标签: Africa

非洲

  • Mohamed Salah given six-month driving ban

    Mohamed Salah given six-month driving ban

    A high-profile former Liverpool forward Mohamed Salah has been handed a six-month driving disqualification after failing to cooperate with police over a speeding incident involving his luxury Rolls-Royce, court officials have confirmed.

    The case dates back to March 27, just three days after Salah confirmed his departure from Liverpool following a storied nine-year tenure with the Premier League club. On that date, a speed camera caught the vehicle travelling at 36 miles per hour in a 30mph zone in Wilmslow, a market town in Cheshire, north-west England.

    When police sent an official inquiry asking Salah to identify who was operating the car at the time of the offence, the 34-year-old Egypt international did not respond to the request. He also failed to enter a plea to the charge of failing to provide driver identification information, which was brought by Cheshire Police.

    In a hearing processed under the Single Justice Procedure – a system that allows magistrates to handle minor offences without a public courtroom hearing – Salah was convicted on the charge. In addition to the six-month driving ban, Warrington Combined Court ordered the footballer to pay a total of £1,044 in fines and court costs.

    Salah’s departure from Liverpool was officially announced by the club on March 24, 2026. Over his nine seasons with the Merseyside club, the Egyptian attacker cemented his status as one of the most accomplished players in the club’s 140-plus year history, scoring 257 goals across 442 appearances in all competitions. He completed his transfer to Turkish top-flight side Trabzonspor at the end of the 2025-26 domestic season.

  • Inside a camp for Yemeni refugees who have fled to Djibouti

    Inside a camp for Yemeni refugees who have fled to Djibouti

    The ongoing military conflict on Yemen’s western coast has triggered a new wave of displacement, driving thousands of vulnerable civilians to seek safety across a key maritime border. Amid escalating clashes that have shattered daily life in coastal Yemeni communities, many families have packed their few belongings and boarded small, overcrowded boats to cross the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a strategically critical waterway that separates Yemen from the Horn of Africa. Their destination is Djibouti, a small East African nation that has opened its borders to absorb the growing influx of people fleeing violence in their home country. Right now, these newly arrived refugees are sheltering in purpose-built camps across Djibouti, where aid organizations are working around the clock to provide basic necessities including clean drinking water, food, emergency medical care and temporary housing. The displacement crisis adds to already mounting pressure on regional humanitarian systems, as Djibouti continues to grapple with the economic and social strains of hosting a growing population of displaced people from Yemen’s nearly decade-long civil conflict.

  • Seven Ethiopian rebel groups form new alliance

    Seven Ethiopian rebel groups form new alliance

    After years of fragmented, regional armed unrest across Ethiopia, seven major and minor rebel factions have announced a unified coalition aimed at removing the national government in Addis Ababa, rekindling international concerns over stability in the Horn of Africa nation.

    The newly formed bloc, dubbed the Alliance for Survival, unites some of the most prominent armed opposition groups operating across the country. It brings together the Amhara-region Fano militia, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and four smaller factions based in Ethiopia’s Ogaden, Afar, and Benishangul-Gumuz regions. Combined, the alliance represents groups operating in six of Ethiopia’s 12 regional states, covering half of the country’s administrative subdivisions.

    In the statement announcing the coalition, the seven groups levied severe accusations against Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration, claiming his leadership has overseen widespread war, systematic genocide, mass infrastructural destruction, and crippling economic poverty that has left Ethiopia at risk of national disintegration. As of initial reporting, federal government officials have not issued a formal response to the formation of the alliance.

    The unification of these groups marks a significant escalation of long-simmering conflict that has gripped Ethiopia for years. Armed unrest has persisted for years in Oromia and Amhara, the country’s two most populous regional states, while the northern Tigray region has seen a sharp resurgence of tensions in recent months. A brutal two-year civil war in Tigray that ended with an African Union-brokered peace deal in 2022 killed an estimated hundreds of thousands of people and displaced millions more. Though the formal conflict was halted, both the federal government and TPLF have repeatedly accused one another of violating the terms of the peace agreement, leaving the region on the brink of a return to full-scale war.

    Notably, the Fano militia once fought alongside federal Ethiopian forces against the TPLF during the Tigray civil war. However, the group launched an insurgency against the Abiy administration less than a year after the war concluded, when it refused federal orders to disarm and integrate into national security forces. The OLA, meanwhile, has waged an insurgency against the Ethiopian government since 2018.

    The formal formation of the Alliance for Survival comes months after unconfirmed reports emerged of a separate secret alliance between the TPLF and Eritrea, Ethiopia’s northern neighbor. Speaking to national lawmakers in July, Abiy dismissed those earlier threats, asserting he had full confidence in Ethiopia’s defensive capabilities. “Even if others were added, we do not have an iota of fear regarding Ethiopia’s sovereignty,” the prime minister said at the time.

    The coalition announcement also follows Ethiopia’s June 2024 general election, where Abiy’s Prosperity Party retained its overwhelming parliamentary majority. The election, however, was widely marred by ongoing armed conflict, opposition accusations of state repression, and minimal participation from major opposition groups. Both Fano and the OLA rejected the election and its final results, while the entire Tigray region, home to roughly six million Ethiopian citizens, was fully excluded from participating in the poll.

  • Ngetich breaks women-only half-marathon record

    Ngetich breaks women-only half-marathon record

    At the 2025 World Road Running Championships held in Copenhagen, Denmark, 25-year-old Kenyan long-distance runner Agnes Ngetich delivered a historic performance that etched her name into the record books. Ngetich claimed the women’s gold medal in the half marathon with a blistering time of one hour, five minutes and 15 seconds, shaving one full second off the previous women-only half marathon world record set by her compatriot Peres Jepchirchir, who set the former benchmark when she won World Half Marathon gold back in 2020.

    It is important to note that Ngetich’s record only applies to women-only competitions. Ethiopia’s star runner Letesenbet Gidey still holds the overall women’s half marathon world record (which includes mixed-gender races) with a time of 1:02:52, a mark that remains one of the most impressive in all of distance running.

    This historic breakthrough in Copenhagen is far from the first time Ngetich has redefined what is possible for women’s distance running. In 2024, she made history at a mixed road race in Valencia, Spain, when she became the first woman ever to complete a 10km race in under 29 minutes, crossing the line in 28:46 to break the existing world record. Just one year later, in April 2025, she did it again: she set a new 10km world record for women-only races, clocking 29:27 to become the first woman to break the 30-minute barrier in an all-women’s 10km event.

    In a post-race interview with reporters, Ngetich expressed her overwhelming joy and gratitude for the milestone victory, crediting her coaching team for believing in her potential when others doubted it. “My coach believed in me and told me that I could do it, that I could win the gold medal,” Ngetich said. “So, I am very happy and very grateful to now hold the world half marathon record, too.”

    Looking ahead to the next chapter of her already decorated career, Ngetich has already set a new, ambitious goal that she is determined to achieve. The Kenyan star says her next focus is preparing for the 2027 World Athletics Championships, where she plans to make her mark on the track rather than the road. “I am now going to discuss with my coach what is ahead of me. But I know I am coming back to track races in 2027, because there is a World Athletics Championships,” she explained. “It is my dream to win a gold medal on the track. It is the only one I am missing.”

    In the men’s half marathon competition at the same Copenhagen event, Sweden’s Andreas Almgren also turned in a record-breaking performance to take the men’s gold medal. Almgren crossed the finish line in 58:06, breaking his own previously held European record by an impressive 35 seconds to claim the top spot on the podium.

  • ‘I don’t even know if my parents are alive’ – the war heroes jailed 25 years ago

    ‘I don’t even know if my parents are alive’ – the war heroes jailed 25 years ago

    A quarter-century has passed since Eritrea’s ruling government swept away a group of senior reformist politicians, but for Hanna Petros Solomon, the pain of that moment remains as sharp as ever. In an emotional interview with the BBC, she broke down recalling how she and her three siblings effectively became orphans after her father was arrested and jailed without trial, followed months later by her mother — neither of whom the family has heard from since.

    Hanna was just 10 years old when she last saw her father, Petros Solomon. She remembers him leaving the house that September morning in 2001, a towel slung over his shoulders, heading out for his daily morning workout like he always did. Petros Solomon was no ordinary citizen: alongside Hanna’s mother Aster Yohannes, he had fought in Eritrea’s decades-long war of independence from Ethiopia, emerging as a senior leader and national hero for his critical role in securing the country’s freedom in 1993. After independence, he served sequentially as defense minister, foreign minister, and eventually head of the fisheries ministry, and had even met former U.S. President Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton during his time in office.

    In May 2001, Petros Solomon joined 14 other high-profile Eritrean politicians to sign an open letter to then-and-current President Isaias Afewerki. The letter called for the implementation of the post-independence ratified constitution and demanded long-promised national elections. The group became known as the G-15, and their public criticism of Isaias’ authoritarian rule did not go unanswered.

    While the world was distracted by the September 11 al-Qaeda attacks on the U.S., the Eritrean government moved to eliminate the G-15 opposition. In the early hours of September 18, security forces deployed outside the homes of 11 senior G-15 officials in the capital Asmara, acting on direct orders from the president. Petros Solomon was arrested by agents as he left his house that morning, still in his tracksuit.

    At the time of the arrest, Aster Yohannes was studying in the U.S., so Hanna and her siblings went to stay with their paternal grandmother. It did not take long for the cruelty of the situation to sink in for a 10-year-old Hanna: “My classmates told me that my father sold out his country. That is when I understood how serious the situation was, and how people framed my dad and his colleagues who fought for the independence of their country. I was hurt.”

    From the U.S., Aster was devastated by news of her husband’s disappearance. She requested that the Eritrean government issue passports for her children so they could join her, but officials refused and demanded she return to Eritrea. After two years of agonizing waiting, and reportedly receiving assurances of her safety directly from President Isaias, she agreed to come home. On December 11, 2003, Hanna and her siblings waited for Aster at Asmara International Airport, holding flowers to welcome her. But she never emerged through the arrivals gate. Friends confirmed she had boarded her flight in the U.S., and eventually airport officials called to ask that someone collect Aster’s unclaimed luggage. The family soon learned she had been detained upon arrival.

    In the months that followed, all of the family’s requests for information about their missing parents were ignored, and authorities even warned Hanna’s grandmother to stop asking questions. Later, the family learned Aster was being held in the infamous Karshelli prison in central Asmara, while Petros and the other G-15 members arrested in September 2001 were believed to be held in the remote, highly secretive Ela-Ero prison in Eritrea’s eastern lowlands. Accused of treason, none of the G-15 have ever been put on trial or allowed to receive visits from family members. At the same time the G-15 were arrested, the government shut down all of Eritrea’s fledgling independent newspapers and detained their editors and journalists, who are also believed to be held in Ela-Ero.

    The Eritrean government, including its embassy in the U.K., has never responded to the BBC’s repeated requests for comment on the whereabouts of the detained G-15 members or whether any of them are still alive.

    Like thousands of other young Eritreans fleeing forced conscription and political repression, Hanna eventually left Eritrea, crossing the border secretly without a passport. Now 35, she lives in the U.S., where she works as a trauma specialist — though she says she still carries the trauma of losing her parents. She often stares at old family photos, worried that her memories of happy days before the arrests — family gatherings, birthday parties, her father’s car singing competitions on coastal trips, her mother’s famous egg and potato sandwiches — will fade over time. For Hanna, September, once a month filled with the joy of Orthodox Christian festivals and the Geez New Year, now brings only pain.

    Hanna is not alone in her grief. Ibrahim Sherifo, now 38 and living in exile in the Netherlands where he holds asylum, also lost both of his parents, who were senior members of the ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice and part of the G-15. He was just 13 when security agents knocked on the door early one morning and took his mother away in her pyjamas, and learned his father had already been arrested while out for his morning exercise. “For me 18 September 2001 is a dark day, but not only for me, it is a dark day for Eritrea and its people, because it is the day when law and democracy was detained,” he told the BBC.

    Both Hanna and Ibrahim say they are forever grateful to the friends and family who supported them as they grew up without their parents, despite the risks of aiding the family of political dissidents. They are also proud of their parents’ courage to demand reform in a country that had only just won its independence. “They had conscience and couldn’t observe idly while what they fought for had been hijacked by Isaias and his coterie,” Ibrahim says. He accuses the Eritrean government of seeking to erase all memory of the G-15 political prisoners, and says the very least the family deserves is to know whether their loved ones are still alive.

    Hanna echoes that call, and also demands that the world hear the stories of thousands of other Eritreans whose relatives have disappeared over the decades under Isaias’ rule. International human rights groups, including the United Nations, recognize the G-15 as prisoners of conscience and have repeatedly called for their release. Now 80 years old, Isaias Afewerki has still never implemented the 1997 constitution he promised to bring into force, and has held onto power for three decades without ever holding a national election.

    Looking back to the eve of her father’s arrest, Hanna recalls a childhood premonition of what was to come. She had a bad feeling, crept into her father’s bed while he slept, and tied his legs to her own with string. In the morning, he woke up, pulled her leg to free himself, and laughed when she begged him not to leave. He assured her he would be back after his run.

    In the 25 years since that morning, Hanna describes her life as like living deep under the sea. “Sometimes it is calm and you can float, but other times the sorrow comes back to you like a wave and drowns you deep down. Sometimes you lose hope and you are out of breath.”

    When asked what message she would send to her parents if she could, Hanna says: “Don’t worry about us. Like you survived the struggle through sheer steadfastness, we hope you can pull through this too and return to us.”

  • ‘Enough is enough’: Women protest after string of murders near Johannesburg

    ‘Enough is enough’: Women protest after string of murders near Johannesburg

    A wave of brutal murders in the area surrounding Johannesburg has sparked public outrage and mass action, as women take to the streets to demand greater safety and accountability from authorities. The string of killings, which have targeted women in the Kempton Park district near South Africa’s largest city, has pushed community members past their breaking point, with protesters chanting “enough is enough” to call for an end to ongoing violence against women in the region.

    In response to growing public pressure following the deadly attacks, law enforcement officials have announced the formation of a dedicated special task team assigned exclusively to investigate the sequence of murders. Alongside the investigative move, police have issued an urgent safety advisory for women residing in and traveling through Kempton Park, urging them to refrain from walking or jogging unaccompanied, especially in sparsely populated, isolated locations where emergency help can be difficult to access quickly.

    The protests highlight long-running concerns about gender-based violence in South Africa, a crisis that activists have repeatedly flagged as a national priority requiring more robust systemic intervention. Community organizers note that the recent murders are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader pattern of violence that has left many women feeling unsafe in their daily lives. The formation of the task team marks a formal step toward addressing the recent attacks, though activists continue to push for sustained investment in safety infrastructure and prevention measures to protect women across the region.

  • Postponement not an option as Kenya races to be ready for Afcon 2027

    Postponement not an option as Kenya races to be ready for Afcon 2027

    The 2027 Men’s Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) is locked into its scheduled timeline, Confederation of African Football (CAF) President Patrice Motsepe has confirmed, even as he pushes co-hosts Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda to ramp up preparation work ahead of critical upcoming deadlines. This edition of the continent’s flagship football tournament will mark the first time the competition has returned to East Africa in 51 years, with the opening match set for June 19, 2027 and the final scheduled for July 17 the same year.

    During a multi-country inspection tour completed last week, Motsepe told BBC Sport Africa that while overall development has been encouraging, urgent progress is needed to hit upcoming infrastructure milestones. With just nine months remaining before the tournament kicks off, Motsepe emphasized that all host venues must be ready for mandatory operational testing this coming January, leaving zero margin for further delays. “Even though we’ve got nine months, we need to start using those stadiums in January next year to test them and to see what further improvements are required,” he explained after wrapping up his inspection of Kenyan venues.

    Motsepe acknowledged that the three co-hosts have made “very good progress” on overall preparation, but was clear that some existing facilities still fail to meet CAF’s strict world-class standards. The governing body requires top-tier infrastructure across all touchpoints of the tournament, from match venues and training pitches to hospitality, transportation and broadcast facilities. “We’ve got very high standards in terms of our expectations of the infrastructure, the facilities and the stadiums, the hotels, the roads, the football pitches where training takes place,” the South African football leader said. “We require those facilities to be world class.”

    Despite the existing gaps in some construction and renovation projects, Motsepe stressed that postponement of the 2027 tournament is not being considered at any level. “There isn’t the slightest consideration of a postponement,” he said. “There should be no need because there’s a deep amount of commitment” from the co-host nations, he added. During his visit to Nairobi, Motsepe held formal talks with Kenyan President William Ruto to align on preparation goals.

    The inspection tour began in Tanzania before moving to Kenya, where Motsepe assessed two key Nairobi venues: the existing Kasarani Stadium, currently undergoing major renovations, and the newly built 60,000-seat Talanta Stadium, purpose-constructed for the 2027 tournament. Multiple sources familiar with Kenyan preparations tell BBC Sport Africa that the most significant pressing concern centers on Kasarani Stadium and its attached training facility.

    Kasarani is already set for a major global sporting milestone even before Afcon kicks off: earlier this week, Nairobi was awarded the right to host the 2029 World Athletics Championships at the venue, beating out competing bids from London and Rome. During CAF’s last major inspection in mid-February, local organizers were given a target to have all venues and training facilities at least 80% complete by August this year. But Kasarani has seen only limited progress over the past seven months, with multiple critical systems still unfinished. The playing surface has yet to be laid, and work remains incomplete on broadcast cabling, floodlighting, and premium sky box suites. Motsepe also noted that security and seating plans for visiting heads of state and hundreds of other VIPs require a reworking of original stadium design layouts.

    “Security issues in relation to where the special guests, particularly the heads of state, will be seated requires a revision of the original plans,” the 64-year-old CAF chief explained.

    Kenyan Sports Cabinet Secretary Salim Mvurya has given formal assurances that all preparation work will be completed on schedule, telling reporters that work will be accelerated to wrap all projects by December. That timeline will allow for test events to be held across all venues ahead of Motsepe’s next scheduled assessment visit in January. “I assure CAF and Kenyans we will accelerate the preparations for Afcon 2027,” Mvurya said. “We will conclude everything by December to be sure we can have test matches in the various facilities.”

    The call for urgency comes amid a recent pattern of tournament postponements across CAF competitions, which has raised external scrutiny of the 2027 preparation process. This year’s Women’s Africa Cup of Nations was postponed just 12 days before its planned March kickoff, eventually moving to July. The 2024 African Nations Championship, originally scheduled for February 2025 in the same three East African co-hosts, was pushed back to August 2025 to allow for infrastructure completion — a decision made just 18 days before the tournament was set to begin. The 2023 men’s Afcon in Ivory Coast was also shifted from its original date to early 2024 over concerns about rainy season disrupting matches.

    CAF has long struggled with scheduling conflicts amid a crowded global football calendar: two years ago, Motsepe’s former deputy Veron Mosengo-Omba acknowledged the organization faced a “scheduling nightmare” fitting its regular biennial tournaments into the global match calendar. Many industry analysts believe this challenge is the core driver behind CAF’s decision to shift the men’s Afcon from a quadrennial to a biennial tournament after 2028.

    Even with this history of delays, Motsepe has repeatedly reaffirmed that the 2027 timeline is non-negotiable. “There’s no plan B, there’s no plan C,” he said.

    For Kenya, successful delivery of the 2027 Afcon carries far broader national importance beyond football, as it already helped the country secure the right to host the 2029 World Athletics Championships. “One of the reasons why Kenya won the 2029 World Athletics Championship bid is because we are hosting Afcon. Therefore this is a legacy,” Mvurya said. The tournament is also framed as a catalyst for broader national economic transformation, with tourism expected to be a major long-term beneficiary. “Sport is not just entertainment, it is livelihood, it is economic transformation,” Mvurya added. “Therefore we are aware the opportunity to host Afcon will be key for our economic inspiration. Our tourism will be a big beneficiary. As government, we are confident we will host a successful Afcon.”

    The next three months will prove the most critical period for turning that promise into a reality, as construction teams race to hit the December completion target ahead of January’s high-stakes CAF assessment.

  • Grim discoveries of murdered women spark fear in South Africa

    Grim discoveries of murdered women spark fear in South Africa

    Two days after she helped identify the battered, partially burned remains of her 38-year-old niece Dineo Motapane, Nokwanda Matshikiza sat in the family’s home just outside Johannesburg, her voice breaking with raw, unrelenting grief. Her niece, a mother of two, was last seen alive the previous Sunday; her body was dumped in an open field in Ekurhuleni, a residential region east of South Africa’s largest city. For Matshikiza, the question hanging over her family’s unspeakable loss is not how to move forward – it is how many more women must die before the country acts.

    “We are dying,” she told the BBC through sobs. “How many other bodies will be found before something happens? How do you explain to a child that their parent was brutally murdered, discarded like a piece of trash in a field? There is no peace in this. You never get over it.”

    Dineo’s killing is far from an isolated tragedy. Her body was one of three recovered in Ekurhuleni this week alone, marking the ninth case of a murdered woman found in similar circumstances in the region since July. For Themba Kekana, the pain of losing his sister Itumeleng, a 32-year-old shopkeeper whose bruised body was found dumped on a bridge in July 17 days after she went missing, echoes that of Dineo’s family.

    “We are devastated with grief,” Kekana said, his eyes wet with tears. “I look at my sister’s young daughter and I can’t take this pain away from her. No family should ever have to go through what we are facing.”

    To date, only one arrest has been made in connection with the string of deaths, taken into custody two days after the first body was discovered on July 15. No suspects have been detained in the killings of Itumeleng, Dineo, or the other six victims. Most of the women were in their 20s or 30s, and all suffered extreme brutality before their deaths. South African police have not confirmed whether they are hunting a serial killer, noting the cases may be unconnected. Regardless of links between the crimes, the grim discovery spree has reignited national fury over South Africa’s long-standing crisis of gender-based violence, a problem that puts the country among those with the highest femicide rates globally.

    Official quarterly crime statistics from South African police confirm the staggering scale of the nation’s murder crisis: between April and June of this year, 5,427 people were murdered across the country. While police data does not break down killings by gender, new figures from South Africa’s Human Rights Commission show 569 women were killed in that same three-month period – an average of six women every day – with another 1,052 surviving murder attempts.

    The outcry comes less than a year after the South African government formally declared gender-based violence a national disaster, a step taken in November last year following mass nationwide protests that culminated in a “Women’s Shut Down” march during the country’s hosting of the G20 summit. At the time, Social Development Minister Nokuzola Sisisi Tolashe said classifying the crisis as a national disaster would enable the government to deploy more resources to tackle the violence. But activists say far more action is needed.

    Amnesty International has led renewed calls this week for the South African government to formally recognize femicide – the gender-motivated killing of women – as a distinct criminal offense, a change already adopted in 33 countries across the globe, including two African nations, Gabon and Morocco.

    “Every day that femicide remains unrecognised as a crime is a failure to confront the targeted killing of women,” said Shenilla Mohamed, Amnesty International’s country director for South Africa. “It is time to call it what it is: Femicide. Femicide is a gender-motivated crime. It is the killing of a woman because she is a woman. Recognizing it as a separate crime would force the state to confront its failure to protect women and girls. You cannot fix a problem you refuse to track properly.”

    South African President Cyril Ramaphosa responded to the Ekurhuleni killings this week, promising that authorities would leave “no stone unturned” in their investigations. “As a nation, we must stand up for the rights, safety and dignity of women and girls,” he said.

    But gender justice advocates say the current crisis is rooted in deep, historical inequities that have never been addressed. Lebogang Ramofoko, a gender and social justice advocate, argues that the dehumanization of black women stretches back through the legacies of colonialism and apartheid, systems of state violence that created intergenerational cycles of harm that have never been broken.

    “The bodies of black women have been treated as disposable in this country for generations, from colonisation through to apartheid,” Ramofoko told the BBC. “What we see happening to women today is testimony to these unaddressed traumas of violence. This is not to say black men are inherently violent, but for decades state violence was targeted at black communities, and black women were too often the targets that violence was taken out on. That cycle has never been broken.”

    For residents of Ekurhuleni, where nine bodies have been found in three months, fear has become a constant, daily reality. In Kempton Park, the Ekurhuleni district where five of the nine bodies were discovered, activists with the local Girl2Woman Foundation have held repeated protests to demand action.

    “We are grieved, we are scared,” said Lumka Maqhubela, a member of the organization. “If the police cannot protect us any more, the government has to step in and do something. We keep being told to be more vigilant, but what more can we do? We are not safe anywhere – not in our homes, not on our streets. This has to stop.”

    Thulisile Sibande, a 32-year-old Ekurhuleni resident, described the constant trauma of living in the area. “When I go to a shop, I have to look over my shoulder constantly,” she said. “I’m shocked and so scared, it’s left me traumatized.”

    Thembi Mabena, a 60-year-old neighborhood resident who knew Dineo Motapane, says the vibrant, kind woman she remembers who laughed with everyone on her street would still be alive if the state had done more to protect women. “Now I’m worried too,” Mabena said. “I know so many young girls who are afraid to walk to the corner shop alone. There is no safety here, not even for me, an older woman.”

    For 20-year-old Lerato Mzizi, the message is simple: In South Africa today, women are no longer safe. As grieving families prepare to bury their loved ones and activists keep up their demands for change, the nation waits to see whether the latest wave of killings will finally force the government to deliver on its promise to end the crisis.

  • Senegal job an ‘absolute dream’ for new boss Vieira

    Senegal job an ‘absolute dream’ for new boss Vieira

    In a landmark moment for Senegalese football, legendary former French international midfielder Patrick Vieira has been officially unveiled as the new head coach of the Senegal men’s national team, marking his first role in international management and a emotional homecoming to the country of his birth. The 50-year-old, who lifted the 1998 FIFA World Cup and 2000 UEFA European Championship during a glittering playing career with France, described the appointment as a profound honor and a decision rooted in personal connection.

    “Being head coach of the Senegal national team is an absolute dream,” Vieira shared at his introductory press conference in Dakar on Friday. “I was born here, my parents were born here, and this really is a homecoming. From my very first discussions with the Senegal Football Federation president, I accepted this challenge immediately, because we have an exceptional generation of players here. I understand the expectations of all 20 million Senegalese people, and with my experience and determination, I will see this project through.”

    Vieira steps into the role following the dismissal of predecessor Pape Thiaw, inheriting a Senegal squad that has already established itself as one of African football’s leading forces. The Teranga Lions claimed a dramatic 1-0 extra-time victory over Morocco to win the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) title in January, though the final destination of the trophy remains unresolved pending a ruling from the Court of Arbitration for Sport. The dispute stems from a temporary walk-off by Senegal players and staff in protest of a controversial late penalty decision in the final, which led tournament organizers to award the title to Morocco in March.

    Against this backdrop, Vieira emphasized that Senegal’s standing in global football has shifted dramatically in recent years, raising expectations for consistent results. “Senegal is among the major nations in world football now,” he said. “Its objectives are not what they were 10 or 15 years ago. On the back of strong recent results, Senegal has moved forward and reached new levels, so the demand for results has also increased. We need to lay solid foundations to meet these new standards.”

    The new head coach outlined his vision for the team, planning to build a cohesive unit with a clear tactical structure that plays with high intensity and aggression, while stressing he will not discard the existing strengths the squad has built. “What matters to me isn’t starting again from scratch,” he explained. “It’s about respecting what the federation has put in place over the last few years, and building the next stage, opening a new chapter. My job isn’t to tear everything down; it’s to keep this team’s core strengths: its identity, its unity, its ability to grind through tough moments together. To make this project succeed, I need the entire nation united behind us, and I will work heart and soul to restore the team’s pride.”

    Vieira is set to begin his tenure immediately, with 2027 Afcon qualifiers already underway. His first match in charge was originally scheduled to be a home fixture against Mozambique in Dakar on September 25, but the venue was reversed due to ongoing preparations for the 2026 Youth Olympic Games in the Senegalese capital. “Of course I would have preferred to play my first match here in Dakar, but we all agreed this was the best decision,” Vieira noted. “These are the difficulties we will accept and work through.”

    The squad heading to Mozambique, followed by a September 29 away fixture against Ethiopia, will be missing several key first-team players. Long-time starting goalkeeper Edouard Mendy has recently announced his international retirement, and star talisman Sadio Mané will sit out the fixtures with a minor physical injury. Vieira moved quickly to quash retirement speculation surrounding Mané, confirming the 34-year-old former Liverpool and Bayern Munich forward will surely be included in future selections once he regains full fitness. Other notable absentees include out-of-contract right-back Krepin Diatta, and forward Ismaila Sarr, who is sidelined by a groin injury amid ongoing transfer uncertainty.

    Vieira’s playing career is defined by trophies at the highest club and international level, but his managerial career has yet to replicate that consistent success. After previous stints with MLS side New York City FC, Ligue 1’s Nice, Premier League club Crystal Palace, Ligue 1’s Strasbourg, and Serie A’s Genoa, Vieira has been out of work since being sacked by Genoa in November 2025, when the club sat bottom of the Serie A table after a poor run of results to open the season. Despite these setbacks, Vieira said he has grown from every experience and feels ready to meet the expectations of Senegalese fans.

    “When you look at my coaching career and the experience I’ve gained, I’ve always stayed positive,” he said. “You learn from every challenge, and there are always positive takeaways. I’m a better coach today than I was during my time at Genoa, because that experience helped me grow and understand things more clearly. With the experience I have now, I have no doubt about my ability to deliver for the fans.”

    Vieira received a warm welcome from supporters when he arrived in Dakar on Thursday evening, with social media footage showing the new head coach holding a Senegalese flag aloft while greeting hundreds of fans gathered at the capital’s airport. “I couldn’t have asked for a warmer welcome,” he said. “I saw the supporters’ enthusiasm, and I thank them for it. Taking charge of this national team isn’t just a new stage in my career — it’s coming home.”

  • Teen who piloted Channel boat with 165 migrants jailed

    Teen who piloted Channel boat with 165 migrants jailed

    A 19-year-old South Sudanese national who steered a severely overcrowded dinghy carrying 165 migrants across the English Channel to the United Kingdom has been handed a 27-month prison sentence after pleading guilty to endangering the lives of everyone on board. The July 23 crossing marked the largest single small boat migrant crossing recorded at that time, a record that was later broken by an August incident that saw 230 people packed into a single vessel. This conviction marks the 16th secured under the new UK offense of endangerment at sea, which was introduced in January specifically to target small boat helmsmen working with people smuggling networks.

    The sentencing hearing at Canterbury Crown Court on Friday delivered a firm ruling from Judge Sarah Counsell, who concluded the crime was so inherently serious that only an immediate custodial sentence could be justified. She also issued a formal warning to the defendant, Chan Mathok Atak, that as a non-UK national he will face automatic deportation at the end of his prison term in most cases.

    Prosecutors laid out the full scale of the risks created during the crossing, detailing that the inflatable rigid-hulled dinghy measured just 3.9 meters wide and 14.3 meters long — approximately the same length as a standard city bus — yet carried 165 people, including 31 children as young as 14 years old. Of the vessel’s two outboard engines, only one was functional when it departed from northern France for the UK. By the time UK Border Force crews intercepted the craft mid-Channel, it was already slowly deflating after almost 24 hours adrift at sea.

    A joint investigation led by the National Crime Agency (NCA) uncovered multiple catastrophic safety failures that put every passenger at immediate risk of death. The boat was classified as severely overcrowded, with only extremely limited supplies of food, drinking water and necessary medication on board. Lifejackets provided to passengers were found to be completely inadequate for an open sea crossing, and the close proximity of power batteries to exposed fuel cans created a significant fire hazard. Prosecutors confirmed there was no evidence to suggest Atak had any formal maritime training or prior experience navigating open water, meaning he was unqualified to steer any vessel, let alone an overloaded craft in one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes.

    Court documents show that as border forces approached the vessel to intercept it, Atak attempted to cover his role as the helmsman: he moved away from the working engine to another section of the boat and removed the black “Italia” branded jacket he had been wearing while steering. However, 90 minutes of aerial surveillance footage captured by law enforcement clearly showed Atak operating the only functional engine for the majority of the crossing, and one passenger was recorded continuously pumping air into the deflating hull to keep it afloat. Initially, Atak told investigators he had paid smuggling gangs €200 to secure a spot on the crossing himself, and denied he had acted as the boat’s pilot.

    NCA Senior Investigating Officer John Turner emphasized the extreme recklessness of Atak’s actions, noting that disaster was only avoided because law enforcement intercepted the vessel before it sank or suffered a catastrophic failure. “His actions could have easily resulted in many deaths had this boat not been intercepted,” Turner said. “Not only did he place the lives of 165 migrants in severe peril, this flimsy vessel was entirely unsuitable for crossing one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes.”

    UK Border Security and Asylum Minister Anna Turley labeled Atak an “evil criminal”, pointing to the conviction as proof of the government’s crackdown on people smuggling operations across the Channel. “He joins 16 other pilots sentenced in just three months for endangering lives with flimsy, overcrowded dinghies,” Turley said. “This is a stark reminder of the ruthless acts used by smuggling gangs to exploit desperate people for profit, but today shows there is nowhere for them to hide.”

    In Atak’s defense, barrister Audrey Mogan argued that her client bore no responsibility for the dangerous conditions of the crossing. Mogan stated there was no evidence linking Atak to decisions around how many passengers were loaded onto the boat, the poor condition of the dinghy, or the lack of adequate safety equipment including working lifejackets and flares. She also told the court that Atak had fled extreme violence in his home country of South Sudan, where he witnessed atrocities including mass shootings, throat slashings and militia-initiated arson on civilian neighbourhoods.