标签: Africa

非洲

  • 50 years on, Fela’s legendary ‘Zombie’ album still resonates in Nigeria

    50 years on, Fela’s legendary ‘Zombie’ album still resonates in Nigeria

    Half a century after its 1976 release, Fela Kuti’s iconic protest album *Zombie* still stands as one of the most fearless acts of political defiance in African musical history, a work that not only reshaped global music but also laid bare the deep inequalities and authoritarian abuses that continue to plague Nigeria decades after the end of military rule.

    To understand the stakes of *Zombie*, one must look back at the turbulent context that birthed it. Nigeria had won independence from British colonial rule in 1960, buoyed by the discovery of massive oil reserves that promised widespread prosperity for the resource-rich West African nation. Just six years later, the first of a long string of military coups ousted the civilian government, followed by a brutal civil war that claimed at least three million lives. By 1976, the military had held unelected power for a full decade, with successive juntas embedding authoritarian control into every layer of public life — including deploying soldiers to secondary schools across the country to enforce state-mandated discipline under then-ruler Olusegun Obasanjo.

    For Yunusa Yau, a 16-year-old student in northwestern Nigeria at the time, growing anger at soldiers’ heavy-handed abuse of power on campus led him and his classmates to embrace Fela’s searing new track as their anthem. Decades later, Yau — now a 66-year-old political activist based in Abuja — told the Associated Press that Fela had already become a beacon of resistance for young Nigerians tired of authoritarian overreach. “In a way, we saw him as a symbol of our own nascent attempt to protect our limited horizon of freedom,” Yau said, noting the song quickly became a protest against both unaccountable soldiers and the unpopular school officials complicit with military rule.

    Fela Anikulapo Kuti, born under colonial rule in 1938, is widely regarded as Nigeria’s greatest modern artist, with a 40-year career that stretched from the late 1950s until his death in 1997. Earlier this year, he earned a posthumous Lifetime Achievement Award at the Grammy Awards in recognition of his lasting cultural impact. He co-created the iconic Afrobeat genre alongside legendary drummer Tony Allen, blending polyrhythmic traditional West African percussion with Black American jazz and funk to create a signature sound entirely his own. But far more than a musical innovator, Fela built his legacy as a relentless chronicler of everyday life under military rule, which dominated Nigeria from the 1966 coup until the return of civilian democracy in 1999.

    *Zombie* was unlike any of Fela’s previous political work. Released as a 25-minute two-track album, the title track cut straight to the core of military authoritarianism, with lyrics that mocked the unthinking obedience of soldiers to unelected rulers: “Zombie no go turn, unless you tell ’em to turn (Zombie) / Zombie no go think, unless you tell ’em to think.” Layered over Fela’s driving polyrhythms, the track mimicked a military parade, complete with chanted commands to march, salute and fire. The B-side, “Mister Follow Follow,” expanded the critique to call out widespread blind obedience to authority and the status quo across Nigerian society.

    Lemi Ghariokwu, the artist who designed the *Zombie* album cover and collaborated with Fela for decades, called the record Fela’s definitive work. “It was one of his boldest moments on record,” Ghariokwu told the AP. “He was very much vexed by the actions of the military government. When he was composing the song, we asked him if it was going to be a direct attack song, and he said yes.”

    Interestingly, the zombie archetype that Fela used to devastating political effect originates from traditional West and Central African mythology, where it describes a figure stripped of free will, controlled by external forces. The imagery would later be popularized globally by Michael Jackson in his iconic 1982 *Thriller* music video, but Fela was the first to weaponize it for mass political protest.

    Fela’s unflinching attack on the junta drew brutal, immediate retaliation. The military government dispatched 1,000 soldiers to Fela’s self-declared independent Lagos compound, which the artist had claimed was outside Nigerian state control. Troops burned the compound to the ground, badly injured Fela, and left his mother — Funmi Ransome-Kuti, a prominent Nigerian activist in her own right — with fatal injuries. The album was banned from all state-run radio, and ordinary Nigerians were arrested for defying the junta by playing *Zombie* in public venues, at parties or on personal speakers.

    Critics note Fela’s foresight in calling out the long-term damage of military rule has proven entirely accurate. When the military seized power in 1966, junta leaders justified their coup by ousting a civilian government they accused of corruption and mismanaging Nigeria’s oil wealth. Decades after the end of military rule, that same failure of shared prosperity persists: official data from the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics shows 63% of Nigerians currently live in multidimensional poverty, lacking access to basic amenities, with sky-high youth unemployment. The country also faces a sprawling, ongoing security crisis, with militant and criminal groups carrying out widespread killings and kidnappings across large swathes of the country. Just this year, six people including soldiers and police officers were charged with plotting a coup against democratically elected President Bola Tinubu, a reminder of the military’s enduring oversized influence on Nigerian public life.

    “Fela was actually ahead of his time, because he seemed to have foreseen the kind of rot and decay that the military class would leave Nigeria in,” said Dami Ajayi, a prominent Nigerian music critic. “Fela was already saying to everyone that these guys who are here are going to ruin your country; you cannot allow a zombie to be in charge of everything around you.”

    Fifty years after its release, *Zombie*’s impact remains unmatched in Nigerian popular culture. While other Nigerian artists across reggae, fuji, pop and other genres have criticized government overreach, none have matched the open, uncompromising confrontation Fela pulled off with *Zombie*. Today, mainstream commercial success in Nigeria’s large music industry rarely makes space for overt political protest, even as the grievances Fela sang about remain largely unaddressed.

    Ayomide Tayo, a Nigerian music and pop culture critic, said Fela’s bravery has yet to be replicated by modern artists. “The consequences of that record are well-documented, and I don’t think anybody is that brave to critically criticize the government like that,” Tayo said. “The epic scale at which Fela did it has not been replicated.”

  • Polls open in Ethiopia’s election that is widely expected to be won by the ruling party

    Polls open in Ethiopia’s election that is widely expected to be won by the ruling party

    Voting kicked off across Ethiopia on Monday for a highly contested national parliamentary election that pollsters and political analysts almost universally predict will deliver another term in office to incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his ruling Prosperity Party. As the East African nation, which is Africa’s second most populous and home to the African Union’s continental headquarters, opened polling stations at 6 a.m. local time, a heavy deployment of military personnel was visible across the capital city of Addis Ababa, while international and local observers issued widespread calls for a calm, violence-free voting process.

    Long lines of voters began forming well before polling stations opened, a sign of strong engagement among many eligible Ethiopians who turned out to make their political preferences count. Roughly 50 million registered voters, out of Ethiopia’s total estimated population of 130 million, are eligible to cast ballots across the country. On top of selecting 547 members of the federal House of Representatives—who will later convene to vote for the country’s next prime minister—voters are also electing representatives to thousands of local government council seats. Official preliminary election results are expected to be announced later on Monday.

    From the start of the voting period, the election has been mired in controversy. Ethiopia’s fragmented opposition parties have raised widespread alarms over what they describe as rapidly shrinking political space ahead of the vote, with many alleging that their candidates and campaign teams were blocked from accessing public spaces, restricted from canvassing for support, and barred from reaching voters fairly across much of the country. The Ethiopian government has also faced sustained international criticism over documented reports of human rights abuses targeting opposition activists, government critics, and independent journalists operating in the country.

    Noah Yesuf, a prominent Ethiopian human rights defender, went so far as to deem the entire election illegitimate from its opening stages. “The fairness of an election is judged by whether there is a level playing field for the opposition and a conducive environment for citizens to freely participate,” Yesuf told the Associated Press in an interview on polling day.

    Public sentiment toward the political process remains deeply divided among ordinary Ethiopian voters. Many citizens have expressed growing voter apathy, rooted in years of unfulfilled promises from political leaders that have left large portions of the population disillusioned with the democratic process. Yet other voters remain committed to participating, even amid widespread uncertainty about whether their ballots will deliver tangible change.

    Senait Dereje, a 37-year-old small business owner running a shop in Addis Ababa, said she remained determined to cast her ballot despite her own doubts. “I have registered to vote. I am not sure if my vote will bring the change that I want and that will help change my livelihood,” Dereje told the AP. “I know many friends refuse to vote as they have given up on the politicians but I have not and I see it as a referendum like vote on the mixed record of the government.”

    Two core themes have shaped the 2024 election cycle: national reconciliation and economic development. After years of devastating internal conflict in restive regions including Tigray, Oromia, and Amhara that left hundreds of thousands dead and displaced millions more, the government has framed the vote as a step toward unifying a fractured nation. On the economic front, the ruling Prosperity Party has campaigned on pledges to deliver large-scale infrastructure projects and inclusive growth to lift millions of Ethiopians out of poverty.

  • Grammy-winning director explores his Nigerian grandfather’s role in the Biafran war

    Grammy-winning director explores his Nigerian grandfather’s role in the Biafran war

    Meji Alabi has built a global reputation as one of the most innovative music video directors of his generation, crafting viral, visually striking work for A-list artists from Beyoncé to Davido, Stormzy to Burna Boy. A 2021 Grammy win for co-directing *Brown Skin Girl* cemented his status as a powerhouse of the industry, but for Alabi, the biggest creative and emotional challenge of his career would come not from a chart-topping pop hit, but from the quiet, unspoken traumas of his own family’s past, and a chapter of Nigerian history that has long been sidelined from public conversation.

    Born in London to Nigerian parents and raised and educated in the United States, Alabi grew up hearing fragmented anecdotes of the 1967-1970 Nigerian Civil War, also called the Biafran War, from his grandfather Godwin Alabi-Isama, a former commando who fought for the Nigerian federal army against Igbo separatists seeking to form the independent breakaway state of Biafra. It was only when he teamed up with his uncle, fellow filmmaker Leke Alabi-Isama, co-founder of Lagos-based production outfit PriorGold Pictures, that the pair began to unpack how little they truly knew about the conflict that shaped modern Nigeria.

    “It was very much an eye opener for me. I just grew up not knowing much about the war at all, or who was fighting who,” Alabi shared in an interview.

    For Leke, who grew up in southwestern Nigeria hearing his father framed as a war hero for his role as chief of staff to a top federal army commander, that reckoning came decades later when he began deep diving into archival research. What he uncovered upended every assumption he had carried about his family’s legacy: mass starvation, allegations of war crimes against federal troops, and the unacknowledged suffering of the Igbo people who made up the Biafran separatist movement.

    “I only just saw it from a Nigerian [federal army] perspective. I never knew of the horrors. I never knew of the suffering and the pain of the other side,” Leke explained. “When you find out that, you know, your truth is not the only truth, it was a humbling moment.”

    Rooted in this desire to unpack multiple narratives, the pair’s new documentary *Surviving Biafra: Voices from the Nigerian Civil War*, produced by BBC Africa Eye, pulls back the curtain on one of Africa’s bloodiest post-independence conflicts. The film includes never-before-seen frontline footage, and centers first-person testimonies from surviving veterans and civilians, most now in their 70s and 80s, many of whom have never shared their experiences publicly before.

    The Biafran War erupted after a series of military coups and targeted massacres of Igbo communities in northern Nigeria pushed more than a million Igbos to retreat to their ancestral homeland in the country’s southeast, where regional leaders declared independence for the Republic of Biafra. The Nigerian federal government responded with a full military campaign and a total blockade of Biafra, cutting off access to food, medicine and all foreign supplies. Over 30 months of fighting, an estimated 500,000 to 3 million people died, most of them children killed by widespread famine. The conflict was the first televised humanitarian disaster in global history, with shocking footage of starving children broadcast into homes around the world, before Biafra surrendered in 1970.

    To this day, this traumatic chapter remains largely absent from formal Nigerian education: the civil war was removed from the national school curriculum for more than a decade ending in 2025, and even today, the full scale of suffering is rarely taught. For Leke and Meji, this erasure is part of what made the project urgent.

    “This generation of survivors is slowly fading, and if we do not preserve their testimonies now, we risk losing not only their memories, but the chance to fully document this history in a way that can contribute to understanding and healing,” Leke said.

    Unlike most mainstream retellings of the war, the documentary centers underrepresented voices, including two female former soldiers who fought on opposite sides of the conflict. It also draws on contributions from across the region: Meji recruited Ghanaian composer Ray Michael Djan Jr, who previously worked on the *Black Panther: Wakanda Forever* soundtrack, to score the film, while the BBC’s Igbo service and independent Igbo historians provided contextual expertise to ensure the narrative centered community perspectives.

    One of the documentary’s most raw, pivotal moments comes when Leke confronts his 90-plus year old father Godwin with archival black-and-white footage of emaciated Biafran children. For the first time, Leke said, he heard his father’s voice shake. During the conversation, Godwin also revealed a shocking personal detail: unknowingly, he had eaten human flesh while serving in occupied Biafran territory, after local villagers served the meat to his unit. The federal army’s 3 Marine Commando brigade, where Godwin served, has long faced allegations of systematic war crimes including the execution of civilians, and the BBC’s editorial team pushed Godwin to respond directly to those claims during the interview.

    In a response to the upcoming documentary, Nigeria’s federal government noted it hoped the film would serve as a reminder of how far the country has progressed in the 59 years since the war ended, and of “the enduring importance of dialogue, reconciliation and shared purpose in building a stronger nation for generations to come.”

    For Meji, who has spent much of his career elevating Nigerian popular culture to a global audience, this project fills a different critical gap. The war has long been a topic discussed only in whispers in Nigerian society, he said, never confronted head-on by a younger generation of creators seeking honest answers.

    “It hasn’t been attacked head on and, you know, presented from an inquisitive younger generation like this before,” he said.

    Both filmmakers share a core hope for the project: that the documentary will open the door for broader national reckoning, encourage more survivors to step forward with their stories, and help Nigerians confront the darker parts of their shared history with honesty and empathy.

    “We really hope this documentary encourages more survivors to tell their stories and document our history further. It’s up to us to do it,” Meji said.

  • Zidane and Mahrez in Algeria World Cup squad

    Zidane and Mahrez in Algeria World Cup squad

    As the 2026 FIFA World Cup approaches, Algeria has officially announced its 26-man squad for the tournament, bringing a major story of legacy and comeback to the global football stage. The most high-profile inclusion is 28-year-old goalkeeper Luca Zidane, son of French football icon Zinedine Zidane, who earns his first ever World Cup call-up after recovering from a serious facial injury.

    Luca Zidane’s journey to Algeria’s World Cup squad has been defined by choice and resilience. A former youth prospect for France who represented Les Bleus up to the under-20 level, he made the decision to switch allegiances to Algeria, the country where his paternal grandparents were born. He was the Desert Foxes’ starting goalkeeper at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, but his season was derailed in April when he suffered broken jaw and chin injuries while playing for Spanish La Liga side Granada. He has since recovered to reclaim his place in the national side, having previously made two senior appearances for Real Madrid before moving to Granada.

    Alongside the younger Zidane, 35-year-old veteran forward Riyad Mahrez, the former Manchester City and Leicester City star who currently plies his trade at Saudi Arabian club Al-Ahli, has also been selected for the squad, bringing decades of top-flight experience to Algeria’s attacking line.

    Coach Vladimir Petkovic’s squad also features a number of notable returnees and injury comebacks. Midfielder Nabil Bentaleb, 31, who currently plays for French Ligue 1 side Lille, has earned a recall to the national side seven months after being left out of the squad. Petkovic defended the selection, noting that “We know Bentaleb well; he has all the qualities as a person for the group too. He has shown he’s in form these last few months.” Bentaleb already has World Cup experience, having featured for Algeria at the 2014 tournament in Brazil, the North African nation’s most recent appearance at the World Cup finals.

    Two other key players, midfielder Houssem Aouar and forward Amine Gouiri, have also earned spots after missing the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations finals in Morocco earlier this year due to injury. Aouar now plays for Saudi side Al-Ittihad, while Gouir is at French side Olympique de Marseille.

    Luca Zidane’s famous father Zinedine Zidane remains one of the most iconic figures in World Cup history. The legendary French midfielder won the 1998 World Cup on home soil, scoring two goals in the final against Brazil, and reached a second final in 2006, where he scored but was sent off in France’s defeat to Italy.

    Algeria is set to compete in Group J of the 2026 World Cup, where it will face defending champions Argentina, European side Austria, and Asian representative Jordan. The full squad announced by Petkovic includes three goalkeepers, nine defenders, seven midfielders, and seven forwards, with a mix of youth talent from top European clubs and experienced domestic-based players.

  • Nigerian retired general abducted with his wife in the north-west

    Nigerian retired general abducted with his wife in the north-west

    Nigeria’s military has officially confirmed that a retired senior army commander and his spouse have been taken hostage by armed assailants in the country’s restive northwest region.

    Retired Major General Rabe Abubakar, who served as the Nigerian Army’s high-profile public spokesperson between 2015 and 2017, was pulled from his vehicle during an abduction that took place Saturday while he was traveling through Katsina State. Local media reports indicate the former senior officer was en route to a wedding celebration in the state capital when gunmen intercepted his car. His driver was struck by gunfire during the attack but managed to escape, while Abubakar and his wife were forcibly taken into a nearby heavily forested area, where criminal groups often hide after carrying out raids.

    Current Nigerian Army spokesperson Major General Michael Onoja told the BBC that active search and rescue operations are currently ongoing to free the kidnapped couple and apprehend their captors. As of Sunday, no armed faction has claimed responsibility for the abduction, and military officials stated they are waiting for the perpetrators to reach out to Abubakar’s family, a common step in kidnappings for ransom in the region.

    This latest high-profile kidnapping underscores the persistent, intractable security crisis that has plagued northwestern Nigeria for years. In this region, loosely organized criminal gangs locally referred to as “bandits” regularly carry out mass abductions for large ransom payments, steal cattle from rural herders, and launch coordinated attacks on isolated farming communities. The security challenge is compounded by the presence of small factions of militant jihadists that have also established operating bases in the area; last December 25, the United States carried out an airstrike targeting an alleged militant training camp in neighboring Sokoto State.

    Katsina has consistently ranked among the Nigerian states hardest hit by this wave of violence. Just one day before Abubakar’s abduction, the state suffered another deadly mass attack: armed men raided Kiliya village, located in Dutsinma Local Government Area, killing no fewer than 16 residents. That attack unfolded shortly after Friday communal prayers, as local residents had gathered to mark the Eid al-Adha religious holiday. Security agencies across northern Nigeria had issued formal warnings of potential attack plots during the holiday celebrations, leading several state governments to implement restrictions on large public gatherings and boost patrols in high-risk areas. Nigerian police have not yet released any official comment on the reported village massacre.

    Neighboring Zamfara State, which shares borders with both Katsina and Sokoto, has endured years of the same pattern of brutal violence. Some local communities in Zamfara have attempted to broker informal peace agreements with armed gangs in recent years, but nearly all of these efforts have failed to deliver long-term stability to the region.

    Nigeria’s federal government has ramped up counter-insurgency and anti-crime operations in the northwest in an attempt to curb the epidemic of kidnapping. Policy measures have also been introduced to discourage families from paying ransom to kidnappers, which officials argue fuels the cycle of abductions by giving criminals incentive to carry out more attacks. Despite these interventions, however, large-scale attacks and abductions of both high-profile figures and ordinary civilians have continued unabated across the region.

  • WHO chief hails 5 Ebola recoveries as a new treatment center opens in eastern Congo

    WHO chief hails 5 Ebola recoveries as a new treatment center opens in eastern Congo

    BUNIA, Democratic Republic of Congo – On a Sunday visit to this Ituri provincial capital at the center of an ongoing rare Ebola outbreak, World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus announced a small, hopeful milestone: five patients have successfully recovered from infection with the Bundibugyo virus, a rare strain of Ebola with no approved vaccine or specific treatment.

    Tedros made the announcement during the official inauguration of a new Ebola treatment facility in Bunia, noting that four of the recovered patients would be discharged on the day of his announcement, with a fifth having been released two days prior. The first confirmed recovery of a Bundibugyo patient in this current outbreak was documented by WHO just two days earlier, a breakthrough that health officials are emphasizing to counter widespread public fear around the often-fatal virus.

    “Of course, we’re still working on developing targeted vaccines and treatments, but that doesn’t mean that people cannot recover from Ebola,” Tedros told attendees at the opening event. He stressed that early care seeking is critical to survival, urging community members to access medical support immediately after developing symptoms. “If you come to health facilities when you have symptoms, you can get the support and recover, so the key is to come forward as early as possible and to get the necessary support,” he added.

    As of the latest official counts, the outbreak has recorded 906 suspected cases and 223 suspected deaths across the Democratic Republic of Congo. The outbreak has already spilled over into neighboring Uganda, where the Ugandan Ministry of Health confirmed nine cases and one death as of last Friday.

    Despite the opening of new treatment infrastructure and the arrival of additional international aid, the virus is still spreading faster than public health responders can contain it, medical aid organization Doctors Without Borders (MSF) warned in a statement Saturday. The group called for urgent expansion of diagnostic testing, faster deployment of trained outbreak response personnel, and guaranteed consistent access for medical supply shipments into affected regions.

    Response efforts face two major layers of security and community barriers. First, long-running local conflict over access to health measures: local residents have expressed intense anger over mandatory Ebola body management protocols, which conflict with traditional local burial customs. This public frustration has boiled over into at least three separate attacks on local health centers, putting response teams at severe risk. Second, widespread armed conflict across eastern Congo has further disrupted operations. In Ituri, the Islamic State-aligned Allied Democratic Forces rebel group carries out regular attacks, while to the south in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces – where the outbreak has also been detected – the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel militia controls major urban centers including Goma and Bukavu. Two cases have already been recorded in areas under M23 control.

    To overcome these barriers, Tedros emphasized that sustained community engagement is non-negotiable for a successful response. “We can stop this Ebola and anyone who has it can also recover. But the rule … is this thing is everybody’s business and every citizen should be involved,” he said.

    Local health leaders echoed the call for collective action while leaning into the recent recovery news to reinforce public hope. “The final message we would like to share with the Ituri community is that there is hope,” said Pierre Akilimali, Incident Manager at Congo’s National Institute of Public Health, during the treatment center’s inauguration. “With the symptomatic treatment that we are currently providing, we are seeing patients recover.”

    Davin Ambitapio, a senior doctor at the new Bunia facility, added that the outbreak is far from insurmountable with coordinated support. “We truly have hope. The virus here is not as complicated as those we have dealt with in the past, and with the support of all our partners, we believe we will be able to bring this outbreak under control as quickly as possible,” he said.

    Reporting for this story was contributed by Banchereau from Dakar, Senegal.

  • South Africa made to look like fools after World Cup visa issues, says minister

    South Africa made to look like fools after World Cup visa issues, says minister

    Just weeks before kicking off their first World Cup finals appearance in 16 years, South Africa’s men’s national football team has been plunged into chaos by last-minute visa issues that have halted their travel to pre-tournament preparations in Mexico. The administrative mishap has sparked swift condemnation from the country’s top sports official, who is demanding immediate answers and accountability from the nation’s governing football body.

    The incident came to light after South Africa’s national public broadcaster SABC reported that an “administrative bungle” left several squad members without processed travel visas ahead of their planned departure. No additional details on how the error occurred or how many players were affected have been released to the public as of yet.

    In a series of posts on the social platform X, South African Sports Minister Gayton McKenzie made his frustration clear. He confirmed that he has formally requested a full written report from the South African Football Association (Safa), the governing body responsible for the national team’s logistics, and called for disciplinary action against whoever is responsible for the misstep.

    “We are being made to look like fools,” McKenzie wrote, adding that the entire visa and travel debacle is not only deeply embarrassing for the country but also grossly unfair to the players and coaching staff who have spent months preparing for the global tournament. Safa has not yet issued any public statement or response to the minister’s demands.

    The squad, widely known by its nickname Bafana Bafana, was scheduled to travel to Mexico this week to face Jamaica in a warm-up friendly this Friday, a critical final tune-up match before their World Cup opener. The 2026 expanded World Cup, co-hosted by Mexico, the United States and Canada, will see South Africa face the host nation Mexico in their first group stage match on June 11.

    South Africa is one of 10 African nations qualifying for the expanded 48-team 2026 World Cup, marking the country’s first trip to the tournament finals since it hosted the global event back in 2010. The Jamaica friendly is supposed to be Bafana Bafana’s final opportunity to fine-tune tactics and build match rhythm ahead of the high-stakes competition, making the travel delay all more problematic.

    The travel chaos comes on the heels of a underwhelming final home warm-up match for the squad last Friday, which ended in a goalless draw against Nicaragua. South Africa missed a penalty in the match, which multiple sports reports described as disappointing. The result stretched the national team’s current winless run to four consecutive matches, adding another layer of concern ahead of their World Cup debut next month.

  • I moved from Ethiopia to Shetland – and I’ve brought the coffee with me

    I moved from Ethiopia to Shetland – and I’ve brought the coffee with me

    Nestled in the rugged Shetland archipelago off the northern coast of Scotland, the small island of Whalsay has long been home to a beloved local tradition: honesty boxes, unstaffed roadside stalls stocked with everything from fresh farm eggs to homemade baked goods. In a charming new twist on this community custom, a recent addition to the island’s lineup of stalls offers something far out of the ordinary – hand-roasted Ethiopian coffee, brought to the 1,000-person community by Netsanet Sori, an Ethiopian immigrant who goes by the nickname Netsi.

    Sori’s connection to coffee runs deeper than a simple love of the drink. Raised on her family’s small-scale coffee farm in the rural Ethiopian highlands, coffee has been woven into her daily life since early childhood. Tragically, she lost her mother at a young age, and was raised by her grandmother and great-grandmother on the farm, an experience that forced her to mature quickly. “How I was raised there, compared to here, it’s completely different,” she reflected in an interview.

    After nine years living and working in Orkney, another northern Scottish island group, Sori relocated to Whalsay in October 2025. Even thousands of miles from her native home, she has never lost touch with her roots. She imports raw green coffee beans directly from the family farm where she grew up, turning her lifelong connection to the crop into a way to share Ethiopian culture with her new Scottish neighbors. For Sori, this project is about more than just selling coffee – it is a way to preserve tradition for the next generation. “It’s very important to me and I will teach my children about it as well,” she said.

    In Ethiopia, coffee is far more than a morning pick-me-up: it is the center of a daily community ritual, traditionally led by women, that brings neighbors together. “Neighbours and villagers gather once or twice in a day to share information, good news or bad news, and love,” Sori explained. “It’s also about community belonging. If you make a coffee, you can’t drink it alone. You have to share what you have and help others.”

    Sori’s process mirrors the traditional methods she learned growing up, with only small adjustments for modern convenience. When raw, pale green beans arrive at her Whalsay home, they carry a soft, earthy scent before roasting. She cleans the beans by hand, then roasts them in a single pot, shaking the container constantly over heat to ensure an even roast. As the beans cook, they deepen into a rich chestnut brown and release fragrant oils – a sign, Sori says, of high-quality, well-roasted coffee. While traditional Ethiopian roasting uses a manual mortar and pestle to grind finished beans, she now uses a small electric grinder to speed up the process for commercial sales.

    Before moving to Whalsay, Sori only roasted small batches for herself, friends, and local charity events during her time in Orkney. But after settling into her new home, she realized there was an unmet demand for artisanal, small-batch roasted coffee across Shetland. “After a little research, I realised that nobody else is roasting coffee like this in Shetland, so I thought I can do it,” she said. “It’s worked brilliantly. People seem to really like it.”

    Local residents have embraced Sori’s unique offering wholeheartedly. Ingrid Sutherland, a Whalsay local and self-described coffee lover, first tried the beans at a community Christmas fair and has been a repeat customer ever since. “I’m a bit of a coffee drinker, I love a good cup of coffee in the morning – real coffee, not instant, so I was just blown away with how cool it is,” Sutherland said. She added that the convenience of the honesty box model fits perfectly with island life: “It’s local as well, so I can just nip along the road and get a bag, rather than going out of the isle. We have plenty of egg boxes and cake fridges here in Shetland, but we didn’t have a coffee box. It’s fantastic to have a coffee box here.”

  • Ethiopia heads to the polls for an election expected to be dominated again by Abiy’s ruling party

    Ethiopia heads to the polls for an election expected to be dominated again by Abiy’s ruling party

    Ethiopia is set to hold its general national election on Monday, with early projections pointing to a sweeping victory for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s ruling Prosperity Party, hobbling a deeply divided and under-resourced opposition bloc that has struggled to mount a competitive challenge.

    Currently holding more than 500 of the 547 seats in the country’s House of Representatives, the Prosperity Party is widely expected to secure a commanding new majority, which would lock in Abiy’s position as prime minister for a second five-year term. Roughly 50 million registered voters out of Ethiopia’s total 130 million population are eligible to cast ballots for federal parliamentary representatives, as well as members of regional local government councils. Under Ethiopia’s electoral system, elected parliamentarians ultimately select the country’s prime minister.

    However, widespread insecurity across two of Ethiopia’s most populous regions — Amhara and Oromia — is projected to depress voter turnout significantly. The election comes in the wake of years of internal armed conflict, including the devastating two-year Tigray war that ended with a November 2022 peace deal, and ongoing low-level clashes in multiple northern regions. National reconciliation post-conflict and delivering large-scale infrastructure development, two key pledges from Abiy’s administration, have anchored the ruling party’s campaign messaging.

    Monitoring the vote is a team of 73 African Union observers led by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, who previously mediated the Tigray peace negotiations that produced the 2022 agreement. Arriving in Addis Ababa on Saturday, Kenyatta stressed that Ethiopia’s election carries outsize importance for the entire African continent, as the country hosts the African Union’s permanent headquarters. “Ours is to call for peaceful situation as Ethiopians are known for,” he noted.

    The vote has not been without sharp controversy. Abiy’s government has faced repeated international accusations of systematic human rights violations targeting political critics, independent journalists and opposition activists, despite 2020 promises to advance democratic reform and national peace. Abiy was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for brokering a resolution to a decades-long border conflict with neighboring Eritrea, but relations between the two nations have collapsed in recent years. Ethiopia accuses Eritrea of backing rebel factions to destabilize its northern regions, stoking fears that Tigray, already grappling with a catastrophic humanitarian crisis and widespread famine, could be dragged back into full-scale proxy war.

    The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the former dominant regional party in Tigray, has been labeled an illegal terrorist organization by the federal government. The region will skip the national vote for the second consecutive cycle, leaving Tigray without any representation in the federal parliament for a sixth straight year. TPLF leaders have threatened to withdraw from the 2022 peace agreement, a move the federal government calls an intentional provocation to restart conflict, while local relief agencies warn that hundreds of thousands of residents face acute food insecurity amid reports the central government has restricted access to critical humanitarian resources in the region.

    Analysis of the election’s integrity has split independent observers. Bayu Samuel, a political analyst based in Addis Ababa, argued that the vote is on track to be largely free and fair, pointing to new digital voting technologies that reduce fraud risks and growing public political awareness among the electorate. That assessment is rejected by opposition groups, which uniformly decry systemic advantages that favor the ruling Prosperity Party.

    Mistresilasie Tamerat, head of the opposition Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party and the election’s youngest candidate, called the process “far from genuine and democratic.” “The system favors the ruling party, and we can’t even freely operate (or) meet with our constituents,” she said. Eyoel Solomon, spokesperson for the main opposition National Movement of Amhara (Ezema), said the party’s core priority is ending the ethnic-based politics that has divided the country for decades. “We have seen citizens being attacked because of their identity. We have seen them being persecuted simply for living in areas deemed by others not to be ‘theirs,’” he explained.

    Most national campaign activity has been concentrated in the capital Addis Ababa, where heavy military deployments have been visible across the city in the lead-up to voting. Unusually for a national election, public campaigning has been muted, with far fewer large public rallies and almost no door-to-door voter outreach by candidates, even as the vote has dominated public discussion across the capital. To boost turnout, Ethiopia’s independent electoral commission has declared Monday a national public holiday, closing all federal government offices to allow citizens to cast ballots without work disruptions.

  • Ethiopia is heading to the polls, but not everyone can vote

    Ethiopia is heading to the polls, but not everyone can vote

    Ethiopia is set to hold its seventh general election on Monday, but the vote will be marred by widespread armed conflict across multiple regions and the total exclusion of millions of voters in the conflict-ravaged northern Tigray region. This poll comes 35 years after the 1991 collapse of the country’s military regime, a shift that paved the way for Eritrea’s secession just two years later. Today, tensions between Ethiopia and its northern neighbor have once again reached dangerous heights, casting a long shadow over the electoral process.

    Unlike executive-presidential systems, Ethiopian voters do not directly elect a head of government. Instead, they cast ballots for 547 parliamentary seats, with the party securing a 274-seat majority earning the right to form a five-year national government. The election is widely viewed as a referendum on the tenure of 49-year-old Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who rose to power in 2018 amid widespread mass protests against the Tigray-dominated ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which had governed the country since 1991. Shortly after taking office, Abiy dissolved the EPRDF and launched his own centralised, less federally oriented political bloc, the Prosperity Party.

    When Abiy first assumed office, he was celebrated globally as a beacon of democratic reform: he released hundreds of imprisoned opposition politicians and journalists, and earned the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for ending a 20-year military stalemate with Eritrea. Seven years later, that reputation has been all but erased. Critics now accuse his administration of widespread suppression of dissent, forcing opposition leaders into exile and arresting political rivals. The Tigray War, a two-year conflict that began in 2020, killed an estimated 600,000 people per African Union mediation estimates and pushed the entire region to the brink of famine before a 2022 peace deal. Today, press freedom remains severely constrained: major international outlets including the BBC have been denied press accreditation for the election. Ethiopia ranks 148th out of 180 countries on Reporters Without Borders’ 2025 World Press Freedom Index, and Human Rights Watch condemned the government in 2025 for arbitrary arrests of journalists and ongoing harassment of independent media. After the government revoked press credentials for three Reuters reporters in February 2026, the Committee to Protect Journalists documented a clear “troubling pattern of repressive regulatory action against international and independent press in Ethiopia.”

    Supporters of Abiy’s administration point to tangible economic and infrastructure progress, most visible in the capital Addis Ababa, where large-scale “Corridor Development” and “Riverside” projects have driven rapid urban transformation. These initiatives, aimed at upgrading transportation networks and public spaces, have nevertheless faced fierce criticism for mass demolitions that displaced tens of thousands of low-income residents. Economically, Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous nation with 135.9 million people, and one of the continent’s fastest growing economies, per World Bank data. GDP per capita is projected to hit $1,133 in 2026, up from just $641 a decade earlier. Abiy’s reform agenda has also garnered backing from the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, contingent on continued liberalization of the country’s foreign exchange market and debt management—Ethiopia’s total public debt stood at $36.5 billion in 2024, per the World Bank. Even so, the country continues to grapple with crippling inflation that has driven up everyday costs for citizens, alongside persistent insecurity across multiple regions.

    Beyond the total exclusion of Tigray, two of Ethiopia’s most populous regions—Amhara and Oromia—have faced years of violent insurgency that has disrupted preparations for the vote. Fano militias in Amhara, which fought alongside the federal government during the Tigray War, refused a 2023 government order to disband, arguing the move would leave their region vulnerable to cross-border attacks. In Oromia, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), labeled a terrorist organization by Ethiopia’s parliament, has waged an insurgency demanding greater autonomy for the Oromo people, the country’s largest ethnic group, who have long complained of systemic political marginalization. Conflict tracking organisation Acled recorded more than 9,400 conflict-related deaths in the two regions in 2024 alone, and hundreds of thousands of residents have been displaced from their homes. While the federal government claims 97% of polling areas in Amhara and Oromia are ready for voting, the united opposition bloc, the Coalition for Ethiopian Unity, disputes this. Spokesperson Mistreselasie Tamrat told BBC Amharic that the coalition cannot campaign freely in either region due to a lack of secure conditions for political activity. Already, 30 of 137 constituencies in Amhara have cancelled voting.

    Veteran opposition politician Prof Merera Gurdina of the Oromo Federalist Congress called this election the least competitive in Ethiopia’s recent modern history. His party is only participating to avoid forced deregistration, he said: “We are participating symbolically because the law says you cannot boycott elections consecutively.”

    Tigray, home to roughly 6 million people, has been under an interim administration since the November 2022 Pretoria peace deal between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Tensions have escalated rapidly in recent weeks after the TPLF rejected Abiy’s unilateral reappointment of the interim administration leader without consultation, and moved to re-install former Tigray leader Debretsion Gebremichael—who led the region through the 2020-2022 war when the TPLF was labeled a terrorist organization. Disputes over electoral rules have left the TPLF effectively banned: Ethiopia’s election board ordered the TPLF to re-register as a new political party, a requirement the group rejected, leading to its legal status being revoked. The TPLF also accuses the federal government of reneging on key terms of the Pretoria accord, most notably the return of territory including western Tigray that the region lost during the war. Around 1 million people fled western Tigray during the conflict and currently live in poor conditions in makeshift displacement camps across the region. Earlier this month, the election board confirmed that no voting will take place in any of Tigray’s 38 constituencies, leaving millions of voters completely disenfranchised.

    Tensions have also been stoked by shifting relations with Eritrea, which gained independence in 1993 and has controlled Ethiopia’s entire former Red Sea coastline, leaving Ethiopia landlocked. Eritrea fought alongside Abiy’s government during the Tigray War, but relations between Asmara and Addis Ababa have since soured, largely over Abiy’s ambition to secure Ethiopian access to a Red Sea port. Recent reports of Eritrea building closer ties with the TPLF have further escalated tensions between the federal government and Tigray’s leadership, raising fears of a return to full-scale civil conflict.

    International Crisis Group Horn of Africa expert Magnus Taylor notes that while Abiy is all but guaranteed to secure a new term, the simultaneous presence of deep insecurity and unaddressed political grievances creates significant long-term risk. “Prime Minister Abiy will be confident that he will be re-elected. This shouldn’t obscure the fact that there are various internal insecurity issues, insurgencies and a risk of a new war in the north. The two things can exist at the same time,” Taylor explained. He added that regional mediation is urgently needed to open communication channels between the federal government and Tigray’s leadership to prevent miscalculation and encourage negotiated solutions to outstanding disputes.

    Even amid widespread political uncertainty, many of the 50.5 million registered voters—especially young first-time voters—hold out hope the election will deliver long-overdue stability. Fenet Dereje, a young resident of Addis Ababa, told the BBC that a negative outcome would have severe personal consequences: “If the outcome of the election is not positive, I think it will affect my daily life economically and politically. If instability arises, I may not be able to continue my education and it could be harder to move around.”

    Abiy’s Prosperity Party won a landslide majority in the 2021 election. Speaking to local media in March, Deputy Prime Minister Temesgen Tiruneh struck a conciliatory tone, saying the ruling party “did not want to win everything” this cycle. “We have ministers who are members of opposition parties. This trend will continue. We do not want to win 100% of the votes. We want to see our competitors claim victory because we want to accommodate diverse voices,” he said.