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  • Middle East ceasefire may have made Iran stronger

    Middle East ceasefire may have made Iran stronger

    Ceasefires are widely framed as moments of respite: temporary halts to violence that create space for diplomatic dialogue. But in some cases, these pauses reveal a far more consequential truth: which side has actually emerged with the upper hand from a conflict. The newly negotiated ceasefire between the United States, Israel, and Iran appears to be one of these pivotal moments.

    On the surface, every party involved is publicly claiming victory. Former U.S. President Donald Trump has hailed the agreement as a “total and complete victory,” positioning it as proof that Washington achieved all its core strategic objectives. For its part, Iran’s leadership has characterized the ceasefire as a major strategic win, with the country’s Supreme National Security Council formally approving the deal on the condition that all offensive operations end.

    Beneath these competing public narratives, however, lies a deeper reality: the terms and framework of the ceasefire indicate that Iran has left the conflict not weakened, but significantly strengthened. Even after the assassination of much of the country’s senior leadership during the hostilities, the regime’s ability to quickly appoint replacements and maintain internal institutional cohesion demonstrates resilience, not imminent collapse.

    Crucially, this ceasefire was not imposed on Iran after a decisive military defeat. It was negotiated, and its core parameters were shaped by Iran’s own conditions, with tangible gains for Tehran. Tehran’s ten-point proposal served as the opening framework for talks, rather than a pre-drafted agreement forced on Iran from outside. Iran’s demands extend far beyond ending active hostilities. They include targeted sanctions relief, access to billions of dollars in frozen overseas assets, international support for post-conflict reconstruction, and continued Iranian influence over the Strait of Hormuz. The proposal also calls for a full withdrawal of U.S. military presence from the Middle East and an end to Israeli offensive operations in Lebanon.

    The Strait of Hormuz, the vital chokepoint through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s global oil supplies transit, has been reopened under Iranian oversight — a clear signal of where strategic leverage now resides in the region. Control over the strait is not just a strategic military advantage; it is a major economic asset. Reports indicate Iran has proposed continuing to collect transit fees that it implemented during the conflict, creating a steady new revenue stream at exactly the moment the country requires funding for post-war reconstruction.

    In practice, a conflict that saw sustained bombing targeting Iranian infrastructure may now leave Tehran with new financial tools to rebuild and potentially expand its regional influence. This paradoxical outcome is not unprecedented: military offensives are designed to erode an adversary’s operational capabilities, but when they fail to deliver a decisive political victory, they often open new pathways for the targeted state to gain power. Iran entered this conflict already hardened by decades of pressure. Years of sweeping international sanctions forced the regime to build systemic resilience by diversifying economic and political networks, strengthening core state institutions, and developing asymmetric military and strategic strategies.

    Far from breaking this system, the war has accelerated its evolution. Instead of collapsing, Iran has demonstrated its ability to disrupt global energy markets, absorb sustained large-scale military strikes, and force major powers to negotiate on terms that include significant economic concessions.

    This is where the disconnect in U.S. public messaging becomes most apparent. While Trump has framed the ceasefire as a total victory, a key detail tells a different story: though the temporary reopening of the Strait of Hormuz (Trump’s central public demand in recent weeks) is part of the deal, ongoing negotiations will be built around Iran’s ten-point framework, not the original U.S. 15-point plan that centered on dismantling Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. This shift is a clear indicator that Washington was seeking a quick exit from escalating conflict.

    For Iran, meanwhile, the leadership has held a consistent line: it will reject temporary arrangements unless they deliver permanent structural changes, including sanctions relief and formal security guarantees. For Washington, the ceasefire halts dangerous escalation and calms volatile global energy markets. For Tehran, it locks in the strategic leverage gained from its control of the Strait of Hormuz. This asymmetric outcome means the ceasefire is not a neutral pause in fighting; it is a turning point that could cement a major shift in regional power dynamics.

    The most impactful dimension of this shift is economic. The war sent shockwaves through global commodity markets, with oil prices swinging sharply in response to supply disruptions. But the ceasefire introduces a new, Iran-friendly dynamic: if sanctions are eased as negotiated, Iran will regain access to global energy markets at a time of sustained global demand. Combined with potential new transit revenues from the Strait of Hormuz and international reconstruction funding, this creates the conditions for a meaningful Iranian economic rebound. In the end, the war risks delivering the exact opposite of its intended outcome: instead of weakening Iran economically, it may have significantly strengthened the country’s position.

    This outcome raises a larger, foundational question: what does this ceasefire reveal about the nature of global power in the 21st century? For decades, U.S. influence in the Middle East has been built on unchallenged military dominance and coercive economic pressure. This conflict demonstrates that both pillars of U.S. power are now under significant strain.
    Militarily, the U.S. and Israel have demonstrated overwhelming conventional military capability, yet failed to achieve a decisive outcome that would eliminate Iran’s core power. Iran has retained all its core strategic capacities, maintained internal cohesion, and leveraged its geographic and economic position to shape the terms of de-escalation.

    At the same time, the international legitimacy of the U.S. and Israel has eroded considerably. The contested justifications for the war, the high civilian death toll, and the lack of broad international support have weakened both countries’ global standing, even among their traditional closest allies. U.S. soft power, a longstanding cornerstone of its global leadership, has been further diminished. Trump’s increasingly inflammatory and abusive social media posts have alienated even Washington’s closest partners, the majority of whom remained publicly silent in the face of U.S. threats to escalate the conflict.

    Economically, Iran’s proven ability to influence, and potentially monetize, global energy flows gives it a form of structural power that military force alone can never neutralize. The result is this striking paradox: a war launched to contain Iranian power has instead reinforced and expanded it.

    It remains early days for this ceasefire. Agreements can collapse, negotiations can stall, and open conflict can reignite at any time. But if the deal holds, even temporarily, it marks a critical turning point in global geopolitics. This is not because it ends the long-running conflict between Iran and the U.S.-Israeli bloc; it is because it reveals a new reality of how modern wars are won and lost. Victory today is no longer defined solely by battlefield dominance. It is determined by outcomes that are economically sustainable, politically legitimate, and strategically durable.

    Measured by these new metrics, Iran is clearly well positioned to emerge as the ultimate winner of this conflict. The U.S. and Israel may have demonstrated conventional military superiority, but Iran has demonstrated a far more consequential capacity: the ability to endure external pressure, adapt to hostile conditions, and convert that pressure into tangible strategic leverage.

    That is why this ceasefire matters far beyond the end of one phase of conflict. It marks the moment when a war designed to weaken Iran instead left it stronger, while simultaneously exposing the fundamental limits of the hard power used by the alliance that sought to contain it. This analysis comes from Bamo Nouri, an honorary research fellow in the Department of International Politics at City St George’s, University of London, and Inderjeet Parmar, a professor of international politics at the same institution.

  • North Korea says its latest tests included missiles armed with cluster-bomb warheads

    North Korea says its latest tests included missiles armed with cluster-bomb warheads

    In a move that amplifies long-simmering tensions on the Korean Peninsula, North Korea officially confirmed Thursday that its three-day series of weapons tests this week involved a suite of advanced new systems, including ballistic missiles fitted with cluster-bomb warheads, as it advances its program to build out nuclear-capable strike forces targeted at South Korea.

    The confirmation from Pyongyang’s state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) came one day after South Korea’s military detected multiple projectiles fired from North Korea’s eastern coastal region, marking the second round of launches the North had conducted in 48 hours. According to KCNA’s official account, the testing campaign ran from Monday through Wednesday, and also included trials of new anti-aircraft weaponry, purported electromagnetic warfare systems and carbon-fiber bombs.

    South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff initially reported that Wednesday’s missiles traveled between 240 and 700 kilometers before impacting in the sea off the Korean Peninsula’s east coast. Officials also confirmed detecting at least one additional projectile launched Tuesday from a site near Pyongyang, the North Korean capital. For its part, Japan’s Defense Ministry noted that none of the projectiles fired Wednesday entered Japan’s exclusive economic zone, while the U.S. military assessed that the Tuesday and Wednesday launches posed no immediate immediate threat to the United States or its regional allies. Seoul has not yet issued an official response to Pyongyang’s detailed claims about the weapons tested.

    KCNA’s report specified that the tests included demonstrations of cluster-munition warheads integrated onto the nuclear-capable Hwasong-11 short-range ballistic missiles. This platform shares design features with Russia’s Iskander missile system, built for low-altitude, maneuverable flight that makes it harder for existing missile defense networks to intercept. The state media account claimed that a Hwasong-11 armed with these new cluster warheads can “reduce to ashes any target covering an area of 6.5-7 hectares with the highest-density power.”

    The latest series of launches has dashed recent tentative hopes from South Korea for an easing of cross-border tensions and a resumption of dialogue. Just this week, a senior North Korean foreign ministry official doubled down on Pyongyang’s hostile stance toward Seoul. In a statement released Tuesday night, Jang Kum Chol, first vice minister of North Korea’s Foreign Ministry, called South Korea the North’s “most hostile enemy state” in perpetuity, and ridiculed Seoul’s current liberal administration for its efforts to restart long-stalled cross-border talks, labeling South Korean officials “world-startling fools.”

    The accelerated weapons development aligns with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s broader strategic trajectory since 2019, when high-stakes nuclear denuclearization talks between Kim and then-U.S. President Donald Trump collapsed. Since that breakdown, Kim has frozen nearly all diplomatic engagement with both Seoul and Washington, and has poured resources into expanding his arsenal of nuclear-capable missiles that can threaten not only U.S. allies South Korea and Japan, but also the U.S. mainland.

    To counteract international isolation and strengthen his standing in the region, Kim has also moved in recent years to deepen strategic and diplomatic ties with Russia, China, and other nations facing heightened tensions with the United States. As evidence of this warming relationship, North Korean state media announced Thursday that Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will arrive in Pyongyang the same day for a two-day official visit, marking the latest high-level exchange between the two countries.

  • China, EU welcome two-week ceasefire in Mideast

    China, EU welcome two-week ceasefire in Mideast

    On Wednesday, the international community greeted a landmark diplomatic breakthrough for Middle East peace, after Iran, the United States, and Israel reached a two-week ceasefire agreement mediated by Pakistan. This truce pauses a six-week-long conflict that has claimed hundreds of lives and thrown global energy markets into chaos. The last-minute deal came together after U.S. President Donald Trump withdrew his earlier threat to destroy “a whole civilization,” while Iranian authorities agreed to temporarily reopen the Strait of Hormuz — the critical global shipping chokepoint through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s total oil exports pass. Pakistan confirmed that formal negotiations for a permanent peace agreement could kick off as early as this Friday in Islamabad, with all involved parties signaling willingness to participate. That said, there is still no clarity on core procedural details for the upcoming talks, leaving room for uncertainty moving forward. Even ahead of formal negotiations, the truce announcement already triggered tangible shifts in global financial markets. Crude oil prices plummeted in response to the news of reopened shipping lanes: U.S. West Texas Intermediate crude fell by nearly 20%, while Brent crude dropped as much as 16%. Global stock markets also rallied on the optimism. China’s Shanghai Composite Index closed up 2.69% at 3,995 points, while major markets across the Asia-Pacific, including Sydney, Bangkok, Manila, Jakarta, Singapore, and Wellington, all recorded sharp gains. Middle Eastern equity markets also surged: Dubai’s main index jumped 8.5% in intraday trading, marking its largest single-day gain since December 2014, according to Bloomberg data. Both China and the European Union publicly welcomed the ceasefire in formal statements on Wednesday. At a daily press briefing in Beijing, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning noted that the Strait of Hormuz is a vital corridor for global trade and energy flows, and protecting its stability serves the shared interests of the entire international community. She added that China will continue to play a constructive role in advancing lasting peace across the region. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kaja Kallas framed the truce as a critical “step back from the brink,” saying it opens a “much-needed” window for further diplomatic negotiations. United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres also issued a statement welcoming the ceasefire, calling on all conflict parties to uphold their obligations under international law and strictly adhere to the truce terms to clear a path for a lasting, comprehensive regional peace. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi confirmed that Iran will uphold its end of the bargain, guaranteeing safe passage for all vessels through the Strait of Hormuz for the two-week truce period so long as the U.S. and Israel honor their commitments. “If attacks against Iran are halted, our powerful armed forces will cease their defensive operations,” he said in a statement issued on behalf of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. Even as it joined the ceasefire, Iran reaffirmed its core non-negotiable demands: permanent sovereign control over the Strait of Hormuz, implementation of a $2 million transit fee per passing vessel (with a commitment to share generated revenue with Oman), international recognition of its peaceful nuclear enrichment program, full lifting of all primary and secondary U.S.-led sanctions against the country, and a complete withdrawal of U.S. military forces from the broader Middle East region. Shipping data confirmed that vessel traffic through the strait resumed within hours of the ceasefire announcement. Ship-tracking service MarineTraffic reported via social media that the Greek-owned bulk carrier NJ Earth and Liberia-flagged tanker Daytona Beach were the first commercial vessels to complete transits of the waterway, with more movements now being tracked. For his part, Trump said U.S. negotiators are “very far along” in hammering out a long-term agreement with Iran, which has already submitted a 10-point proposal that Trump called a “a workable basis for negotiation.” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his government’s support for the ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran, but issued a key clarification: the truce does not apply to Israeli military operations against the Hezbollah militant group in southern Lebanon. Netanyahu’s remark directly contradicted Pakistan’s earlier statement that the ceasefire terms explicitly cover Israeli strikes in Lebanon. Even amid the celebratory diplomatic news, fresh security alerts underscored just how fragile the breakthrough remains. On Wednesday, the same day the ceasefire was announced, missile warnings were activated across the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait. Iranian state media reported an attack on an oil refinery on the country’s Lavan Island, Kuwait reported drone strikes targeting its power infrastructure, and UAE officials confirmed their air defense systems intercepted incoming Iranian missiles. Since the U.S. and Israel launched joint military operations against Iran on February 28, core disputes over Iran’s nuclear program, its ballistic missile development, and its network of regional proxies have remained unresolved. With no sign those gaps have been closed, it remains unclear whether the two-week ceasefire will hold through its full term, or what will happen once the truce expires if no long-term deal is reached.

  • Ocean protections clash with mining pressure in Indonesia’s most diverse marine ecosystem

    Ocean protections clash with mining pressure in Indonesia’s most diverse marine ecosystem

    Tucked away in the remote eastern reaches of Indonesia, the Raja Ampat archipelago rises from the Coral Triangle, the global epicenter of marine biodiversity. Powerful, nutrient-rich ocean currents course through its waters, nurturing a kaleidoscopic underwater landscape where sharks, manta rays, and sea turtles glide past ancient sea fan corals—some found nowhere else on the planet. No other place on Earth concentrates such a staggering volume of marine life into such a compact area, according to Mark Erdmann, an American coral reef biologist who has dedicated more than 20 years to studying the region and shaping its landmark conservation framework. Holding 75% of the world’s documented hard coral species and over 1,700 fish species, Raja Ampat is widely recognized as one of the most critical ocean ecosystems on the planet, but its decades-long conservation success is now under growing threat from two overlapping forces: the global push for renewable energy that is driving nickel mining expansion and a post-pandemic surge in international diving tourism.

    The archipelago’s journey to conservation success was not always smooth. At the turn of the 21st century, unregulated overfishing by outside fleets left the ecosystem in tatters: fishermen used explosive devices and giant gill nets that shattered fragile coral colonies and decimated local shark populations, forcing native fishing households to travel up to 10 kilometers offshore just to bring in a viable catch. At the time, the regional government relied almost entirely on extractive industries—mining and logging—as its core economic drivers, leaving the reefs with little formal protection. The turning point came when a 2003 marine assessment conducted by Conservation International opened up critical dialogue between local government leaders, Indigenous communities, and environmental groups, centered on one core question: could protecting Raja Ampat’s natural assets deliver more long-term food security and sustained economic revenue than continued extraction? To demonstrate the potential of conservation, conservation organizers brought regional leaders to established ecotourism destinations like Bali and Bunaken, letting them see first-hand the economic and social benefits of thoughtful natural resource management.

    Those conversations laid the foundation for a transformative conservation model: by 2007, 10 distinct marine protected areas had been established across Raja Ampat, covering 2 million hectares—roughly 45% of the archipelago’s total reef, seagrass, and mangrove habitats. Today, local community members patrol the protected waters, enforce sustainable fishing rules, and monitor tourism activity, with most operational funding coming directly from tourism revenue, including a $40 entry fee for all international marine park visitors. After 20 years of consistent protection, the results are unprecedented: a 2024 assessment from the Misool Foundation recorded a 109% increase in fish biomass, the key metric for measuring marine ecosystem health, and the archipelago now hosts a stable population of 2,007 documented reef manta rays—a remarkable number for a species classified as vulnerable to extinction across most of the Indo-Pacific.

    This conservation success has coincided with the global transition to renewable energy, which has sent demand for nickel soaring. Nickel is a core component of electric vehicle batteries and critical for wind and solar energy infrastructure, and Indonesia controls roughly 43% of the world’s total nickel reserves, making the metal central to the country’s national economic development strategy. In 2025, the Indonesian government granted new nickel mining concessions on three northern islands in Raja Ampat, some located within a designated UNESCO Global Geopark and just kilometers from the archipelago’s most popular diving sites. Public outcry over the concessions led the government to revoke four permits, but one active concession remains on Gag Island, where mining operations first launched in 2017.

    Environmental activists warn that the damage from mining is already accumulating, with no clear plan for remediation. “The heavy machinery, excavators, bulldozers—they’re still there (in the islands),” explained Timon Manurung, director of Indonesian environmental advocacy group Auriga Nusantara, adding that no party has taken responsibility for restoring land and waters already degraded by mining activity. The archipelago’s steep terrain and heavy annual rainfall amplify the environmental risk: sediment eroded from cleared mining sites flows directly into nearshore waters, smothering corals and blocking the sunlight they need to survive. “In the end, it will cause coral reefs to die,” said Syafri Tuharea, head of the Raja Ampat Marine Conservation Area. The active mining zone also lies along a critical migration corridor for reef manta rays, the archipelago’s biggest international tourism draw. Beyond its coral reefs, Raja Ampat holds extensive seagrass meadows and mangrove forests—coastal ecosystems that act as some of the world’s most powerful natural carbon sinks, absorbing far more carbon dioxide per hectare than terrestrial forests. A 2026 study from Auriga Nusantara found that mining-related deforestation has already cleared nearly 1,000 hectares of coastal and island habitat, an area Manurung calls significant for the archipelago’s small, fragile landmasses.

    Alongside mining pressure, a shifting profile of tourism is placing new strain on the ecosystem. Annual visitor numbers have held steady over the past decade, but the share of international tourists has surged to 95% of the roughly 42,000 annual visitors, while domestic tourism has dropped by more than two-thirds. Most international visitors come for week-long liveaboard diving expeditions, and the number of these vessels has grown rapidly over the past 10 years, according to Kristanto Umbu Kudu, a local dive guide with 25 years of experience working in Raja Ampat. Conservation leaders say the increase in liveaboard traffic has led to widespread coral damage from ship anchors, plus growing volumes of untreated waste and sewage discharged into protected waters. “Our data shows that in 2024, there were 218 tourist ships,” Tuharea said. “Can you imagine how many square meters of coral reef will be destroyed because of the anchors?” Regional authorities are currently discussing the introduction of designated mooring systems and caps on the number of tourist vessels allowed in protected waters, but regulations have not yet been finalized. Even at popular dive sites, visible signs of pollution are growing: at Blue Magic, one of the archipelago’s most iconic dive spots, crystal-clear waters that once drew divers from around the world are now often littered with floating plastic waste, tangled around jellyfish and drifting past reef formations. “That’s something which still breaks my heart every time I see these big rafts of floating plastic,” Erdmann said.

    For marine scientists and divers alike, what is at stake extends far beyond the popularity of Raja Ampat as a diving destination. “It is one of the few places in the world, alongside the Amazon, where biodiversity actually increases from year to year,” said Pol Ramos, a Spanish marine biologist and co-founder of Odicean, a non-profit that combines ocean education with research dive expeditions in the region. Beyond the sheer number of species, Raja Ampat holds irreplaceable genetic diversity: every species in its waters carries millions of years of evolutionary adaptation encoded in its DNA, a natural library of solutions that Erdmann says will be critical as the planet adapts to accelerating climate change. “As we go into a more and more uncertain future with climate change,” Erdmann said, “it’s that genetic diversity that’s what we have to work with in terms of how we adapt.”

  • Everything you need to know about BTS’s comeback tour

    Everything you need to know about BTS’s comeback tour

    After nearly four years away from the global concert stage, the globally beloved K-pop supergroup BTS is officially making their long-awaited return with a groundbreaking comeback tour that is already being hailed as the largest tour in the history of K-pop. The opening show of this highly anticipated grand tour is scheduled to kick off this Thursday in the group’s home base of Seoul, South Korea, marking a monumental moment for both the band and their legions of dedicated fans around the world. For years, followers of the seven-member group have waited patiently for the opportunity to see BTS perform live in person again, after widespread global event shutdowns and individual career pursuits put collective touring activities on hold. This tour not only represents BTS’s official return to full-group group performances but also sets a new scale benchmark for K-pop concert tours, highlighting the group’s enduring global influence and the unwavering loyalty of their fan community, known collectively as ARMY. Industry observers note that the tour is expected to draw hundreds of thousands of attendees across its scheduled stops, generate massive economic impact for host cities, and solidify BTS’s position as one of the biggest musical acts in the world. This launch comes as global live music continues to fully rebound from the impacts of the global pandemic, with BTS’s comeback emerging as one of the most high-profile live music events of the year.

  • Memorial ceremony pays respects to martyrs Wu Shi and He Sui in Fuzhou

    Memorial ceremony pays respects to martyrs Wu Shi and He Sui in Fuzhou

    Against the backdrop of Qingming Festival, a time-honored Chinese tradition for honoring deceased ancestors and fallen heroes, a solemn commemorative service gathered attendees to pay heartfelt respects to two revered revolutionary martyrs, Generals Wu Shi and He Sui, at Fuzhou Sanshan Memorial Park’s Hero Square, located in Fuzhou, the capital of East China’s Fujian Province.

    The two revolutionary figures shared deep personal and ideological bonds that shaped their contributions to the Chinese revolution. Both natives of Fujian and graduates of the prestigious Baoding Military Academy, He Sui stood as Wu Shi’s early revolutionary mentor, and it was He who introduced Wu to the Communist Party of China. Following his induction, Wu went on to become a critical intelligence operative on the Party’s covert underground front in Taiwan, operating amid constant risk to advance the revolutionary cause.

    Tragedy struck in early 1950, when Wu’s covert identity was revealed following a betrayal. Putting his colleague’s safety above his own, Wu immediately arranged for He Sui to evacuate Taiwan, ensuring He and his family could escape unharmed. Choosing to remain at his post to continue his critical work, Wu was ultimately executed as a martyr in Taipei on June 10 of that same year.

    As descendants of the two martyrs joined the ceremony, family members Wu Hong (granddaughter of Wu Shi) and He Daining (eldest grandson of He Sui) prepared beloved local Fuzhou delicacies, a intimate, personal tribute to their ancestors’ legacy that blended familial remembrance with national respect for the pair’s sacrifice. The ceremony stands as a reminder of the hidden sacrifices made by underground revolutionaries that laid the foundation for modern China, keeping the pair’s contributions alive in public memory decades after their passing.

  • Anger and surprise in Israel after US-Iran ceasefire

    Anger and surprise in Israel after US-Iran ceasefire

    Hours after the United States and Iran announced a ceasefire agreement to end weeks of direct conflict, Israel has been roiled by intense public and political backlash, with cross-opposition leaders and leading commentators uniformly condemning the deal and pinning blame squarely on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for what they call an unprecedented diplomatic and strategic failure.

    The harshest criticism came from Yair Lapid, leader of the centrist opposition party Yesh Atid and head of the national opposition, who framed the agreement as a defining low point for Israeli statecraft. In a post shared to X Wednesday, Lapid declared that “There has never been such a diplomatic disaster in our entire history.” He emphasized that Israel, a core stakeholder in the conflict, was completely excluded from negotiations that directly touched on the country’s most fundamental national security interests.

    Lapid, who backed the war against Iran from its launch and previously called for joint Israeli-US strikes on Iran’s critical Kharg Island oil export terminal, praised the Israeli Defense Forces for executing all operational orders and commended the Israeli public for what he called their remarkable resilience through weeks of rocket and drone attacks. Even so, he argued that Netanyahu’s leadership had fallen short on every level. “Netanyahu failed diplomatically, failed strategically, and did not meet a single one of the goals he himself set,” Lapid wrote. He added that the damage caused by Netanyahu’s “arrogance, negligence, and a lack of strategic planning” would take years for Israel to repair.

    Left-wing Democrats party leader Yair Golan, a former IDF major general who also supported the war effort, went further, accusing Netanyahu of outright lying to the Israeli public when he launched the campaign against Iran. “He promised a ‘historic victory’ and security for generations, but in practice we received one of the most stark strategic failures Israel has ever known,” Golan wrote on X. Echoing Lapid, Golan praised Israeli troops for the tactical success of their strikes inside Iran, but argued that Netanyahu’s government had once again failed to turn military gains into tangible strategic victory.

    Golan lamented the lives lost among both soldiers and civilians, noting that none of the core war objectives Netanyahu laid out at the conflict’s onset have been achieved. He pointed out that Iran’s controversial nuclear and ballistic missile programs remain fully intact, and argued that Iran has actually emerged from the war stronger than before. “This is a complete failure that endangers Israel’s security for years to come,” he added.

    The criticism extended to right-wing opposition circles as well. Avigdor Liberman, leader of the right-leaning opposition party Israel Beytenu, warned that the ceasefire agreement would only force Israel into another round of fighting in the future, under far worse conditions and at a much higher cost.

    Most members of Netanyahu’s ruling coalition have remained silent so far, as the country observes the week-long Passover holiday. But far-right Otzma Yehudit party MP Tzvika Foghel broke ranks to lash out directly at US President Donald Trump, who negotiated the ceasefire. “Donald, you came out looking like a duck,” Foghel wrote in a since-deleted post to X.

    According to reporting from Israel’s public broadcaster Kan 11, the Israeli government was caught completely off guard by Trump’s ceasefire announcement. A senior unnamed Israeli official told the outlet that the country received last-minute notice only after all terms of the agreement had already been finalized. The Prime Minister’s Office issued its first public response roughly four hours after Trump’s announcement, stating that Israel supported the US president’s decision to suspend strikes against Iran for a 14-day period. It also added a key clarification: the ceasefire does not apply to hostilities on the Lebanon front, a claim that contradicts earlier statements from Pakistan, which served as a mediator for the deal.

    In the lead-up to Trump’s announcement, Israeli commercial broadcaster Channel 13 had been running a public countdown to the president’s deadline for Iran to reach a deal, with on-air warnings that “a whole civilisation” would face destruction if no agreement was reached. But by Wednesday morning, most of Israel’s mainstream media outlets had shifted from their weeks-long unified backing of the war effort to open criticism of Netanyahu.

    Kan 11’s senior diplomatic correspondent Gili Cohen wrote that “once again, Netanyahu caved to Trump,” noting that this marks the second time in less than a year that Trump has unilaterally dictated the end of a war with Iran. The first similar incident took place in June 2023. When Netanyahu launched the current war in February, he made two non-negotiable core pledges: he would overthrow Iran’s ruling regime and fully dismantle the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. “None of these objectives has been fully achieved,” Cohen noted.

    She added that in the unpredictable politics of the Middle East, temporary arrangements often harden into permanent realities. After two and a half years of ongoing conflict across multiple fronts, Cohen argued that the new status quo will not only leave Israel with permanent ground presences in Syria, Lebanon, and Gaza, but also lock the country into cycles of periodic direct confrontation with Iran.

    Military affairs commentator Avi Ashkenazi struck an even bleaker tone in an op-ed for the right-leaning *Ma’ariv* newspaper, writing that “41 days of fighting and 5,000 destroyed structures [in Israel] ended in a decisive Iranian victory.” Ashkenazi argued that Iran successfully maneuvered the United States and Israel into agreeing to a deal that amounts to a capitulation by the two Western-aligned countries, rather than a concession from Iran. He counted the deaths of dozens of soldiers and Israeli civilians, plus widespread economic damage inflicted by Iranian and Hezbollah attacks, as the crippling cost of Netanyahu’s failed campaign.

    Amos Harel, veteran military analyst for the left-leaning *Haaretz* newspaper, echoed that assessment, agreeing that none of Israel’s core war aims were met and the country has suffered significant strategic damage. Harel argued that Israel’s standing in the United States has been severely harmed, and the country is likely to face growing accusations that it pressured Trump into launching an unnecessary war. He added that Netanyahu may have good reason to worry about the future of his close relationship with Trump, who is widely known for averse to public losses and will likely hold Netanyahu responsible for the joint campaign’s failure.

  • China’s first 180,000-cubic-meter LNG carrier completed in Jiangsu

    China’s first 180,000-cubic-meter LNG carrier completed in Jiangsu

    In a landmark leap for China’s high-value shipbuilding sector, the country’s first 180,000-cubic-meter liquefied natural gas (LNG) carrier, fully designed and constructed by domestic Chinese enterprises, was finalized for delivery on Wednesday at the China Merchants Heavy Industry Haimen Base in Nantong, Jiangsu Province, state broadcaster China Central Television has confirmed.

    Measuring 298.8 meters in overall length with a molded breadth of 48 meters, the newly completed vessel incorporates a cutting-edge low-speed dual-fuel propulsion system. It is engineered to deliver standout operational performance, including an extremely low boil-off rate for stored LNG and industry-leading environmental compatibility, addressing key priorities for clean energy transportation globally.

    As the largest LNG carrier ever fully built and completed in China to date, the vessel represents a critical technical breakthrough for Chinese shipbuilders in the segment of large-scale clean energy transport vessels. LNG carriers are highly specialized ships purpose-built to carry liquefied natural gas stored at an ultra-cold temperature of -163 degrees Celsius. Widely nicknamed the “crown jewel of the global shipbuilding industry”, these vessels require extraordinarily complex design and manufacturing expertise that only a small number of shipyards around the world have managed to master. Prior to this delivery, only four Chinese shipyards held the capacity to deliver completed LNG carriers; with the launch of this new vessel, China now counts five domestic shipyards with this advanced capability, expanding the country’s production capacity for high-value specialized vessels.

    This milestone underscores China’s rapid advancement in moving up the global shipbuilding value chain, turning a once highly restricted niche market into a new strength for domestic manufacturing.

  • ‘Islamic bomb’: The secret Pakistani scheme to make Iran a nuclear power

    ‘Islamic bomb’: The secret Pakistani scheme to make Iran a nuclear power

    For nearly half a century, Abdul Qadeer Khan, known to Pakistanis as the “Father of the Bomb” and “Mohsin-e-Pakistan” (Saviour of Pakistan), stood at the center of one of the most consequential and controversial chapters in modern nuclear history. His legacy, which blends nationalist devotion to his homeland with a global campaign of nuclear proliferation that upended international nonproliferation norms, continues to shape tensions across the Middle East and South Asia decades after his network was first exposed.

    Khan’s journey into nuclear politics began in 1974, when India conducted its first nuclear weapons test, codenamed Smiling Buddha, in the Rajasthan desert. The test sent shockwaves through neighboring Pakistan, where then-prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto framed the acquisition of an Islamic nuclear bomb as an existential necessity for the young nation. Facing a nuclear-armed Hindu neighbor, Bhutto famously vowed, “We will eat grass or leaves, even go hungry, but we will get one of our own.” He asked: If Christian, Jewish, and Hindu nations already held the bomb, why should the Islamic world be denied it?

    At the time of India’s test, Khan was working at a Urenco Group subcontractor facility in Amsterdam, where he held access to classified blueprints for advanced gas centrifuges—critical technology that enriches natural uranium into weapons-grade material. Recognizing Pakistan’s urgent need, Khan penned a handwritten letter to Bhutto, volunteering his expertise. “I have acquired very detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the gas centrifuge system and am now in a position to help Pakistan… This is a matter of utmost urgency,” he wrote. Later, he would recall, “I wrote the letter with full awareness that I could be arrested or killed. But I felt I had no choice. India had tested. We had to respond.” Though accused of stealing classified centrifuge designs from the Netherlands, Khan returned to Pakistan in 1975, and by 1976 he had established a dedicated nuclear research lab in Rawalpindi. China provided critical support—enriched uranium, tritium, even scientific expertise—despite fierce opposition from India and Israel. The U.S., which initially cut aid to Pakistan over the program in 1979, reversed course months later after the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, turning a blind eye to Pakistan’s nuclear progress and even providing covert technical training to its scientists in the 1980s.

    By the end of the Cold War, the U.S. again halted aid to pressure Pakistan to abandon its program, but Khan continued production of highly enriched uranium in secret. After India tested a new series of nuclear warheads in May 1998, Pakistan responded with its own successful tests in the Balochistan desert, officially becoming the world’s seventh nuclear-armed state. “I told Bhutto Sahib we would get the bomb,” Khan declared after the tests. “I promised it. I kept that promise.”

    What remained hidden from the world for decades was that Khan had spent years running a second, far more audacious project: an illicit international proliferation network that sold nuclear technology, components, and designs to three nations—Iran, North Korea, and Libya. Driven by a deep-seated resentment of what he saw as Western hypocrisy, Khan believed the Islamic world had a right to nuclear deterrence, just as Western and allied nations did. In a blunt rebuke of Western double standards, he once asked: “I want to question the holier-than-thou attitude of the Americans and British. Are these bastards God-appointed guardians of the world?”

    Iran’s pursuit of nuclear assistance began in the 1980s, shortly after the 1979 Islamic Revolution that ended Western backing for Tehran’s civilian nuclear program. Though Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini issued a fatwa opposing nuclear weapons, the Iranian government, locked in a costly war with Iraq, secretly approached Pakistani military leadership for help. As former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani revealed in 2015, “We were at war, and we wanted to have such an option for the day our enemies wanted to use nuclear weapons. This was our state of mind.” Khan, who firmly believed the Islamic world needed its own nuclear deterrent, agreed to the deal: Pakistan supplied Iran with 4,000 second-hand first-generation centrifuges, full design blueprints, and training for six Iranian nuclear scientists at Pakistani facilities. For years, the Pakistani military hid the arrangement from even its own civilian leaders; Benazir Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s daughter and then-Prime Minister of Pakistan, only discovered the agreement by accident during a 1989 visit to Tehran, when Rafsanjani asked her to reaffirm their deal on “special defense matters.”

    Israel, which had long opposed any Muslim-majority nation acquiring nuclear technology, had Khan under surveillance as he traveled across the Middle East in the 1980s and 1990s, but failed to uncover the full scope of his network. Decades later, former Mossad chief Shabtai Shavit admitted he regretted not assassinating Khan when he had the chance, saying the attack would have “changed the course of history.” This was not Israel’s first attempt to stop Khan’s work: in the early 1980s, Israel had convinced then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to approve a joint airstrike on Pakistan’s main nuclear facility at Kahuta, with Israeli fighter jets set to launch from an Indian airbase. Gandhi ultimately backed out, and the plan was never carried out.

    Khan’s sprawling network operated undetected until 2003, when Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi voluntarily disclosed the network’s existence to Western intelligence agencies in an attempt to curry favor with the U.S. Gaddafi revealed that Khan had helped Libya build secret nuclear facilities, some disguised as working chicken farms. The CIA seized a shipment of nuclear machinery bound for Libya passing through the Suez Canal, and investigators uncovered full bomb blueprints hidden in dry cleaning bags from an Islamabad cleaner. The exposure sent shockwaves through Western capitals; a senior U.S. official told the *New York Times* at the time, “It was an astounding transformation when you think about it, something we’ve never seen before. First, [Khan] exploits a fragmented market and develops a quite advanced nuclear arsenal. Then he throws the switch, reverses the flow and figures out how to sell the whole kit, right down to the bomb designs, to some of the world’s worst governments.”

    In 2004, Khan appeared on national Pakistani television and confessed to running the network, claiming he had acted entirely alone with no government backing. The Pakistani state immediately pardoned him, a move Khan later defended, saying he “saved the country for the first time when I made Pakistan a nuclear nation and saved it again when I confessed and took the whole blame on myself.” Former CIA director George Tenet would later describe Khan as “at least as dangerous as Osama bin Laden,” a label he carried for the rest of his life.

    The exposure of Khan’s network to Iran triggered decades of international crisis. In 2005, Iran agreed to place its civilian nuclear program under International Atomic Energy Agency supervision, and in 2015, Tehran signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with world powers, accepting strict limits on its nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. The deal collapsed in 2018, when the Trump administration withdrew from the agreement and reimposed crippling sanctions on Iran—tensions that persist to this day. Of the three nations Khan assisted, only North Korea successfully developed and tested its own nuclear weapons, joining the small club of nuclear-armed states.

    Khan died in Islamabad in 2021, revered as a national hero in Pakistan but reviled by Western governments as the world’s most dangerous nuclear proliferator. To the end, he remained unapologetic, arguing that his actions were a necessary pushback against Western double standards. He pointed to Israel’s open secret nuclear arsenal, which the West has never seriously challenged, and sarcastically asked in 2009: “If Iran fires a missile then it is wrong, but if Israel does it then it is right?” In a 2011 interview, he laid out his core belief: “Don’t overlook the fact that no nuclear-capable country has been subjected to aggression or occupied, or had its borders redrawn. Had Iraq and Libya been nuclear powers, they wouldn’t have been destroyed in the way we have seen recently.” Today, Pakistan remains the only Muslim-majority nuclear power, and Khan’s shadow continues to hang over global nonproliferation efforts and Middle Eastern security dynamics.

  • Israel launches massive wave of strikes across Lebanon following Iran ceasefire

    Israel launches massive wave of strikes across Lebanon following Iran ceasefire

    On Wednesday, just hours after the United States and Iran reached a bilateral ceasefire agreement that was framed to include a halt to hostilities targeting Lebanon, Israel unleashed an unprecedented wave of coordinated air strikes across multiple regions of Lebanon, triggering widespread chaos and emergency response measures across the crisis-hit country.

    Witnesses from Agence France-Presse on the ground documented thick plumes of smoke billowing over central Beirut and its surrounding suburbs, with widespread panic sending civilians fleeing into the streets in search of shelter. In an official public statement, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) confirmed the scope of the operation, saying it had completed the largest single coordinated strike in the current round of conflict, targeting roughly 100 Hezbollah command centers and military installations across Beirut, the Bekaa Valley and southern Lebanon in just a 10-minute window.

    Local Lebanese media confirmed early civilian casualties from the strikes. Lebanon’s National News Agency reported that an Israeli air strike hit a cemetery in the village of Shmestar in the Bekaa Valley while a memorial gathering was underway, killing at least 10 attendees and wounding four more. Additional strikes hit residential and infrastructure areas across Beirut and multiple districts in southern Lebanon.

    Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health quickly issued an urgent emergency appeal, asking civilians to clear all major roadways in Beirut to allow ambulances and emergency response teams to reach attack sites and transport casualties. The ministry confirmed that initial assessments showed dozens of people had been killed and hundreds more wounded across the country, adding that severe traffic congestion sparked by the sudden wave of strikes was creating major barriers to rescue operations.

    The timing of the Israeli strikes came as a major escalation just after the US and Iran announced a two-week ceasefire, an agreement negotiated based on an Iranian proposal that originally included a commitment to end all attacks on Lebanese territory. While Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had formally approved the broader ceasefire between the two countries, he immediately issued a clarification asserting that the truce did not extend to Israeli military operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon.

    Hezbollah entered the ongoing cross-border conflict on March 2, launching a heavy barrage of rockets into Israeli territory in solidarity with Iran amid rising US-Iran tensions. Since that opening exchange, Israel has launched a full ground incursion into southern Lebanon, a move that regional analysts have broadly interpreted as a preliminary step toward establishing a long-term permanent occupation of the area.

    Following Wednesday’s massive strikes, Lebanon’s caretaker prime minister issued an urgent appeal to the country’s regional and international allies, calling for immediate intervention to halt the Israeli attacks. Hezbollah had previously issued guidance for internally displaced Lebanese civilians, urging them not to return to their home areas until a formal, permanent ceasefire agreement is put in place.

    In a separate diplomatic incident connected to the escalating conflict, the Spanish government summoned the Israeli chargé d’affaires in Madrid on Wednesday to protest what it called the unjustifiable detention of a Spanish peacekeeper serving with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) by Israeli military forces. UNIFIL first reported the incident on Tuesday, initially withholding the peacekeeper’s nationality, and confirmed on social media platform X that Israeli forces detained the service member after blocking a UN logistics convoy. The peacekeeper was ultimately released after less than an hour in custody.