标签： Asia

Deadly monsoon-driven landslides have claimed the lives of at least 13 Rohingya refugees sheltering in overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, prompting local authorities to launch urgent relocation efforts to move vulnerable populations out of high-risk zones ahead of forecasted additional rainfall. Over 1 million Rohingya, who fled persecution in neighboring Myanmar, currently reside in the sprawling coastal camp complex where steep, deforested hillside settlements amplify the risk of seasonal rain-related disasters.

The most recent fatal incident unfolded Wednesday, when a sudden landslide swept through an on-site Islamic school, killing five children. Begum Jahan, a Quran teacher at the school, described the chaotic scene that unfolded as students prepared for morning lessons. A portion of the school’s hillside-adjacent building collapsed without warning, burying everyone on the eastern side of the structure under tons of mud and debris. “Those of us who were on the western side managed to get out, but everyone on the eastern side was buried under the debris,” Jahan recalled, adding that many survivors suffered severe injuries including broken bones, while multiple female students lost their lives in the collapse.

Local camp residents launched immediate rescue efforts before official emergency responders could reach the remote site, according to Dollar Tripura, head of Cox’s Bazar’s local fire service and civil defense. Once emergency personnel arrived, they extracted injured survivors and recovered the remains of those killed, wrapping up the formal search operation Wednesday evening. Jamal Hossain, a Rohingya refugee who volunteered to assist with the rescue, confirmed all recovered fatalities were women, but added that uncertainty remains about the full human cost of the disaster. “However, we do not know whether there are any more bodies buried underneath,” Hossain said.

This latest incident follows an earlier landslide Sunday night that killed eight other refugees in the camp complex. Across Bangladesh, local media outlet Prothom Alo, the nation’s largest Bengali-language daily, reports that landslides and structural collapses linked to monsoon rains have killed at least 22 people across the country over the past three days, including all the camp casualties recorded so far.

In response to the escalating danger, Cox’s Bazar authorities have mobilized a multi-pronged evacuation campaign, using loudspeaker announcements and a network of community volunteers and camp leaders to encourage residents of at-risk hilly areas to relocate to safer ground. More than 1,000 people have already been moved out of high-risk zones, but officials face a persistent challenge: many refugees are reluctant to abandon their makeshift homes, even after repeated official warnings of impending danger. The Bangladesh Meteorological Department has forecast additional heavy rainfall across the region in the coming days, raising fears of more mudslides and casualties.

The disaster comes amid a long-running stalemate over the future of the Rohingya refugee population. Bangladesh has spent years calling on the international community to support a large-scale repatriation of Rohingya to their home country of Myanmar, but the repatriation process has been stalled for years by political and security challenges, leaving more than a million people trapped in the high-risk coastal camps.

Just under four weeks after the United States and Iran signed a temporary ceasefire agreement, open hostilities have erupted once again across the Middle East, shattering the fragile truce that US President Donald Trump once heralded as a historic breakthrough. Signed at the Palace of Versailles in France on June 18, the deal that Trump claimed represented Iran’s “unconditional surrender” has now been declared “over” by the US leader himself.

Long before the latest escalation, this framework was never a genuine, lasting peace agreement. It functioned only as a temporary pause to hostilities – a “deferred crisis” with a built-in trigger that was always destined to detonate. That moment has now arrived. On July 8, speaking on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, Trump dismissed any future negotiations with Tehran as “a waste of time”, capping a rapid downward spiral of tensions that will look grimly familiar to anyone who has followed the decades-long US-Iran conflict.

The chain of escalation that ended the truce began on July 7, when Iran launched attacks on three commercial vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for 20% of the world’s daily oil supply. In response, the US carried out what an unnamed senior American official described as “punishment” strikes, targeting more than 80 Iranian military sites across the region. Washington also reimposed full sanctions on Iranian oil exports – stripping away the single most important concession Tehran had secured in the original ceasefire deal.

Iran immediately retaliated, launching missile and drone strikes against US military installations stationed in Bahrain and Kuwait. Global oil prices surged in the wake of the attacks, reviving the exact economic pressure that had pushed Trump to the negotiating table in June: rising gasoline prices for American consumers, a politically sensitive issue ahead of upcoming US midterm elections.

This rapid collapse of the ceasefire should come as no surprise to analysts. The Versailles agreement never addressed the core structural contradictions that sparked the original conflict; instead, it institutionalized those tensions, inadvertently creating the exact conditions that make full-scale escalation far more likely.

The fatal flaw in the original deal was visible from its signing. The memorandum of understanding (MoU) centered on a simple quid pro quo: Iran would reopen the Strait of Hormuz to commercial traffic in exchange for the lifting of crippling oil sanctions, the only major economic lifeline keeping the Iranian economy afloat. But the agreement completely failed to resolve one of the most divisive flashpoints in the region: the ongoing conflict between Israel and Iranian-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Tehran had made clear from the start that one of its core non-negotiable objectives was halting further Israeli strikes against Hezbollah, a key proxy asset that Iran relies on to project power across the Middle East. For Israel, however, permanently suspending its right to self-defense against cross-border threats was never an acceptable term for a deal it was not even invited to negotiate. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was reportedly “fuming” over the terms of the MoU, which was drafted and signed without any input from Jerusalem.

This omission has set into motion the vicious cycle of escalation now playing out across the region: continued Israeli military operations against Hezbollah positions in Lebanon prompt Iran to flex its control over the Strait of Hormuz, which in turn forces the US to launch strikes on Iranian assets to preserve its credibility – even as Washington pressures Israel to stand down. With each new exchange of fire, leaders in Tehran, Jerusalem, and Washington grow more convinced that restraint is no longer a viable strategy.

Political theorists have long noted that leaders abandon restraint not only when threats grow, but when holding back no longer feels like an active, meaningful choice. Restraint only endures when it appears to be working, when it points toward a more stable future, and when it feels like a voluntary decision rather than a concession forced by external pressure. When those conditions collapse, restraint begins to look like political paralysis, and escalation becomes the only path leaders see to reassert control.

For Trump, all three of those conditions have now collapsed entirely. Iran has resumed attacks on commercial shipping despite the terms of the ceasefire, oil prices are climbing just months before critical midterm elections, and every new Iranian strike makes clear that Tehran, not Washington, is setting the pace of the conflict. This dynamic is fundamentally unsustainable for the US administration.

For Netanyahu, by contrast, the collapse of the ceasefire is not a failure – it is confirmation of his long-held skepticism of the deal. Israel never accepted the core premise of the MoU, and its security establishment has consistently argued that the conflict with Iran was only paused, not ended. Any framework that granted impunity to Iranian-backed forces in Lebanon was always doomed to be unsustainable from Jerusalem’s perspective. Just days after the June deal was signed, Netanyahu stated publicly that Israel’s “struggle is not over”, and that the Israeli military would “remain in these security zones for as long as necessary to defend our country”.

Looking ahead, two primary scenarios are now possible, and both hinge on the future of the Strait of Hormuz to determine the outcome. In the first scenario, the US continues large-scale bombardment of Iranian military assets, while attempting to keep the strait open by force. This is an extraordinarily challenging mission. Iran does not need to defeat the entire US Navy to close the waterway; it only needs to make transit risky enough that global maritime insurers refuse to cover commercial vessels passing through the strait. While sustained US airstrikes can degrade Iran’s ability to launch attacks, they cannot eliminate it entirely. This has raised open questions about whether the US could eventually be forced to deploy ground troops to the region – a step that would almost certainly face fierce pushback from the US Congress.

In the second scenario, Trump limits the scale of US strikes and uses the show of force as leverage to push for a renegotiated ceasefire. But this path also faces steep, perhaps insurmountable obstacles. Without being able to guarantee unimpeded navigation through the strait, it is difficult to see how Trump can negotiate a better deal than the one he just abandoned – especially against a Tehran regime that has already absorbed heavy US punishment and emerged more emboldened and belligerent than before.

Either way, the available off-ramps for the US are narrowing rapidly. Until Iran’s ability to leverage control over the Strait of Hormuz is eliminated, the current cycle of escalation makes a prolonged, large-scale regional conflict far more likely. This analysis comes from Ben Soodavar, a lecturer in the Department of War Studies at King’s College London, and was originally published via *The Conversation* under a Creative Commons license.

For Singaporean couple David and Ally — who asked the BBC to use pseudonyms to protect their case — the journey to parenthood ended in joy, only to be upended years later by a sprawling cross-border human trafficking investigation that now threatens to tear their family apart.

After years of struggling with infertility and multiple devastating miscarriages, the couple turned to international adoption when domestic adoption waiting lists left them waiting years for a child. Like roughly two-thirds of adoptive families in Singapore, they looked to neighboring Indonesia, working with a local agency that specialized in placing Indonesian infants with Singaporean parents. Within weeks, they connected with an infant named Marcus over a video call, and David says he felt an immediate connection: “It was love at first sight.”

The couple paid tens of thousands of dollars in fees, which they were told covered legal costs, agency services, infant care expenses, and a nominal token payment to Marcus’s biological parents. A few months later, Marcus arrived in Singapore, and his adoption was quickly approved by Singaporean authorities. The couple’s next step was applying for citizenship, a process they expected to go smoothly after all required checks had been completed. Instead, immigration officials suspended their application and informed them Marcus was likely one of at least 20 infants trafficked illegally from Indonesia to Singapore for adoption.

The revelation came after Indonesian authorities broke up a major trafficking ring centered in West Java, where 19 people — most of them women — are currently on trial for their alleged roles in the scheme. Prosecutors accuse the ring, led by Indonesian woman Lie Siu Luan, of sourcing at least 20 infants from vulnerable biological parents, forging fake adoption and birth documents, and smuggling the babies to Singapore for thousands of dollars per child. Court documents reveal Lie admitted supplying infants to Singaporean contacts for at least S$17,000 (US$13,000) each, and coordinated a network of brokers who recruited expecting parents on social media, nannies to care for infants before transfer, and document forgers to create fake legal paperwork. In one documented case, a broker posed as a prospective adopter to trick an unemployed, bankrupt father into giving up his newborn son for a cash payment.

Indonesian law defines the purchase and cross-border transfer of a child for exploitation as human trafficking, and the ring stands accused of bypassing the country’s strict formal transnational adoption processes entirely. Prosecutors are seeking prison sentences of between five and 10 years for all 19 defendants.

The BBC’s independent investigation confirmed Marcus is indeed listed as one of the trafficked infants in Indonesian court documents, and the fake adoption paperwork lists one of the defendants on trial as his biological mother. The Singaporean adoption agency that connected David and Ally to Marcus is the same agency identified by Interpol’s Indonesian branch as linked to the ring, and remains a registered active business in Singapore; the BBC has not received a response to multiple requests for comment from the agency’s owner.

The case has sparked urgent questions about how Singapore — a country renowned for its strict regulatory controls and rigorous border screening — failed to detect the illegal trafficking ring and formally approved multiple adoptions arranged by the syndicate. Singapore’s Ministry of Home Affairs has declined to comment on ongoing investigations into the agency and alleged Singaporean co-conspirators, citing active Indonesian court proceedings, and confirmed that the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) are cooperating with Indonesian authorities to support the investigation.

Lawmakers have raised repeated questions about the case in Singapore’s parliament, noting that the adoptions were approved on the recommendation of government officials, and that the adoptive parents are innocent parties who followed all legal requirements to the letter. However, the MSF has pushed back, arguing that adoption agencies bear primary responsibility for verifying the legitimacy of child origins and conducting rigorous background checks, and that adoptive parents also share a duty of due diligence.

David and Ally reject this argument, saying they had no reason to suspect any wrongdoing as first-time adoptive parents who relied on government-approved vetting processes. “The officials are the experts on this, to see whether this is legitimate. They deal with so many adoptions, day in day out. Not us,” Ally told the BBC. The MSF has declined to answer questions about how it conducts vetting for foreign adoptions, but has confirmed it is providing support to affected families, processing of citizenship applications has been delayed, and it will launch a full review of Singapore’s international adoption procedures.

The case also lays bare a growing child trafficking crisis across Indonesia, where official data shows the number of trafficked young children nearly tripled between 2021 and 2024, rising from 27 reported cases to 70. Child rights activists stress this is almost certainly an undercount, as many cases go unreported. The West Java ring is just one of at least seven large baby trafficking syndicates dismantled by Indonesian authorities in recent years; another syndicate based in Yogyakarta was found to have handled at least 66 infants.

Traffickers exploit systemic gaps and deep-rooted social challenges in Indonesia to operate, activists say. Many biological parents who give up their infants do so out of extreme poverty, while others are coerced by traffickers. Cultural stigma around children born out of wedlock, limited access to social safety nets, and a lack of formal, safe facilities for parents to surrender unwanted children — such as the “baby boxes” common in many other countries — have created a vacuum that unregulated black market trafficking fills. Traffickers often frame their operations as a form of altruism helping struggling families, and many defendants, including Lie, claim they did not know their actions were illegal.

“It’s not just a matter of finding out who’s selling the babies and then punishing them,” explained Eko Kriswanto, a West Java-based child rights activist. “The main problem is that children end up being treated as commodities. So what must be explored is the cause.” While Indonesia has strong legal protections for children against trafficking, inconsistent enforcement remains a major barrier, he added. Ai Rahmayanti, head of the independent Indonesian Commission for Child Protection, noted that the absence of formal safe surrender services has allowed traffickers to operate openly on social media, offering expecting parents cash and free medical care in exchange for their infants.

As the West Java trial progresses, the most pressing unanswered question remains: what will become of the 12 children already believed to be in Singapore, including Marcus, all of whom have now spent most of their lives with their adoptive Singaporean families? Indonesian officials and activists have argued as a matter of principle that the children should be returned to their biological families in Indonesia, with one police official calling the issue a matter of “Indonesia’s national pride.” But child development experts warn that removing children from the only stable home they have ever known would cause severe, long-term harm.

“The stress of multiple disruptions early in a child’s life could negatively affect brain development, emotional regulation, learning and attachment security,” explained Jeremy Heng, a senior clinical psychologist with the Singapore Children’s Society, adding that uprooting the children would increase their risk of lifelong trauma and mental health challenges. Indonesian foreign ministry spokesperson Yvonne Mewengkang told the BBC the country would prioritize “child protection based on the principle of the best interests of the child,” but neither Indonesian nor Singaporean authorities have publicly confirmed what final decision will be made about the children’s futures.

For David and Ally, the months of waiting have been agonizing, with constant anxiety hanging over their family. “There’s always the thought that Marcus might be taken away,” David said. The couple have vowed to exhaust every legal option to keep Marcus, and if he is ordered to return to Indonesia, David says he will pursue a full, legal adoption from there. “I will not give up on him,” he said. “Any parent would fight till the end.”