, creating one of the most haunting contradictions in Chinese dynastic history.

    According to the *Ming Shi* (the official History of the Ming Dynasty) and *Zhuozhong zhi*, a detailed first-person account of late Ming court life by eunuch Liu Ruoyu, Zhu Youxiao was obsessed with carpentry. He personally crafted miniature palace models, folding beds, small screens, lacquered objects, and even mechanical wooden contraptions, often forgetting to eat or sleep when absorbed in his work. Even the most skilled court craftsmen acknowledged the exceptional refinement of his work. Histories even record that he had eunuchs sell his handmade pieces outside the palace, adding an oddly mundane layer to his story: an emperor who did not just admire woodworking, but personally sawed, planed, carved, and shaped timber into finished objects.

    The story quickly takes a dark turn. The emperor’s total absorption in carpentry created a power vacuum that was filled by the powerful, corrupt eunuch Wei Zhongxian, who held key positions including head of the imperial secret police. When Wei would bring state memorials to the emperor for approval while Zhu Youxiao was working on wood, the emperor would repeatedly reply: “I understand the matter fully, handle it as you see fit.” All state affairs quickly fell into the hands of Wei and his faction, leading to widespread court corruption, unpaid military salaries, growing frontier threats, and spreading popular unrest across the empire.

    On one side lay sawdust, shavings, precise mortise-and-tenon joints, lacquer, and exquisitely crafted furniture. On the other lay court corruption, eunuch tyranny, and the slow collapse of the Ming dynasty. The Tianqi Emperor did not create Ming-style furniture, but he became the most extraordinary historical footnote to late Ming wood culture. The fact that an emperor could master woodworking well enough to earn the admiration of professional craftsmen proves how mature and advanced the Ming craft system had become by the early 17th century. The fact that the same emperor abandoned all state affairs to pursue his obsession casts an unavoidable shadow of political contradiction over this chapter of furniture history.

    The maturity of Ming furniture did not come from the Tianqi Emperor alone. It emerged from the growing wealth of Jiangnan, maritime trade that brought precious hardwoods to China, the refined taste of literati elites, imperial demand, and a centuries-old developed craft system. Zhu Youxiao’s legacy lies in the contradiction he embodies: woodworking had become so refined that it could capture the full attention of an emperor, while the dynasty he ruled had become so fragile that it could be undone by abandoned authority. Behind every folding bed, miniature palace, and lacquered mechanism crafted in his era lies not just extraordinary skill, but the deep imbalance of a dying age.

    ### Conclusion
    Chinese classical furniture deserves to be understood through this broad, holistic lens. It is not merely a category of collectible antiques. It is a complete cross-section of Chinese civilization. Its materials come from nature and centuries of trade; its structure from generations of craft experience; its proportion from human scale and traditional measurement culture; its spatial logic from literati social life; its value from centuries of collecting history; its authenticity from trained connoisseurship. It sits at the intersection of technical history, aesthetic history, the global art market, and the larger narrative of dynastic rise and fall in China.

    Truly exceptional classical Chinese furniture does not rely on massive size to intimidate, nor on gold and jewels to seduce. It hides the entire structure of a civilization in its joinery, social status in its balanced proportion, and thousands of years of history in its wood grain. It gives a simple everyday object layers of practical, aesthetic, ritual, and spiritual meaning. Beauty does not need to shout to be felt. Power does not always need to sit on a gilded throne. Sometimes, a single piece of wood, shaped by careful eyes, precise hands, symbolic measurement, and centuries of time, is enough to preserve an entire civilization’s core wisdom.

  • Foreign tourists are falling out of love with Goa – here’s why

    Foreign tourists are falling out of love with Goa – here’s why

    On a blazing midday at crescent-shaped Palolem Beach, tucked along the southern edge of Goa’s sweeping sun-kissed coastline, crowds still jostle for space on the sand and cool off in the gentle Arabian Sea waves. Beachside food shacks and budget-friendly backpacker hostels that line the bay of India’s self-styled party capital are at full capacity. The biggest shift from a decade ago, however, is striking: the crowds of European and Russian travelers that once packed these shoreline villages are nowhere to be found. Today, nearly every visitor is domestic, a visible marker of a dramatic shift in Goa’s decades-old tourism economy.

    Official data from Goa’s state tourism department quantifies this stark divide. In 2017, the state welcomed nearly 900,000 international tourists, a pre-pandemic peak. By 2025, that number has fallen to roughly 500,000 – a drop of nearly 45% that cuts the international visitor count in half. The reverse trend holds for domestic travel: domestic tourist arrivals have surged from 6.8 million in 2016 to more than 10 million in 2024, as growing numbers of travelers from across India turn to Goa for their coastal getaways.

    State officials have cited ongoing global geopolitical volatility as a core headwind slowing international arrivals, but industry insiders and long-time visitors note the decline began well before recent global conflicts. A range of interconnected challenges have eroded Goa’s long-held appeal for international travelers, who have flocked to the state’s laid-back, budget-friendly shores since the hippie movement of the 1960s and 1970s.

    Economic pressure tops the list of barriers. Multiple foreign visitors interviewed by the BBC point to widespread post-pandemic cost-of-living crises across Europe and Russia, combined with spiking airfare driven by global energy instability and Middle East tensions, that have put long-haul trips to Goa out of reach for many. “Some of my friends are choosing Turkey or Egypt over Goa this year because it’s closer to home and cheaper,” explained Sophie, a Russian ballet dancer on her fifth visit to the state. Rico, a regular visitor from Newcastle, United Kingdom, added that most Europeans now prioritize domestic holidays to cut costs.

    Beyond rising travel costs, cumbersome and increasingly expensive visa processes are another major deterrent. Many international travelers blame extended processing wait times and a recent hike in five-year visa fees for pushing them to choose alternative destinations. Ernest Dias, a member of Goa’s tourism advisory committee and owner of a large travel charter firm, notes that rival destinations across South and Southeast Asia – including Sri Lanka and Vietnam – offer convenient on-arrival visas that cater to modern travelers’ preference for spontaneous, last-minute getaways. Just this year, a large Russian charter group canceled a planned Goa trip and rebooked to Vietnam, where inbound travel demand has skyrocketed, Dias confirmed.

    Affordability of accommodation is another key pain point. The boom in domestic tourism and the fast-growing MICE (meetings, incentives, conferences, exhibitions) sector has driven up prices for three- and four-star hotels, pricing out many budget-focused international travelers. Compared to regional competitors like Thailand, Sri Lanka and Vietnam, Goa also has far less supply of low-cost beachfront resorts, where all-inclusive package deals can cost half as much as comparable stays in Goa. The cancellation of a direct Air India route between London Gatwick and Goa has compounded these issues, forcing many European travelers to arrange inconvenient layovers in Mumbai that detract from their trip experience.

    Infrastructure and cleanliness gaps have also pushed visitors away. While the state government has increased efforts to clear litter from Goa’s beaches, many access roads remain blighted by uncollected garbage – an unwelcome sight for international travelers who prioritize high cleanliness standards. Prohibitively expensive taxi fares, driven by local union opposition to app-based ride-hailing services that would offer transparent, competitive pricing, create another persistent headache for visitors. “It’s like living in the Stone Age,” Dias noted, explaining that travelers cannot book rides through popular apps due to aggressive pushback from local taxi associations.

    These challenges have hit Goa’s tourism-dependent local economy hard. Shervyn Lobo, who operates a 100-room hotel near popular Baga Beach, reports international footfall has dropped by at least 10% at his property. While strong domestic demand has offset revenue losses, international travelers are far more valuable to local businesses: they typically stay longer, fill hotel rooms during off-peak periods, and spend more on local excursions, motorbike rentals and meals at independent beach shacks, unlike many domestic travelers who opt for all-inclusive package deals. This shift means the drop in international visitors ripples through the entire local tourism ecosystem, from small street vendors to activity operators.

    State officials have acknowledged the problem after years of inaction, and have launched new efforts to win back international travelers. The tourism department is hosting international promotional road shows in emerging source markets, with recent events in Poland and upcoming outreach across Scandinavia. Officials are also targeting new non-European source markets in Asia and Africa to diversify Goa’s international visitor base. Even so, the challenge is steep: as regional competitors offer cheaper, cleaner, and more traveler-friendly experiences, Goa will need to enact major reforms to reclaim its status as a top global budget beach destination and win back the international travelers that built its global reputation.

  • Trump left China empty‑handed – but avoided something worse

    Trump left China empty‑handed – but avoided something worse

    Looking back at Britain’s first official diplomatic expedition to Qing Dynasty China in 1793, expedition participant Peter Auber left behind a telling observation: the delegation had been “received with the utmost politeness, treated with the utmost hospitality, watched with the utmost vigilance and dismissed with the utmost civility.” That centuries-old line came to mind as international relations expert Kerry Brown watched Donald Trump’s two-day 2025 state visit to China unfold, drawing clear parallels between two landmark diplomatic engagements separated by more than 200 years.

    Just like the 1793 British mission that sought to open new trade routes and establish a permanent diplomatic outpost in Beijing, Trump’s 2025 visit opened with elaborate ceremony and warm public gestures from both sides. Chinese President Xi Jinping opened the summit by welcoming his U.S. counterpart with conciliatory remarks, framing the bilateral relationship as “the most consequential in the world.” He even drew a connection between Trump’s signature political slogan, “Make America Great Again,” noting that U.S. growth aligned with China’s own development goals. Trump returned the praise in kind: in a social media post during his flight to Beijing, he wrote that President Xi commanded “respect from all,” and opened direct talks by telling Xi “You’re a great leader.”

    Beyond these carefully calibrated diplomatic niceties and mutual compliments, however, the visit produced far fewer concrete breakthroughs than many observers anticipated. Correcting the persistent bilateral trade imbalance has been a core policy goal for Trump across both of his presidential terms. 2025 trade data underscores the scale of the gap: the U.S. exported just $106 billion in goods to China, while importing $308 billion in Chinese products, leaving a roughly $200 billion trade deficit. During Trump’s 2017 state visit to China, Beijing agreed to expand purchases of U.S. soybeans as a major confidence-building measure. On this 2025 visit, the only high-profile trade deal announced was an agreement for China to purchase 200 Boeing aircraft. Even that announcement fell short of market expectations: Boeing’s share price dropped 4% immediately after the deal was made public, as analysts had projected a far larger order. Trump also confirmed that China had agreed in principle to purchase U.S. crude oil, but no concrete timeline or volume commitments were released.

    For the cohort of top U.S. tech CEOs that accompanied Trump on the trip—including Tesla’s Elon Musk, Nvidia’s Jensen Huang, and Apple’s Tim Cook—the visit delivered no major policy wins. China has long pursued a clear strategy of building up domestic indigenous technology capacity, a priority formalized in its latest 15th Five-Year Plan that reaffirms government support for homegrown innovation and domestic tech firms. With this strategic commitment in place, China made no major concessions to open its market further to U.S. tech firms during the summit.

    While tangible economic outcomes were limited, the visit produced more meaningful, if less visible, progress in geopolitical management and great power dialogue. President Xi emphasized that even when the two powers disagree on core issues, global stability depends on their ability to engage pragmatically. The Taiwan issue, long the most sensitive flashpoint in bilateral relations, saw both sides reaffirm their core red lines without escalating tensions. Xi repeated China’s longstanding demand for U.S. non-interference in the Taiwan issue, a clear implicit warning against planned U.S. arms sales to the island, which Beijing considers an inalienable part of its territory. For his part, Trump told reporters he had not yet made a final decision on moving forward with the proposed arms package, and the U.S. delegation reaffirmed the longstanding U.S. policy position, in place since the 1970s, that the issue must be resolved peacefully through cross-strait dialogue. In the context of widespread global geopolitical turbulence, maintaining the status quo on Taiwan, while unremarkable, counts as a constructive outcome. On the ongoing Iran conflict, Xi offered Chinese mediation assistance to help de-escalate tensions between the U.S. and Iran. China has little interest in taking on a high-profile frontline mediation role, given the risk of being drawn into the region’s persistent instability. Instead, Beijing’s core goal is a long-term truce that allows both Washington and Tehran to claim victory without a decisive, disruptive war—an outcome that aligns with China’s interest in avoiding prolonged economic disruption from regional conflict, hence its offer of limited diplomatic support.

    Looking back, history will likely frame this visit as another milestone in the gradual global shift toward a system where China holds greater international influence, while still acknowledging and respecting the U.S.’s current position as the world’s leading economic and military power. While Trump returned to Washington without a landmark policy win, it is a well-established truth of diplomacy that avoiding conflict and keeping dialogue open can be a positive outcome in itself. That the two leaders met, built a constructive personal rapport, avoided public clashes, and agreed to continue high-level talks may not be a transformative achievement, but in an era of unprecedented global instability, it is still a net positive for bilateral relations and global order.

  • Arrests made as Tommy Robinson’s far-right supporters rally in central London

    Arrests made as Tommy Robinson’s far-right supporters rally in central London

    On Saturday, thousands of far-right supporters gathered in central London for Tommy Robinson’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ rally, a gathering marked by inflammatory rhetoric, hate messaging, and a massive coordinated police deployment that included the first use of live facial recognition technology for a UK public order operation. The event, organized by the convicted British far-right figure whose legal name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, drew attendees draped in Union Flags, alongside a wide array of symbols tied to both domestic extremism and international right-wing aligned movements.

    Attendees at the rally carried numerous placards targeting UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, as well as materials carrying explicit anti-immigrant, Islamophobic, and antisemitic messaging. Beyond the official flags of the UK’s four constituent nations, attendees displayed Israeli flags and banners linked to the Iranian monarchist movement, one of several international political causes that drew support from the crowd. Video footage shared on social media showed participants carrying wooden crosses, with many banners featuring explicit Christian nationalist slogans.

    In what was one of the largest UK police deployments in recent memory for a series of public events, approximately 4,000 officers were assigned to monitor three simultaneous major gatherings: Robinson’s far-right rally, a parallel pro-Palestine demonstration, and the FA Cup Final held between Manchester City and Chelsea at London’s Wembley Stadium. Law enforcement deployed armoured vehicles, surveillance drones, and helicopters, and introduced a new operational tool: live facial recognition cameras, marking the first time the technology has been used to manage a public order event in the UK.

    Two arrests were announced by police early Saturday, carried out near Euston Station as the pair were traveling to the rally. In an official statement, police confirmed that one of the two men was taken into custody in connection with a high-profile earlier incident in Birmingham where a man was killed by being run over. The second arrested man was already wanted on an outstanding warrant for a separate charge of encouraging others to attack a police officer.

    Robinson framed the 2026 rally as an attempt to match the turnout of his September 2025 demonstration, which drew an estimated 150,000 attendees to central London and pushed a toxic mix of anti-Muslim bigotry, white supremacism, and Christian nationalist ideology. Human rights watchdog Amnesty International issued a sharp rebuke of the Saturday gathering, saying the rally “brings racism, violence and fear to the streets of London.”

    The event featured speeches from several high-profile conservative commentators, including former reality TV personality Katie Hopkins and Sharon Osbourne, wife of the late heavy metal icon Ozzy Osbourne. In his address to the crowd, Robinson called for his supporters to shift strategy from street demonstrations to systematic infiltration of mainstream and minor right-wing political parties. “We have to get political, we have to get involved,” he said. “I’m not going to tell you which political party you need to join. We’re a cultural movement. I’m going to tell you that you have to join a political party. I don’t care if it’s Reform, if it’s Advance, or it’s Restore, or it’s the Conservative party. We have to locally get involved in politics.”

    The rally drew together a broad coalition of far-right and extreme nationalist actors from across global political movements. Some attendees wore ‘Mega hats’, a UK spin on former U.S. President Donald Trump’s ‘Make America Great Again’ movement, while many Iranian monarchist attendees publicly expressed support for exiled leader Reza Pahlavi and called for the overthrow of Iran’s Islamic Republic. Multiple attendees told on-site reporters they sought a return of the Pahlavi monarchy, echoing chants and messaging seen in recent Iranian opposition protests.

    Robinson, who has multiple prior criminal convictions for violence, fraud, and contempt of court, had urged his supporters ahead of the rally to avoid wearing masks and to limit alcohol consumption during the event. The rally comes at a tense moment for UK politics, just one week after the right-wing anti-immigration party Reform UK secured major gains in local council elections across the country. Though Reform UK leader Nigel Farage has publicly distanced his party from Robinson and the rally, the timing of the event has raised concerns about the growing normalization of far-right ideology in UK mainstream political discourse.

    Ahead of the gathering, the UK government confirmed that it had barred 11 ‘foreign far-right agitators’ from entering the country to attend the rally, among them Colombian-American anti-Muslim campaigner Valentina Gomez.

  • Taiwan insists it is independent after Trump warning

    Taiwan insists it is independent after Trump warning

    Fresh tensions have emerged across the Taiwan Strait following remarks by former U.S. President Donald Trump during a Beijing summit, where he cautioned Taiwan against moving ahead with a formal declaration of independence from mainland China. The comments, delivered after two days of high-level talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping, have reignited debate over the long-standing fragile balance of power in one of the world’s most geopolitically volatile regions.

    During post-summit comments, Trump clarified that he had made no binding commitments one way or the other regarding the self-governing island, which Beijing has consistently claimed as an inalienable part of its sovereign territory and has never ruled out seizing by military force. The U.S. leader also noted he would soon make a final decision on a long-awaited $11 billion arms sales package to Taiwan, a deal that has drawn fierce opposition from Beijing.

    The United States is legally obligated under the Taiwan Relations Act to provide the island with the means to defend itself, but successive U.S. administrations have had to balance this unofficial security commitment with the need to maintain formal diplomatic and economic ties with Beijing, which adheres firmly to the one-China principle.

    In response to Trump’s remarks, Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te reaffirmed his long-held position that the island already views itself as a sovereign, independent state, meaning no formal declaration of independence is necessary. On Saturday, Lai’s spokesperson, Karen Kuo, emphasized that Taiwan’s status as a “sovereign, independent democratic country” is self-evident. However, she added that Taipei remains committed to upholding the long-standing cross-strait status quo, under which the island neither moves toward formal independence nor accepts unification with mainland China.

    Public opinion data consistently shows that while a large majority of Taiwan’s population identifies as separate from China, most favor retaining the current status quo over any abrupt change to cross-strait relations. Washington’s long-standing official policy remains unchanged: it does not support Taiwanese independence, and its formal relationship with Beijing is based on recognition of a single Chinese government.

    Trump told Fox News in an interview following his meetings with Xi that U.S. policy toward Taiwan had not shifted, and stressed he had no interest in provoking conflict with Beijing. “I’m not looking to have somebody go independent,” he said. “You know, we’re supposed to travel 9,500 miles to fight a war. I’m not looking for that. I want them to cool down. I want China to cool down.”

    Speaking to reporters on his return flight to Washington, Trump added that he and Xi had spoken extensively about the Taiwan issue, but declined to answer questions about whether the U.S. would militarily defend Taiwan in the event of an attack. He noted that Xi holds extremely strong views on the issue of the island, saying “[Xi] doesn’t want to see a movement for independence.”

    Beijing has repeatedly denounced Lai as a separatist “troublemaker” who undermines cross-strait peace, and has ramped up large-scale military drills around Taiwan in recent years. These exercises have significantly raised regional tensions and tested the delicate balance of power that Washington has sought to maintain for decades.

    Trump added that he planned to discuss the pending arms sales deal directly with Taiwan’s leadership, though he avoided referring to Lai by his official title, a long-standing convention for U.S. presidents due to the lack of formal diplomatic relations between the two sides. U.S. presidents traditionally do not hold direct public talks with Taiwan’s sitting leader, as such a step would almost certainly trigger a major diplomatic crisis with Beijing.

    Despite the warning on independence, Taipei expressed gratitude for Trump’s long-standing security support. “Our nation is grateful to President Trump for his continued support for security in the Taiwan Strait since his first term in office,” Taiwan’s presidential spokesperson said. “Taiwan will continue to deepen co-operation with the US to achieve peace through strength, ensuring that peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait are not threatened or undermined, which serves the common interests of Taiwan, the US, and the global democratic community.”

  • Thousands to march in parallel Nakba Day and far-right rallies in central London

    Thousands to march in parallel Nakba Day and far-right rallies in central London

    Central London is preparing for an extraordinary day of overlapping public events this Saturday, as tens of thousands of pro-Palestinian demonstrators gather to mark the 78th anniversary of the Nakba, a separate far-right rally convened by controversial activist Tommy Robinson gets underway nearby, and one of English football’s biggest annual fixtures kicks off just miles north. The convergence of three high-profile, potentially divisive gatherings has prompted London’s Metropolitan Police to launch what it describes as an unprecedented public order operation, deploying more than 4,000 officers to separate the opposing protest groups and prevent violent confrontation.

    The annual Nakba Day march, organized by a broad coalition of advocacy groups led by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, commemorates a defining historical turning point for the Palestinian people. In 1948, as the state of Israel was established, more than 750,000 Palestinians were forcibly expelled from their ancestral lands, and an estimated 13,000 more were killed by Zionist militias — a catastrophe that Palestinians have memorialized annually for decades. Organizers have issued clear guidance to participants, urging them to avoid any confrontation with the opposing far-right demonstration.

    Robinson, the far-right organizer whose legal name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, will lead his own Unite the Kingdom rally on the same day. His last major event, held in September 2025, drew more than 150,000 attendees, but ended in chaos: far-right participants attacked police officers, chanted virulently anti-Muslim slogans, and left 23 people arrested on public order offences. This Saturday, Robinson’s rally is scheduled to proceed from Kingsway to Trafalgar Square, while the Nakba 78 rally, which was denied permission to march to Trafalgar Square after applying for the route, will travel from Kensington to Pall Mall. Police have structured the plans to keep the two groups on entirely separate routes to avoid clashes.

    Adding to the complexity of the operation, the FA Cup final between Chelsea and Manchester City will kick off at 3pm at Wembley Stadium in north London, requiring additional police resourcing to manage crowds and security for the match.

    To support the massive policing operation, officers have been granted extraordinary stop-and-search powers that allow them to search any individual without reasonable suspicion of a crime. For the first time ever in a UK public order policing operation, live facial recognition technology will also be deployed, though police confirmed the technology will not be used along the official march routes themselves.

    In comments ahead of the protests, Metropolitan Police Deputy Assistant Commissioner James Harman outlined a hardline approach to provocative expression at the gatherings. “We are committed to taking a more assertive approach to chanting and the displaying of phrases on placards or banners that incite hatred or indicate support for terrorism or other forms of extremism,” Harman said Wednesday. He added that in recent months, multiple people have been arrested and charged for calling for intifada at previous protests, with a number of those cases currently working through the UK court system.

    The 78th Nakba Day march marks the first major pro-Palestinian demonstration in the UK since Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s controversial April 30 statement calling for the prosecution of protesters who chant the phrase “globalise the intifada”, a move that drew widespread condemnation from pro-Palestinian advocacy groups across the country. Starmer made the comment in the wake of a April 29 stabbing attack in Golders Green, north London, where two Jewish men and one Muslim man were injured by an assailant who did not use the phrase during the attack. “If you stand alongside people who say globalise the intifada, you are calling for terrorism against Jews,” Starmer said at the time.

    In response, more than 50 prominent British Palestinian and Arab public figures released a joint statement Thursday calling on Starmer to guarantee equal protection for Palestinian and Arab communities from hate crimes during Saturday’s demonstrations. “It is painful to feel that our fears are treated as secondary, or worse, that our peaceful commemoration is viewed only as a policing problem,” the statement read, highlighting widespread concern that the rights of peaceful pro-Palestinian protesters are being disproportionately restricted amid heightened political tensions.