标签: Africa

非洲

  • Two US service members reported missing in Morocco, officials say

    Two US service members reported missing in Morocco, officials say

    In a developing incident reported over the weekend, two American service members have been declared missing while taking part in a large-scale multinational military exercise in southern Morocco, U.S. Africa Command (Africom) confirmed in a statement released Sunday.

    The missing service members were participating in African Lion 2026, the yearly joint military drill that brings together U.S. military personnel, NATO alliance partners, and multiple African partner nations. The exercise’s core mission is to enhance interoperability, strengthen tactical coordination, and deepen security cooperation across transatlantic and African defense forces.

    According to Africom’s official update, the two troops were reported missing Saturday in the area adjacent to the Cap Draa Training Area, located just outside the southwestern Moroccan city of Tan Tan. This coastal desert region near the Atlantic coast forms the primary training ground for large-scale maneuver drills during African Lion.

    A comprehensive search and rescue operation has been activated to locate the missing service members, with assets contributed by multiple nations. The mission draws on ground search teams, air reconnaissance sorties, and maritime patrol resources from the United States, Moroccan defense forces, and other participating partners. As of the latest update, the search remains ongoing with no further details released on the circumstances of the disappearance or the identities of the missing troops.

  • 2 US service members missing after military exercises in Morocco

    2 US service members missing after military exercises in Morocco

    A developing emergency is unfolding in southwestern Morocco, where two American service members have gone missing following their participation in a yeary multinational military exercise hosted in the North African nation, U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) announced in an official update Sunday.

    Joint search-and-rescue missions have been mobilized by the Moroccan government, U.S. military personnel and other partner nations that took part in the African Lion drills, according to AFRICOM’s public statement. The command confirmed that the circumstances surrounding the disappearance are still being probed, and search activities are continuing across the affected area.

    The incident was recorded on May 2 in the vicinity of the Cap Draa Training Area, located near Tan Tan along Morocco’s Atlantic coastline. The African Lion exercise kicked off across four different North and West African nations in April, with additional training activities hosted in Tunisia, Ghana and Senegal, and was originally scheduled to conclude in the first week of May.

    First launched in 2004, African Lion stands as the largest annual joint military training exercise led by the U.S. across the African continent. The event routinely draws senior military leadership from the U.S. and its key partner states across Africa, bringing together thousands of service members to coordinate on tactical training and security cooperation. U.S. military leaders have long framed the annual multinational exercise as a critical platform for deepening regional security partnerships, boosting participating forces’ operational readiness, and preparing for a range of unforeseen global crises.

  • Nigeria summons South African envoy over attacks on its nationals

    Nigeria summons South African envoy over attacks on its nationals

    A wave of violent anti-immigrant attacks targeting foreign nationals across South Africa has sparked diplomatic tension between the continent’s most industrialized nation and Nigeria, after Abuja formally called in Pretoria’s acting high commissioner to address the escalating crisis.

    According to an official statement from Nigeria’s foreign ministry, the scheduled Monday meeting will center on delivering Nigeria’s formal and profound concern over the recent string of xenophobic actions, including organized anti-immigration marches by nativist groups, documented assaults on Nigerian citizens, and coordinated attacks on businesses owned by Nigerian nationals. Ministry officials have explicitly warned that the ongoing unrest poses a tangible risk to the longstanding bilateral relations between the two African economic powerhouses.

    Local South African media reports confirm that at least six foreign nationals have been killed in recent weeks: two Nigerian citizens and four Ethiopian nationals, with additional attacks recorded against migrants from other African countries across the country. As the economic hub of Southern Africa, South Africa has for decades drawn migrant workers from across the continent seeking greater employment opportunities and economic stability, a trend that has fueled growing resentment among segments of the local population.

    South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly condemned the violent attacks on migrants, but has also coupled this condemnation with a warning to all foreign residents that they must abide by South Africa’s domestic immigration laws. During his annual Freedom Day address last week, which marked the anniversary of South Africa’s first post-apartheid democratic elections in 1994, Ramaphosa reminded citizens of the critical solidarity and support African nations across the continent provided during the decades-long fight against the racist apartheid regime.

    Despite this official message of unity, anti-immigrant sentiment has hardened in many communities. Many South African residents blame undocumented migrants for straining public services, taking scarce formal employment opportunities from local workers, and fueling rising rates of organized crime, particularly drug trafficking. Hardline anti-immigration groups have taken to extrajudicial patrols, stopping people outside public facilities including hospitals and schools to demand proof of legal residency.

    During a large anti-immigrant march held in the capital Pretoria last week, organizers ordered all foreign-owned businesses to shut their doors ahead of the demonstration to avoid potential violence. One Nigerian resident, speaking to BBC Pidgin on the sidelines of the unrest, expressed deep disappointment with the targeting of African migrants. “It is not okay because we are blacks, we are brothers… everybody comes here just to survive,” he said.

    A South African security worker, who was blocked from reaching his job by the protest march, echoed that frustration. “It’s not what we expected as fellow Africans,” he told reporters. “It’s just making us scared – imagine if we’re scared in our own African continent – what if we go to Europe?”

    Nigeria is not the only African nation to take formal diplomatic action over the unrest. Last month, Ghana also summoned South Africa’s top diplomatic envoy after a viral video spread widely across social media showing a Ghanaian man being aggressively confronted by anti-immigrant activists who demanded he show proof of legal immigration status.

    The current rise in xenophobic tension traces back to earlier this year, when controversy erupted after the head of Nigeria’s community in the South African port city of KugoMpo, formerly known as East London, was installed in a traditional local leadership position loosely translated as “king.” Many local South African residents framed the move as an illegitimate power grab by foreign communities, stoking widespread anger that has since spread across the country.

    Official South African government data estimates that roughly 2.4 million legal migrants currently reside in the country, accounting for just under 4% of the total national population. Demographers estimate that a much larger number of migrants reside in the country without formal immigration documentation. The vast majority of migrants come from neighboring Southern African countries including Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, nations that have a long history of providing migrant labor to South Africa’s economy. A far smaller share of the migrant population hails from Nigeria.

  • Kenya battles to stop the ‘goons and guns’ as fears of political violence grow

    Kenya battles to stop the ‘goons and guns’ as fears of political violence grow

    NAIROBI, Kenya — On a mild Wednesday last month in Kisumu, a lakeside western Kenyan city, Senator Godfrey Osotsi stepped out of a barbershop and stopped for a routine coffee break. What came next was anything but ordinary: a mob of hooded young men launched an unprovoked, brutal assault, beating the senator with punches and kicks, stealing his phones and personal valuables before melting into the busy surrounding streets.

    Surveillance camera footage of the attack spread across Kenyan social media and traditional news outlets within hours, sparking national outrage that forced parliament to summon the country’s top security leaders for urgent questioning. For Osotsi, the attack was no random robbery — he alleges it was politically motivated, saying his attackers explicitly questioned why he refused to back President William Ruto’s 2027 re-election campaign. For millions of Kenyans, the high-profile assault was not an isolated shocking incident, but confirmation of a growing, deeply feared trend: the country is once again sliding toward the cycles of deadly political violence that have scarred its modern democratic history.

    Kenya’s pattern of political parties patronizing criminal youth gangs stretches back to the early 1990s, when multiparty democracy was reintroduced after decades of one-party rule. Politicians across the ideological spectrum have long hired unemployed young people as tools of electoral intimidation, a practice that escalated into the catastrophic nationwide post-election violence of 2007, when clashes linked to these groups killed an estimated 1,500 people and displaced hundreds of thousands.

    Fifteen months out from the next mandatory general election, scheduled for August 2027 at the latest, political tensions are already rising faster than many observers expected. The assassination of veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga in October 2024 triggered a major political realignment, splitting Odinga’s long-dominant Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) into two feuding camps split over whether to back Ruto’s re-election. Most notably, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached and removed from office in 2024, is running for president against Ruto bearing a deep public grudge, opening a damaging rift within the ruling Kenya Kwanza coalition.

    Against this fragmented political landscape, attacks by hired youth gangs — widely known locally as “goons” — have grown more open and brazen. Testifying before a parliamentary committee this month, Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen acknowledged that the government is struggling to rein in the groups, which have evolved from disorganized street gangs into what he described as “sophisticated and decentralized networks.” Murkomen, appearing alongside other top security officials, confirmed that more than 104 active criminal gangs operate across the country, the vast majority of which are backed and funded by sitting politicians.

    “These gangs are owned by political leaders who play a central role in mobilizing them. The situation is chaotic, and an irresponsible leader is a direct threat to national security,” Murkomen told lawmakers, declining to name specific politicians linked to the groups. Authorities have launched a widespread crackdown, arresting at least 300 suspected gang members, seizing illegal weapons and seizing communications devices during raids — but no politicians have been taken into custody so far. Successive Kenyan administrations have repeatedly banned these groups ahead of elections, but the problem has persisted: gangs simply rebrand, mutate their structures, and reemerge under new names ahead of each electoral cycle. A senior anonymous security source told the BBC that the groups have now become permanent, formally structured organizations rather than temporary election-era mobilizations.

    Gachagua, the former deputy president and 2027 presidential challenger, has been a repeated target of this violence. Since his impeachment, he has faced more than two dozen targeted attacks by armed gangs at campaign events and church appearances, with Gachagua and his allies blaming state-sponsored criminal networks for trying to derail his presidential bid before the official campaign begins. Opposition leaders and civil society groups have long accused Kenya’s police force of either colluding with politically linked gangs or intentionally turning a blind eye to their attacks, many of which unfold in plain sight of uniformed officers. In February, a 28-year-old supporter of the anti-Ruto ODM faction was shot and killed during clashes between police and rally attendees, leading the faction to condemn what it called “state-sponsored acts of violence by police and hired goons.”

    Government spokesperson Isaac Mwaura rejected all claims of state sponsorship of gang violence, saying “the use of criminal gangs to intimidate or silence individuals undermines our democracy and will not be tolerated. Anyone found financing, supporting, or engaging in such acts will be held fully accountable under the law.”

    Attacks are not limited to opposition figures, either. In February, a senatorial candidate aligned with the ruling Kenya Kwanza alliance was forcibly dragged out of a church service and attacked by a mob in Kakamega, another western Kenyan city. During November 2024 by-elections in western and central Kenya, voting was marred by widespread violence: polling agents were assaulted, armed gang factions clashed during vote counting, and police fired tear gas to disperse crowds of voters.

    Security analysts warn that the growing frequency of these attacks is pushing Kenya toward a crisis it has barely survived once before. “These incidents paint a troubling picture of a country where political rivalry increasingly spills into organised street violence executed by hired gangs operating with precision and impunity,” said Robert Chege, a Nairobi-based security analyst. Taken individually, single attacks can sometimes be dismissed as isolated crime, but collectively they point to a nation edging back toward the violence that traumatized the country in 2007.

    Makau Mutua, a prominent legal scholar and advisor to President Ruto, wrote that the normalization of political gang violence has become a systemic problem, noting “the worrying problem in Kenya is that this is now a near norm carried out by all major political parties. It is, to wit, a Kenyan culture, an epidemic.” A 2024 report from Kenya’s state-funded National Crime Research Centre backed this assessment, finding that hundreds of criminal gangs are active nationwide, with more than 120 directly linked to politicians. Unlike the temporary election formations of the 1990s and 2000s, the report found that these groups are now deeply entrenched, permanent institutions within their local communities.

    Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja told parliament that security forces have made progress identifying the political leaders funding and directing the gangs, promising that “this issue of goons and guns is going to stop soon. We have clearly investigated. We have seen where they come from, who funds, who does what, who is the grassroots organiser and so forth.” Responding to longstanding allegations of police complicity and inaction, Interior Minister Murkomen acknowledged that “operational challenges” including corruption and repeated information leaks have hampered enforcement, saying the government takes all allegations of officer misconduct seriously.

    Critics argue that the government’s response has been heavy on rhetoric but weak on enforcement, pointing to the lack of any arrests of politically connected gang backers despite hundreds of detentions of low-level youth. Chege described Kenya’s current security crisis as self-inflicted, sustained by decades of political patronage networks and state systems “that thrive on violence and inequality.” He added, “The question is no longer who the goons are, but who sends them, funds them and protects them? The real architects of Kenya’s rising wave of organised violence remain in the shadows.”

    As Kenya counts down to next year’s general election, ordinary citizens and civil society groups are calling for urgent action to rein in political violence before tensions escalate even further, hoping authorities can hold the powerful architects of this violence accountable before the country repeats the mistakes of its past.

  • Oil tanker hijacked off coast of Yemen and taken towards Somalia

    Oil tanker hijacked off coast of Yemen and taken towards Somalia

    A new act of maritime piracy has roiled the strategically critical Gulf of Aden, with multiple Somali security sources confirming to the BBC that armed Somali pirates have seized control of a foreign-flagged oil tanker off Yemen’s coastline. This incident marks the fourth successful large vessel hijacking in just a 14-day window, marking a sharp resurgence of pirate activity that had been largely suppressed for more than a decade.

    The targeted vessel, identified as the MT Eureka, was sailing under the flag of West African nation Togo when pirates overran the ship at approximately 5:00 a.m. local time, which corresponds to 03:00 British Summer Time. The hijacking unfolded in international waters close to Yemen’s port of Qana, before the hijackers steered the captured tanker toward Somali territorial waters. Three independent security officials from Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland region confirmed the pirate group departed from a remote, unpatrolled stretch of coastline near the coastal town of Qandala, which sits on the Gulf of Aden shoreline. Regional maritime observers expect the MT Eureka to anchor in Somali waters within hours of the hijacking.

    This hijacking comes only 10 days after the same group of pirate operatives seized another oil tanker, the Honor 25, in the same general area. The Honor 25 was carrying 18,500 barrels of crude oil en route to Somalia’s capital Mogadishu when it was overtaken.

    In a separate, related incident just days prior, the United Kingdom Maritime Transportation Operation (UKMTO) issued a public warning on Friday about an attempted hijacking of a bulk carrier near Yemen’s Al-Mukala port. According to three senior security sources, the armed actors behind that attempted attack launched from a remote coastal zone near the fishing town of Caluula, located just 209 kilometers (130 miles) north of the departure point for the MT Eureka hijacking.

    The spread of coordinated pirate attacks across two distinct coastal zones 200 kilometers apart confirms a worrying trend: piracy is expanding rapidly across Somalia’s 3,333-kilometer coastline, the longest continuous shoreline on the African mainland. As of Monday morning, neither Somali national nor regional authorities, nor the European Union Naval Force (EUNAVFOR) which leads official anti-piracy operations in the region, have released an official statement addressing the latest hijacking incident.

    Regional security analysts trace this dramatic resurgence back to late 2023, when Houthi rebel attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden shifted international naval priorities. Once focused heavily on countering Somali piracy — a threat that had fallen to near-zero levels after a decade of coordinated patrols starting in 2011 — global maritime forces have redirected their assets to counter Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. This security gap along Somalia’s coastline has allowed armed pirate groups to reorganize, rearm, and resume large-scale hijackings for ransom.

    One senior Puntland security official, speaking anonymously to the BBC, warned that the scale of the crisis is far greater than most international observers acknowledge. “The on-going crisis with the pirates is much worse than many realize. There are increasing movements of armed groups all over the coast,” the official said.

  • Rights summit in Zambia is canceled after Chinese pressure to exclude Taiwanese activists

    Rights summit in Zambia is canceled after Chinese pressure to exclude Taiwanese activists

    Just days before RightsCon 2026, a major annual international human rights and digital freedom summit, was set to open its doors in Lusaka, Zambia, U.S.-based organizers announced the full cancellation of the event, citing foreign interference and pressure from Beijing that forced Zambian officials to bar Taiwanese civil society delegates from participating.

    Access Now, the New York-headquartered digital rights advocacy group that hosts the yearly summit, confirmed the cancellation late Friday, reversing months of planning that was expected to draw more than 3,700 in-person and online attendees from over 150 countries around the globe. The organization said the cancellation followed a last-minute announcement from the Zambian government that the summit would be postponed, with informal communications later revealing the condition for lifting the postponement: Access Now would have to censor specific discussion topics and bar at-risk communities, including Taiwanese participants, from joining both in-person and virtually.

    “We believe foreign interference is the reason RightsCon 2026 won’t proceed in Zambia,” Access Now said in its official statement. The group added that it repeatedly rejected any demands to exclude delegates based on political pressure, making the summit unable to move forward.

    Initially, the Zambian government framed its move as a routine check to ensure the summit’s themes aligned with the country’s “national values, policy priorities and broader public interest considerations.” But the context of Zambia’s deep political and economic ties to China, rooted in large-scale Chinese investment in the country’s lucrative mining sector, makes the reported pressure consistent with Beijing’s long-standing diplomatic position on Taiwan.

    China adheres to the one-China principle, which claims the self-governing island of Taiwan as an inalienable part of its territory, and requires all countries that maintain formal diplomatic relations with Beijing to cut off official and formal engagements with Taipei. China has built extensive economic and diplomatic influence across the African continent over the past two decades, giving it significant leverage over policy decisions in many African nations.

    The cancellation of RightsCon marks the second high-profile incident involving Chinese diplomatic pressure on Taiwan in southern Africa in less than two weeks. Just one week prior, Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te’s planned official visit to Eswatini — the only African country that maintains formal diplomatic relations with Taipei — was derailed after China pressured Madagascar, Mauritius and Seychelles to withdraw overflight clearance for Lai’s aircraft. After that initial setback, Lai announced a surprise, unannounced arrival in Eswatini on Saturday, posting on social media platform X that “Taiwan will never be deterred by external pressures.”

    Taiwan’s Digital Minister Lin Yi-jing linked the two incidents, saying in a Facebook statement Saturday that the cancellation of RightsCon, which was hosted last year in Taipei, exposes Beijing’s discomfort with the values of freedom, democracy and rule of law that both Taiwan and the summit represent. RightsCon has built a reputation over its years of operation as a leading global forum to discuss pressing digital rights issues including internet censorship, electronic mass surveillance, the global rise of cyberwarfare, and digital exclusion of marginalized communities.

    Human Rights Watch, the leading global non-profit human rights organization, has called on Zambian authorities to issue a full public explanation for their decision to postpone and ultimately scuttle the summit. As of Sunday, the Zambian government has not issued any further comment responding to the allegations of pressure from China.

  • In China’s countryside, a Nigerian student found more than a story

    In China’s countryside, a Nigerian student found more than a story

    Beneath the blazing summer sun of East China’s Zhejiang province, a young foreign woman wearing a woven straw hat steps barefoot into the muddy waters of a terraced rice paddy. One hand grips a handwoven fishing net, the other holds a chipped wooden bucket ready to hold her catch. She wades slowly through the shallow water, her toes sinking into soft silt as she searches for native carp raised in Yunhe county’s centuries-old rice-fish co-culture system. Within an hour, her fresh catch is carried to a village kitchen, where it is transformed into a fragrant, steaming traditional Chinese dish, ready to be shared with local hosts.

    That woman is Ibeakamma Chinazaekpere Ugochinyere, a Nigerian scholar who goes by her Chinese name Wang Qian. Now a doctoral candidate at Zhejiang Normal University’s College of Education, she traveled to the mountainous Yunhe county in 2025 to take part in filming the documentary series *A Foreign Apprentice Comes to the Mountains*. What was originally scheduled to be a straightforward media assignment quickly evolved into a deeply personal journey that reshaped her understanding of Chinese culture and development.

    Ugochinyere’s connection to China stretches back to her primary school years in Nigeria, when she first developed a fascination with the country’s long history and unique culture. That childhood curiosity became a reality when she earned a Confucius Institute scholarship, an opportunity that allowed her to move to China to pursue her education. A decade later, she says China has become more than a place of study — it is her second home. “What the Chinese government gave us was not only the opportunity to study, but also a deep affection that crossed mountains and seas,” she explained.

    Over her 10 years in China, Ugochinyere has grown from a curious cultural explorer into an active bridge for China-Africa people-to-people exchange. Her immersive stay in Yunhe added an unexpected new layer of meaning to that work. On camera, she worked alongside local villagers to dig up sweet potatoes, handcraft traditional tofu, harvest rice and cook family-style meals. Off camera, she found herself slowly drawn into a way of life that felt both entirely new and unexpectedly intimate. Having spent most of her time in China living in bustling urban centers, the quiet rhythm of rural life opened her eyes to a side of the country she had never experienced before.

    For Ugochinyere, the unassuming magic of China’s countryside lives in small, everyday moments: soft mist curling over forested mountain peaks when she opens her curtains at dawn, a warm bowl of hand-folded wontons shared by a local neighbor, a daily schedule shaped by the cycles of the land and seasonal weather, rather than the nonstop noise and rush of city life.

    Again and again during her stay, she returned to one observation: China’s rural revitalization drive is extraordinary. What impressed her most, however, was not just the visible signs of new prosperity — cleaner infrastructure, newer public facilities, higher living standards. What stood out to her was that development in Yunhe, and later in Wuyi county of Jinhua, did not come at the cost of cultural heritage.

    “This project made me understand that while we are advancing modernization, embracing new development, and promoting rural revitalization, we must also preserve old buildings, past history and traditional knowledge,” she said. In her view, the centuries-old wooden farmhouses, historic architecture and surviving traditional handicrafts she encountered across the countryside are not outdated relics to be bulldozed for new construction; they are the foundation that allows rural communities to hold onto their unique cultural identity. “These old buildings, these old crafts and the things that have been preserved are all telling the story of who they are,” she noted. That balance, she argues, is what makes China’s rural transformation distinct from development models she has seen elsewhere: “We welcome development and modernization, but we do not need to lose ourselves, our culture or our history.”

    Another group that left a lasting impression on Ugochinyere was the cohort of young Chinese villagers who have chosen to leave urban careers to return home and rebuild their local communities. She met dozens of young entrepreneurs using digital tools to market local farm produce, redesign traditional product packaging, and sell village goods to national audiences via livestreaming e-commerce. This new wave of entrepreneurship has injected fresh energy into rural areas, where older generations previously lacked the resources and digital skills to reach broader consumer markets.

    “I’m really proud of them. They are willing to go back home, bring development, start businesses and promote the products of their villages,” she said. What stuck with her most were not grand policy announcements, but small, human moments of connection: elderly villagers greeting the film crew with warm grins and homemade snacks, new family restaurants and small businesses popping up on every return visit to Yunhe, the clear sense that ongoing changes were being experienced and shared by every member of the community.

    The experience also stirred warm childhood memories for Ugochinyere, who grew up surrounded by mountains, rivers and untouched nature in Nigeria. In quiet, unspoken ways, the rolling hills and lush landscapes of rural China felt strangely familiar. So when filming wrapped, she found she could not leave the experience behind.

    “If I have time off in the future, I would love to go back, rent a house or stay in a homestay for a while, and spend more time walking around,” she said. “I want to work the land again, dig up potatoes again, and experience that feeling once more. I haven’t felt that way in many years.” Smiling, she summed up what the journey meant to her with a famous Chinese phrase that now feels personal: “Lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets. China’s countryside is truly a treasure.”

  • Taiwan’s president lands in Eswatini in a trip delayed by lack of overflight clearance

    Taiwan’s president lands in Eswatini in a trip delayed by lack of overflight clearance

    After a weeks-long delay driven by cross-border pressure from Beijing, Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te announced his arrival in Eswatini on Saturday, marking the completion of a trip that became a high-stakes symbol of Taipei’s efforts to maintain international diplomatic space.

    Lai’s journey to Eswatini — Taiwan’s last remaining formal diplomatic ally on the African continent — was originally scheduled to begin on April 22, but the trip was put on hold after three regional nations, Seychelles, Mauritius and Madagascar, withdrew prior approval for Lai’s aircraft to cross their airspace. Taiwanese officials attributed the permit revocations directly to heavy political and economic coercion from Chinese authorities, who have long demanded that no country grant official access to Taiwanese leaders.

    In a public post on the social platform X following his arrival, Lai emphasized the purpose of his visit: to reaffirm the deep, decades-long diplomatic friendship between Taipei and Mbabane. “Taipei is a self-governing democracy that Beijing claims as its own territory, but we will never be deterred by external pressure,” Lai wrote. In an additional Facebook post, he credited his diplomatic and national security teams with the careful behind-the-scenes planning that made the visit possible, noting that the trip would deepen bilateral cooperation across key sectors including economic development, agriculture, cultural exchange and education. “Our resolve and commitment are rooted in one core truth: Taiwan will continue engaging with the global community, no matter what obstacles we face,” he added. Notably, Taiwanese authorities chose not to pre-announce the final itinerary of Lai’s trip for security reasons, keeping the revised travel plans confidential until he landed in Eswatini.

    Beijing responded quickly and sharply to the news of Lai’s arrival. A spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs dismissed the visit as a “laughable stunt” staged for the global public, dismissing Lai’s journey as an act of “smuggling” out of Taiwan. The spokesperson reiterated Beijing’s longstanding position that Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory, stating that Lai’s “undignified” visit is a losing cause that can never alter that core fact. “We urge Eswatini and other individual countries to recognize the natural arc of history, and stop acting as props for ‘Taiwan independence’ separatist forces,” the statement read.

    For decades, China has leveraged economic and political influence to shrink Taipei’s network of formal diplomatic allies, and has not ruled out the use of military force to bring Taiwan under Beijing’s control. Currently, only 11 United Nations-recognized states maintain full official diplomatic ties with Taipei, down from 29 in 2000. Eswatini, a small landlocked southern African nation with a population of roughly 1.2 million, has held out as Taipei’s only ally on the African continent since 2018, when Burkina Faso switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing. In recent years, Eswatini has also faced economic consequences for its alliance with Taiwan: it is the only African country excluded from China’s duty-free market access program for developing nations.

    The visit comes amid a sharp recent escalation of cross-strait and Sino-U.S. tensions. Just one day before Lai’s arrival, Beijing warned Washington that the Taiwan issue remains the single biggest potential flashpoint for conflict between the two global powers, with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi telling newly confirmed U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio in a phone call that Taiwan is the “biggest risk” to bilateral relations. Taiwan’s government issued a formal statement of concern in response to Wang’s remarks.

    The last visit by a sitting Taiwanese president to Eswatini took place in 2023, when Lai’s predecessor Tsai Ing-wen traveled to the country for diplomatic talks.

  • Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Global market volatility triggered by the Iran conflict has sent diesel prices soaring across Africa, creating new urgency for an already unfolding transition in the continent’s telecommunications sector: moving hundreds of thousands of cellphone towers from fossil fuel-powered generators to solar energy systems.

    At present, roughly 500,000 telecommunications towers across Africa depend on diesel to stay operational. In recent weeks, global fuel supplies have tightened dramatically following the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, leaving many import-dependent African nations grappling with steep price hikes and intermittent supply shortages. These disruptions have forced both national governments and private telecom operators to reevaluate long-held energy strategies.

    While the move toward renewable energy for telecom infrastructure predates the latest price shocks, driven by years of steady cost pressures and global climate action commitments, industry leaders confirm the Iran conflict has drastically speed up the transition timeline. “Diesel has always been a major cost, but recent global events have made it even more volatile,” explained Lande Abudu, senior Africa energy specialist at GSMA, the global industry body representing mobile network operators. “That strengthens the case for solar and hybrid solutions immeasurably.”

    Across the continent, operators are rapidly rolling out hybrid energy systems that pair solar panels with large-scale battery storage, retaining only small diesel generators for rare, extended periods of low sunlight. Many providers have set long-term targets to transition all their rural and off-grid tower sites — where extending national power infrastructure is prohibitively expensive — to full solar operation.

    Unlike most developed markets, where the vast majority of telecom towers are connected to centralized national electricity grids (with diesel only reserved as backup for outages), Africa’s underdeveloped grid infrastructure has left the sector almost entirely dependent on standalone diesel generators for decades. These large industrial units require regular manual refueling, exposing operators to logistical challenges, theft, and maintenance costs. Similar diesel-reliant transitions are now underway in parts of Southeast Asia such as Indonesia, but Africa’s shift stands out for its scale and potential transformative impact.

    Recent major industry investments underscore the accelerating momentum. Last month, U.S.-owned Atlas Tower Kenya announced a $52.5 million investment to build 300 new purpose-built solar-powered telecom towers, serving leading regional operators including Safaricom, Airtel and Telkom Kenya. Currently, 82% of the firm’s existing 500 towers already run on solar, a benchmark many industry peers are now working to match.

    The economic case for transitioning has become increasingly compelling in recent years, even before the latest global price shock. For off-grid tower sites, energy costs can account for as much as 60% of total operating expenses, and diesel’s long-term price trend has consistently trended upward, compounded by local challenges from poor transport infrastructure to fuel theft.

    Vodacom Africa, which operates across six African nations and holds subsidiary stakes in Kenya and Ethiopia through Safaricom, reported a 5% year-over-year rise in total energy costs to $300 million in 2025, driven by higher fuel and electricity tariffs. In response, Safaricom raised $153.6 million in green bonds last year specifically to fund its tower transition to solar. In Nigeria, where government removed long-standing fuel subsidies in 2023, diesel prices have already jumped as much as 200% in a single year, leaving operators paying $400 million annually just to keep diesel-powered towers online. The latest price increases tied to the Iran conflict have added even more pressure to move quickly.

    Telecom firms across the continent are responding by scaling up clean energy deployment at an unprecedented rate. Local firm iSAT Africa is rolling out solar-powered towers supported by innovative green financing models, while regional giants including Orange, Vodacom, MTN Group and Airtel Africa are expanding solar and hybrid systems across their entire network footprints. “By replacing diesel-powered telecom towers with fully solar-powered infrastructure, we expect to reduce the carbon emissions associated with mobile network operations,” iSAT Africa CEO Rakesh Kukreja said in March while announcing new funding for the projects.

    Early data from completed transitions already shows significant cost and operational gains. MTN’s operations in South Africa have cut total fuel spending by roughly 30% after switching to solar, while Airtel Africa, in partnership with ENGIE Energy Access, has reduced diesel consumption by more than 50% at its tower sites in Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. For Vodacom Africa, connecting towers to national grids where possible and expanding solar and battery storage sits at the core of its 2025 sustainability and operational strategy, company documents show.

    Beyond cost savings, the transition delivers major improvements to network reliability, a critical benefit for underserved rural communities. Solar-powered systems are far less vulnerable to the fuel shortages and generator breakdowns that have long plagued diesel-reliant networks. Even before the latest conflict, regular outages tied to fuel shortages in parts of northern Nigeria and Congo disrupted everything from mobile money transactions to life-saving emergency communications.

    GSMA data estimates that the shift to solar could help close Africa’s persistent digital connectivity gap, where roughly 65% of people who could access life-changing mobile internet remain unconnected. “Renewable energy systems enable faster and more cost-effective expansion into underserved areas,” Abudu noted.

    On the ground in rural off-grid communities in northern Kenya, residents are already seeing tangible improvements. “Before this telecommunication mast was installed, we struggled to process mobile money payment or even call for help during medical emergencies,” said Martin Imwatok, a local teacher. “When these towers go off, business and life stop.”

    Africa’s uniquely high reliance on diesel, driven by underdeveloped grid infrastructure, makes the transition more complex than in other regions — but also means it carries far greater transformative potential. Regulators across the continent are now exploring ways to amplify the benefits of the shift; in Nigeria, the national telecom regulator has encouraged operators to integrate solar-powered towers into local solar minigrids that can supply electricity to nearby communities as well.

    “These telecom towers can act as anchor clients for solar minigrids, supplying electricity not only to the towers but also to nearby homes, businesses and public services,” explained Aminu Maida, head of the Nigerian Communications Commission.

    With global fuel prices set to remain volatile amid ongoing Middle East tensions, industry experts say the case for renewable energy for Africa’s telecom sector will only grow stronger. “This is no longer just about climate,” Abudu said. “It’s about resilience, cost and keeping Africa connected.”

    This reporting from The Associated Press on climate and environment receives financial support from multiple private foundations, with AP retaining full editorial control over all content.

  • ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    On the windswept Atlantic coast of Ghana, in the quiet fishing town of Apam, an unassuming tree rises from rust-red clay, anchoring a story of migration, resilience, and intergenerational memory that stretches back further than most written records of the region. Tucked between two defining monuments of Ghana’s layered colonial and post-colonial history, the tree — called Santseo, meaning “Under” in the local Fanti language, for the shade it has offered communities for centuries — is barely noticed by daily passersby. But for one extended Ghanaian family, it is far more than a feature of the landscape: it is the living anchor of their identity.

    Oral tradition passed down through the Wilberforce family traces Santseo’s planting to the 13th century, when a small group of travelers led by Nana Asumbia, a royal spiritual leader from the Akwamu Kingdom’s historic capital of Akwamufie, set out on a westward journey along the coast. Though the exact cause of the group’s departure from Akwamufie has been lost to time, family accounts passed from generation to generation preserve the unique ritual Asumbia followed to choose the group’s new home: the travelers carried a sapling with them, and planted it wherever they paused. If the young tree took root and survived after several days, they knew they had found their permanent settlement. If it died, they continued onward.

    The tree species Asumbia chose was no accident. Today identified as *Piliostigma thonningii* — commonly called camel’s foot or monkey bread tree — it is a hardy, drought-resistant species native to much of sub-Saharan Africa, valued across the continent for its medicinal leaves and bark, its wide cooling canopy, and its ability to thrive in poor, harsh conditions where other species fail. For a nomadic community searching for a place to put down roots, the species’ legendary resilience made it the perfect symbol of their own journey.

    The group’s first stop after leaving Akwamufie was in what is now central Accra’s Otublohum neighborhood, around the site of the modern General Post Office. The sapling they planted there survived, and descendants of that first group still live in the area today. But the journey continued west, and the travelers next paused near Gomoa Buduburam along the Accra-Winneba highway, where they planted a second sapling. This time, the young tree did not survive. The group took this as a sign they had not yet reached their destination, and moved on once again.

    Their final stop came after a chance encounter in the coastal forest, according to oral history. A royal hunter named Inhune Akubuha from Gomoa Asin had wounded an elephant, which fled into the bush before collapsing. When he tracked the dead animal to its final resting place in what is now Apam, he called the traveling group to the spot. It was here that Asumbia planted her third sapling. Days later, when the tree sprouted new growth and took root in the red coastal soil, the group settled. Centuries later, the tree still stands, and the family built their home directly around it, naming the property Santsiwadzi in Santseo’s honor.

    Today, Santseo occupies a unique space between two eras of Ghana’s documented history: on one side sits Fort Patience, a Dutch trading fort completed in 1697 during the transatlantic gold and slave trade, when the region was known as the Gold Coast; on the other stands Apam’s Methodist Church, a monument to the spread of Christianity across Ghana’s coast in the centuries after European arrival. Yet according to family tradition, Santseo predates both structures by hundreds of years, making it a rare living marker of pre-colonial African history that outlasted the arrival of European powers and the transformation of local belief systems.

    As Christianity spread across Apam, the family that cares for Santseo donated the land on which the Methodist Church now stands. Over time, the tree’s traditional spiritual significance faded, as community members avoided being labeled idolaters for maintaining the old traditions. What remains is not a shrine, but a living memory: a connection to the ancestors who founded the community. Even so, tensions persist around preserving the tree: any extra care or maintenance is often misinterpreted as a return to old ritual practices, leaving the family to walk a careful line between honoring their history and adapting to modern beliefs.

    Roughly 40 years ago, members of the extended family reconnected with their ancestral roots in Akwamufie, making the journey east back to the kingdom their ancestors left centuries earlier. Oral tradition in Akwamufie had preserved the story of the traveling group for generations, with a repeated prophecy that they would one day return. The reunion was an emotional occasion, and a family member was installed as Nana Asumbia II, the new Queen Mother, mending the centuries-long divide between the two communities.

    Today, Apam’s rhythm is still shaped by the Atlantic Ocean that frames its coast. Fishermen haul nets to shore before dawn, children walk past Santseo on their way home from school along paths their grandparents and great-grandparents used, and every Tuesday, the town observes a long-held sacred tradition: no fishing boats leave the shore, and a gentle stillness falls over the coast, broken only by the quiet roll of the Atlantic.

    Santseo still stands through it all, its branches gnarled and shaped by centuries of salt wind and coastal storm, still rooted in the same red clay where Asumbia planted it so long ago. It has survived the rise and fall of kingdoms, the arrival of colonial powers, the transformation of local beliefs, and the slow passage of centuries. A guide for a displaced community, a source of shade and medicine, and a living archive of unwritten African history, the question Nana Asumbia asked when she planted the sapling all those years ago — will this tree take root? — still has the same clear answer, centuries later: yes.