标签: Africa

非洲

  • Tenth woman’s body found in South Africa suburb as police probe killings

    Tenth woman’s body found in South Africa suburb as police probe killings

    A grim new discovery has amplified national anger over South Africa’s long-running crisis of gender-based violence, after local police confirmed they recovered the body of an unidentified woman in a Johannesburg suburb over the weekend — the 10th set of human remains of a woman found in the region since July.

    The corpse was located early Saturday morning at a public cemetery in Tembisa, a working-class neighborhood situated northeast of central Johannesburg, according to official police updates. The victim was preliminarily identified by a friend who had accompanied her to a local bar the previous night; the friend told South Africa’s national public broadcaster SABC that she recognized the victim’s clothing from the previous evening when shown photographs of the body by investigators.

    Grieving and visibly shaken, the friend told reporters: “I don’t know what I’m going to say to her children. It’s painful.”

    In the immediate hours after the discovery, the South African Police Service dispatched specialized crime scene investigators to the cemetery to collect forensic evidence, but officials have not released the victim’s name publicly pending formal notification of next of kin.

    Gauteng Provincial Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Tommy Mthombeni told journalists that investigators have not yet ruled out the possibility that a serial killer is operating in the region. While he noted that the 10 deaths discovered across Ekurhuleni and an 11th case in nearby Soweto share clear patterns, including matching victim profiles and a consistent suspected modus operandi, Mthombeni stressed that it is too early in the investigation to confirm a definitive link between the latest killing and the previous deaths.

    “For now, it’s not something which we can overrule to say there’s a serial killer, but we cannot conclusively indicate as such,” Mthombeni said.

    The string of brutal deaths has sparked widespread national outcry, shining a fresh spotlight on South Africa’s status as one of the countries with the highest global rates of gender-based violence. All 10 earlier victims were young women, and nearly all suffered extreme brutal violence before their deaths, with most of the bodies discovered in Kempton Park, a neighboring suburb just a short distance from Tembisa.

    South Africa already grapples with one of the world’s highest overall homicide rates: official police data recorded 5,425 total murders between April and June 2026 alone. While national police statistics do not break down homicide victims by gender, the South African Human Rights Commission released new data last week showing that 569 women were killed across the country in that same three-month window, with another 1,051 women surviving murder attempts.

    This public outrage comes at a politically sensitive moment for South Africa’s national government, which formally declared gender-based violence a national disaster less than one year ago. The string of killings has placed intense new pressure on administration officials to deliver on promises to improve protection for women and address the country’s persistent crisis of violent crime against women.

    So far, law enforcement has made limited progress in the cases: three men have already appeared in court earlier this week charged with involvement in one of the earlier murders, and investigators are continuing to hunt for other potential suspects linked to the killings.

  • Salah out of Egypt game because of artificial turf

    Salah out of Egypt game because of artificial turf

    In a decision that has drawn attention across African football circles, the Egypt men’s national football team has excluded star forward Mohamed Salah from its upcoming Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) qualifying match against South Sudan, with the artificial turf playing surface at the host venue cited as the core reason. The 34-year-old, who recently ended a storied nine-year tenure at Liverpool to join Turkey’s Trabzonspor, did not travel with the Egyptian squad to Juba, South Sudan’s capital, ahead of Tuesday’s fixture.

    Salah did feature for Egypt in their most recent international outing, a goalless friendly draw against Angola held in Cairo on Friday. The winger started that match — Egypt’s first contest since the team advanced to the round of 16 at the 2026 FIFA World Cup in the summer — but was substituted off by head coach Hossam Hassan after 60 minutes of play.

    In an official statement confirming Salah’s omission, the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) clarified that the decision to rest the star forward was reached jointly between the national team technical staff, led by Hassan, and Salah himself, with the agreement struck before the Angola fixture. The federation noted that the coaching staff prioritized this precautionary measure to protect the in-form player from potential harm, writing: “The Egypt national team’s technical staff… has decided to rest Mohamed Salah for the match against South Sudan scheduled for 29 September because of the playing surface… the technical staff preferred this approach in order to protect the player.”

    Artificial turf has long been associated with a common public perception that it carries a higher risk of player injury compared to natural grass, even as modern manufacturing and design technologies have greatly improved the quality and safety of synthetic surfaces. Notably, multiple independent studies have found no conclusive empirical evidence to support the claim that artificial playing surfaces increase injury rates for football players.

    Salah’s departure from Liverpool this past summer marked the end of an era for the Premier League club. Across nine seasons, he made 442 first-team appearances, scored 257 goals, and helped the club claim nine major honors, including multiple Premier League titles and a UEFA Champions League crown. Since making the move to Trabzonspor, the Egyptian star has shown no signs of slowing down: in just six Turkish Super Lig matches so far this campaign, he has notched seven goals and provided two assists for his new club, cementing his status as one of the most impactful attacking players in the game. The decision to rest him for the upcoming qualifier underscores the priority both the national federation and Trabzonspor place on keeping the forward fit for the full season ahead.

  • Are Ethiopians marching back to war in Tigray?

    Are Ethiopians marching back to war in Tigray?

    Four years after a brutal two-year civil war that killed an estimated 600,000 people and pushed the region to the brink of famine, large-scale violence has once again erupted in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, bringing deep-seated unresolved tensions to a breaking point and threatening to destabilize the entire Horn of Africa.

    This week, Tigrayan forces have been openly patrolling the streets of Mekelle, Tigray’s capital, after clashes broke out between regional fighters aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and Ethiopia’s federal national army. The violence has already spilled across Tigray’s borders into the neighboring Afar and Amhara regions, triggering panic among local populations who are still struggling to rebuild their lives after the 2020-2022 war.

    Widespread reports of panic buying have emerged across Tigray, with residents rushing to stock up on basic food supplies amid fears of a return to full-blown conflict. Compounding the crisis, internet and cellular communications across the region have been cut off. In a region that has operated largely as a cashless society since ATMs stopped functioning months ago, the service disruption has cut residents off from their savings via mobile banking apps, leaving Mekelle effectively out of accessible cash.

    The latest escalation comes after more than six months of steadily deteriorating relations between Ethiopia’s federal government in Addis Ababa and the TPLF, the long-governing political party of Tigray. The African Union-brokered Pretoria Peace Agreement signed in November 2022 ended the original civil war, but four core contentious issues were never resolved, creating a tinderbox that has now ignited.

    Two of the most divisive disputes center on western Tigray, a fertile border territory that the TPLF lost control of to Amhara regional forces fighting alongside the Ethiopian federal army in the opening weeks of the 2020 war. Amhara has long claimed that the territory was wrongfully assigned to Tigray when national regional borders were redrawn following the 1991 overthrow of Ethiopia’s Marxist military regime. When Amhara forces seized western Tigray in 2020, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tigrayans were displaced, and they now remain stuck in makeshift displacement camps across Tigray and Addis Ababa. The TPLF demands the return of western Tigray and the safe repatriation of all displaced residents, while the federal government has called for a referendum to decide the territory’s final status.

    For the federal government, the primary point of contention has been disarmament. Addis Ababa accuses the TPLF of only surrendering outdated, obsolete weaponry to AU monitors while hiding a large stockpile of functional arms. The two sides have also clashed over the governance of Tigray: under the terms of the Pretoria Agreement, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appointed an interim regional administration, but tensions over federal interference eventually split the TPLF. Shortly before May’s national general election – which was never held in Tigray due to insecurity – the TPLF restored its pre-war leadership and dissolved the Abiy-appointed interim government. The resulting political standoff has left regional civil servants unpaid and core public services crippled, worsening already fragile economic conditions in the region.

    A major new development that has upended the conflict landscape is the TPLF’s formation of a new anti-government coalition. In early September 2026, the TPLF joined six other armed opposition groups to launch the Alliance for Survival, which includes prominent anti-government groups such as Amhara’s Fano militia and the Oromo Liberation Army. Though the alliance members hold disparate grievances against Abiy’s government, they share a single core goal: the removal of Abiy’s administration from power. Even former wartime rivals like the TPLF and Fano – who remain at odds over the future of western Tigray – have set aside their differences to align against the federal government, a strategic move TPLF officials say is intended to avoid the isolation they faced at the start of the 2020 war. Analysts caution, however, that the alliance’s competing underlying interests may make it unstable long-term.

    Both sides have traded blame for who initiated the latest escalation. The TPLF claims it is responding to a pre-planned federal offensive that included drone strikes on Tigrayan positions, while the federal government says the TPLF struck first after seizing control of major airports across Tigray. Federal forces have continued to deploy drones and ground operations against Tigrayan positions, with the government justifying the actions as self-defense against unprovoked attacks. Independent verification of on-the-ground details remains difficult, but local residents of one targeted town reported that drone strikes hit two former school buildings that were used as Ethiopian military bases during the original war – a site the federal government apparently suspects is now being used by Tigrayan forces. There are also unconfirmed reports that the TPLF has been forcibly conscripting young Tigrayan men to bolster its fighting ranks.

    Beyond internal tensions, the crisis has the potential to draw in neighboring powers and widen into a broader regional conflict. Addis Ababa has accused neighboring Eritrea of supporting the new anti-government alliance, a claim Eritrea’s government in Asmara denies. Eritrea fought alongside Ethiopian federal forces during the 2020-2022 war, but relations between the two neighbors have collapsed once again in recent months over access to Red Sea ports. Ethiopia, the world’s most populous landlocked country, has lacked sovereign access to Red Sea ports since Eritrea’s 1993 secession, and Abiy has recently publicly pushed for control of Eritrea’s southern port of Assab, located just 37 miles from the shared border, even hinting at a potential military seizure to secure the facility. Further afield, the two opposing warring factions in Sudan’s ongoing civil war back opposite sides in the Tigray conflict, creating another layer of potential spillover.

    Diplomatic efforts to de-escalate the crisis are already underway. The African Union, which brokered the 2022 peace deal, has called for an immediate ceasefire and a return to direct bilateral negotiations, and has dispatched its special Horn of Africa envoy, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, to engage both parties urgently. The United Nations and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), the East African regional bloc, have both issued matching calls for an end to hostilities and a resumption of dialogue.

    Despite these diplomatic overtures, the outlook remains deeply concerning. Trust between the TPLF and the federal government has already been broken beyond repair after years of open conflict, and the formation of the new cross-regional armed alliance has added significant new complexity to an already volatile situation. The federal government is already grappling with separate active insurgencies in Amhara and Oromia regions, and the new alliance creates a political and military link between these separate conflicts that could see them merge into a nationwide challenge to Abiy’s rule. Analysts widely agree that the risk of a full-scale, countrywide conflict in Ethiopia is now very real, with devastating potential consequences for millions of civilians across the Horn of Africa.

  • Internet restricted after fighting breaks out in Ethiopia’s Tigray region

    Internet restricted after fighting breaks out in Ethiopia’s Tigray region

    Fresh violence has erupted in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region this week, pitting regional armed forces against the country’s national military and triggering widespread disruption to critical communications infrastructure across the area. All internet and cellular call services operated by Ethiopia’s state-owned telecom giant Ethio Telecom have been fully cut off amid the clashes, while only limited connectivity from the far smaller private provider Safaricom remains active for local residents.

    Internet governance monitoring organization NetBlocks first confirmed the sub-national network shutdown via a post on the social platform X, noting that real-time network data clearly showed a total collapse of public connectivity across most of northern Tigray. Duke Burbridge, an American humanitarian worker based in Tigray’s capital city Mekelle, described the sudden blackout in an interview with BBC’s Newsday, saying “Last night telecommunications got knocked out.”

    The BBC has not yet received an official response from Ethiopian federal authorities following a request for comment, and the outlet is currently restricted from carrying out independent on-the-ground reporting in Tigray and its surrounding border regions. For Burbridge and the millions of residents across the region, the communications shutdown comes on top of an already devastating eight-month cash shortage that has left most people unable to withdraw funds from local ATMs. “The lack of internet services will be devastating for everybody,” Burbridge warned.

    The vast majority of daily commercial and personal transactions in Tigray now depend on digital banking and mobile money platforms, which require access to cellular networks operated by either Ethio Telecom or Safaricom. The new outbreak of violence began on Wednesday, when armed units aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the region’s ruling political party, clashed with Ethiopian federal troops. Local reports have already documented widespread panic buying across major urban centers in Tigray, as residents brace for a potential return to the large-scale civil war that devastated the region between 2020 and 2022.

    That two-year conflict ended with a November 2022 peace agreement, but left deep economic and social scars across Tigray. For most of the conflict, the entire region was fully cut off from global communications and outside aid, pushing hundreds of thousands of people into famine-like conditions due to acute shortages of food, medicine, and basic supplies. Researchers estimate that as many as 600,000 people died from violence, hunger, and lack of medical care during the conflict, making it one of the deadliest armed conflicts of the 21st century.

    Tensions have escalated sharply in the week leading up to the latest clashes. On Sunday, the TPLF announced a new military alliance with six other armed opposition groups across Ethiopia, with the stated goal of ousting Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s federal government. By Wednesday, TPLF forces had seized control of three regional airports from federal police units, prompting Ethiopian Airlines, the country’s national flag carrier, to immediately cancel all scheduled flights to Tigray. Unconfirmed reports from the region also indicate that TPLF-aligned forces have launched cross-border attacks into the neighboring Afar and Amhara regions, raising the risk of the conflict spreading beyond Tigray’s borders.

    Additional reporting for this story was contributed by Peter Mwai of BBC Verify. For more coverage of political and security developments across the African continent, readers can visit BBCAfrica.com, or follow BBC Africa on X, Facebook, and Instagram.

  • Africa’s richest man, Ethiopia and Djibouti to build $660m fuel pipeline

    Africa’s richest man, Ethiopia and Djibouti to build $660m fuel pipeline

    Nigerian billionaire and industry magnate Aliko Dangote has entered a landmark partnership with the governments of Ethiopia and Djibouti to develop a $660 million integrated petroleum pipeline and storage facility, a major infrastructure initiative set to reshape regional energy logistics across the Horn of Africa.

    The cross-border project will deliver a 120-kilometer (75-mile) pipeline connecting Djibouti’s Damerjog Port to a purpose-built fuel distribution hub in Dewele, Ethiopia, alongside 400 million liters of strategic storage capacity for refined petroleum products. Developers project the facility will be fully operational within 18 months of construction starting, with the first phase focused on moving high-demand products including aviation jet fuel, diesel, and gasoline.

    Addressing attendees at the official groundbreaking ceremony, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed highlighted the transformative impact the new infrastructure will bring to the country’s fuel supply chain. Currently, fuel shipments delivered through Djibouti’s ports require five days of overland transport to reach Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa; the pipeline will cut that transit time down to just one day, eliminating costly delays and bottlenecks.

    For his part, Dangote emphasized that the project will directly strengthen Ethiopia’s long-term energy security by building greater resilience into the country’s fuel supply network. As a landlocked nation, Ethiopia is almost entirely dependent on Djibouti’s port infrastructure to handle its imports, including all incoming petroleum products. The new pipeline is expected to significantly reduce congestion on existing overland transport routes, easing operational pressure on key sectors of Ethiopia’s economy ranging from commercial logistics and aviation to agriculture and large-scale construction.

    The initiative is not a one-sided investment: Djibouti will also capture substantial economic benefits from the project, including expanded port activity, new local job opportunities during both construction and operations, and increased steady revenue for the national government.

    This cross-border infrastructure project is part of Dangote’s broader strategic push to expand his industrial and infrastructure footprint across the entire African continent. Already, Dangote Cement, his core industrial business, boasts an annual production capacity of 55 million metric tonnes distributed across markets in sub-Saharan Africa. In his home country of Nigeria, Dangote’s flagship crude oil refinery currently processes 700,000 barrels of crude per day, with active plans to double that capacity to 1.4 million barrels daily to meet growing regional fuel demand. Just recently, the refinery operation listed 4.1 billion ordinary shares on the Nigerian Exchange Group, moving forward with a capital raising effort targeting roughly $1.63 billion in new investment.

    Looking ahead, the Dangote Group is set to break ground next week on another major refinery project in East Africa: a 700,000-barrel-per-day crude oil refining complex in the coastal Kenyan region of Lamu, cementing the company’s position as a leading player in African energy infrastructure.

  • Tigray capital ‘out of cash’ as fighting escalates, resident tells BBC

    Tigray capital ‘out of cash’ as fighting escalates, resident tells BBC

    Escalating hostilities in Ethiopia’s Tigray region have pushed the regional capital Mekelle into a severe cash crisis, a local resident has told the BBC, painting a complex picture of stalled daily life under renewed conflict. While the city itself has not seen active frontline combat in the immediate period following the latest outbreak of fighting, widespread anxiety and uncertainty have gripped the population, the insider source confirms.

    The acute cash shortage has left residents unable to access basic necessities, with local businesses struggling to operate and ATMs running dry after weeks of disrupted financial flows linked to the conflict. Though street-level calm currently holds in Mekelle, the underlying tension is palpable: ordinary people are bracing for further escalation, navigating the double stress of economic collapse and the ever-present threat of expanding violence. The renewed outbreak of hostilities in Tigray has derailed fragile peace efforts that had been building over recent months, leaving regional and international observers scrambling to urge both sides to return to negotiations before the crisis deepens into a full-scale humanitarian catastrophe.

  • Ethiopia’s army says it has repelled attacks in first comment on fresh fighting

    Ethiopia’s army says it has repelled attacks in first comment on fresh fighting

    After two years of a fragile, AU-brokered ceasefire, deadly hostilities have erupted once again across northern Ethiopia, bringing the country to the brink of a resumption of its devastating 2020–2022 civil war. Spiking tensions between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, boiled over into open combat on Wednesday, with both sides moving quickly to secure strategic territory.

    In its first official public statement since fighting began, the Ethiopian National Army announced that it had successfully fended off coordinated assaults from TPLF fighters and their recently formed armed coalition in multiple northern border zones. According to the military’s account, the initial outbreak of hostilities occurred in the Amhara region, along its shared border with Tigray. The military claimed its forces inflicted heavy losses on TPLF combatants and seized a large stockpile of weapons from the attacking group.

    Independent verification of the army’s claims remains impossible, as international media including the BBC are barred from entering Tigray and surrounding conflict zones, and the TPLF has not issued any formal response to the military’s statement. Unconfirmed reports from local and humanitarian sources, however, indicate TPLF forces have launched simultaneous offensives into both the neighboring Afar and Amhara regions.

    A senior humanitarian source based in Afar told Agence France-Presse Thursday that TPLF fighters have launched intensive artillery barrages targeting the border town of Yallo, as they push to seize full control of the settlement. Speaking to AFP, TPLF vice-president Amanuel Assefa confirmed the collapse of the 2022 peace agreement, stating bluntly: “We are in the situation of full-blown war now.”

    The latest escalation caps months of gradual deterioration in relations between the two sides, with both the federal government and Tigrayan authorities repeatedly accusing one another of violating the terms of the African Union-negotiated truce that ended the original 2020–2022 conflict. That war was one of the deadliest of the 21st century: the AU’s lead mediator estimated that roughly 600,000 people died from violence, famine, and lack of access to medical care, as the conflict pushed Tigray to the edge of a catastrophic humanitarian collapse. Just days before the current outbreak of fighting, the TPLF announced a new military alliance with six other armed opposition groups, with the explicit goal of ousting Abiy Ahmed’s federal government.

    Since Wednesday, TPLF forces have seized control of three regional airports from federal police forces, including the main airport serving Mekelle, Tigray’s largest capital city. Following the seizure of aviation infrastructure, Ethiopian Airlines has suspended all commercial flights to the region. Multiple residents of Mekelle confirmed to the BBC that TPLF fighters are now visibly deployed across the city’s streets, though direct armed clashes have not yet broken out in the urban center.

    Unlike the 2020–2022 war, which saw intense house-to-house fighting in Mekelle, all active combat is currently concentrated in outlying border areas. A Mekelle resident, who asked to be identified only as Fitsum to protect his safety, told the BBC’s *Newsday* program Thursday that the city remains outwardly calm, despite widespread fear among the population. “Mekelle is calm, except the stress from the people,” Fitsum said. He added that the city’s most pressing crisis is already economic, rooted in months of federal budget cuts that have left public sector workers unpaid and drained physical cash from local financial institutions.

    “People are in a mood where they are distressed because it’s been so difficult, so tough. The last seven or eight months the government has been denying budgets to the civil servants and all the banks were running out of cash,” Fitsum explained. While residents have relied on mobile banking to access funds in recent months, widespread fears that communications infrastructure will be cut off amid the new fighting have left the population extremely vulnerable. “People are going to be in grave danger because there is almost no cash,” he added. Since fighting broke out, residents have largely stayed indoors and limited non-essential travel, leaving the city unusually quiet. “It’s like a curfew has been placed,” Fitsum said.

    Recent drone strikes targeting locations inside Tigray in the days preceding the TPLF’s offensive have further stoked panic across the region, leaving global observers scrambling to de-escalate tensions before the conflict expands across the Horn of Africa.

  • Elephants use medicinal plants to treat themselves, researchers find

    Elephants use medicinal plants to treat themselves, researchers find

    For centuries, anecdotal evidence has suggested that wild animals tap into natural plant resources to treat illness and injury. A new study published in *Scientific Reports* has brought fresh, locally sourced insight to this phenomenon, confirming that the iconic salt-mining elephants of Kenya’s Mount Elgon region rely on at least 35 distinct plant species – 25 of which carry well-documented medicinal properties for human and animal use alike.

    This population of elephants has long fascinated biologists: unlike most other African elephant groups, these animals regularly venture deep into underground caves, where they use their powerful tusks to scrape mineral-rich rock salt to add critical nutrients to their plant-based diet. Now, researchers from institutions across the globe, working in partnership with the Kenyan conservation organization Mount Elgon Foundation, have uncovered another layer of the elephants’ complex adaptive behavior: intentional use of medicinal flora to treat themselves and their young.

    To build their findings, the research team conducted anonymous interviews with local residents who live and work alongside the Mount Elgon elephants, including seasoned wildlife scouts and Indigenous community elders. These long-time observers shared detailed, first-hand accounts of elephants actively selecting specific plants when showing signs of illness, with multiple reports of elephant mothers administering processed medicinal plant material to their ailing calves.

    One particularly striking account from a local scout detailed how elephant mothers prepare the plant Angurweet – a common local remedy for stomach pain and digestive issues – for their young. After stripping the leaves and chewing the plant’s roots and leaves into a smooth paste, mothers mix the preparation with their own milk before offering it to calves, who then chew the mixture and spit out the fibrous solid waste before swallowing the active compounds.

    Dr. Elodie Freymann, lead researcher from Brown University in the United States, emphasized that the findings highlight a deep, underrecognized connection between human and animal medicinal knowledge and the natural world. The study, she noted, also raises urgent questions about what is lost when forest habitats that double as natural pharmacies are destroyed by human development – depriving both wildlife and human communities of potential life-saving medicinal resources.

    “ This shows just how entangled our medicines are with the non-human world, ” Dr. Freymann told BBC News in an interview. “There are medicine-producing organisms on this planet that have this incredible capability. Medicine factories that exist all around us.”

    Not all outside experts are yet fully convinced of the intentional medicinal behavior, however. Professor Michael Huffman, a prominent primatologist based at Nagasaki University in Japan who was not part of the research team, described the account of maternal care with Angurweet as “tantalizing” but noted that more direct, observational evidence is required to confirm that elephants are providing targeted medical treatment to their calves.

    The research team has already launched follow-up work to gather this evidence, providing trained local wildlife experts with camera traps and personal cameras to document elephant foraging and feeding behavior in real time. Researchers are also conducting laboratory analysis of the plant species identified by locals and elephants to test for active biological compounds that could hold value for human medicine.

    Co-lead researcher Dr. Fabien Schultz, of the Bernhard Nocht Institute for Tropical Medicine in Hamburg, Germany, explained that Indigenous and local knowledge has provided the research program with a critical roadmap for future exploration. “Local knowledge has given us a map,” Dr. Schultz said. “We [now] want to follow the elephants and investigate whether they select particular plants in particular health contexts, and whether those plants have relevant biological activity.”

    The practice of animal self-medication, known scientifically as zoopharmacognosy, is not a new discovery. The earliest recorded scientific account of elephant self-medication dates all the way back to the third century CE, when Roman author Claudius Aelian wrote of a wounded elephant that recovered after consuming olive flowers and oil. In modern research, scientists have documented self-medicating behavior across the evolutionary spectrum, from mosquitoes and fruit flies to bees, great apes, and now elephants. Professor Huffman noted that each new documented case deepens humanity’s understanding of its own medicinal origins.

    For Dr. Freymann, the study also carries a clear conservation lesson for the future of human medicine. Many of the most widely used pharmaceutical drugs on the market today are derived from natural compounds found in trees, fungi, algae, and coral reefs. Protecting intact wild habitats like Mount Elgon’s forests, she argued, is not just critical for protecting endangered wildlife – it is an investment in the future of human health.

    “It’s a win-win for us to protect these forests and keep those natural pharmacies around… long enough that we can discover new natural products that could save us down the line,” Dr. Freymann said.

  • Spotlight on new coaches as road to Afcon 2027 begins

    Spotlight on new coaches as road to Afcon 2027 begins

    Eight months after the contentious 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) final, whose final champion remains undetermined, the competitive road to the 2027 edition of the tournament is finally starting. A total of 48 national teams still in the running will contest the first two rounds of qualifying matches during this extended international break, which opens its gates on Thursday. Two additional matchdays are scheduled for November, with the final two group-stage fixtures set to wrap up group competition next March.

    Under the current qualifying format, the top two teams from nine of the 12 total groups will secure their spots in the 24-team final tournament, which will be co-hosted for the first time by three East African nations: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. While pre-tournament infrastructure and preparation work among the co-hosts is reportedly falling behind schedule, all three have automatic qualification to the finals, meaning only one qualifying spot is up for grabs in each of their groups – a quirk that means a second-place finish will not guarantee progression in those groups.

    In the months following the 2025 Afcon and this year’s FIFA World Cup, African football has seen sweeping changes: a wave of new managerial appointments across top national sides, and the retirement of dozens of star players from international duty. This qualifying window brings the first chance to see these new-look squads in competitive action.

    Among the many coaching changes, a handful of high-profile moves have stood out. Herve Renard, the only manager in history to lift the Afcon trophy with two different nations, is returning to lead Ivory Coast 11 years after he guided the West African side to their past continental title. The 57-year-old Frenchman will kick off his second stint with the Elephants on Thursday with a home opener against Ghana – the most anticipated fixture of the first qualifying round. Opposite Renard in the Ghana dugout will be seasoned manager Carlos Queiroz, who is back at the helm after leading the Black Stars to the round of 16 at this year’s World Cup, though Ghana will be missing key talent including Tottenham Hotspur star Mohammed Kudus, who has withdrawn from the squad.

    Another marquee arrival is Patrick Vieira, the 1998 World Cup winner with France, who takes charge of his first international role at Senegal – the country of his birth. The 50-year-old former Arsenal midfield great has described the appointment as “an absolute dream”, though he will open his tenure with two consecutive away matches against Mozambique and Ethiopia, as Senegal’s capital Dakar wraps up preparations to host the 2026 Youth Olympic Games. Other familiar faces are also returning to dugouts across the continent: Pitso Mosimane is back leading South Africa 14 years after his first spell in charge of Bafana Bafana, while 78-year-old Afcon legend Claude Le Roy has signed on for a second stint with Congo-Brazzaville, aiming to become the first manager to reach a 10th Afcon finals tournament – a new record.

    Among other new appointments, Cape Verde, one of the breakout stories of this year’s World Cup after they pushed eventual champions Argentina all the way to a 3-2 extra-time loss in the round of 16, have promoted former assistant Humberto Bettencourt to head coach following the resignation of long-serving manager Bubista. Tunisia has hired Moin Chaaban, formerly of Esperance and Renaissance Berkane, to rebuild after a disastrous World Cup campaign that saw Sabri Lamouchi fired after just one match and Renard unable to turn the team’s fortunes around. Brahim Hemdani has taken over at Algeria following Vladimir Petkovic’s exit, Amir Abdou has moved to lead Burkina Faso after previously managing Comoros, and 2021 Afcon-winning coach Aliou Cisse, who most recently led Libya, will contest his first competitive matches as manager of Angola, opening with a tough away test against Egypt.

    Alongside the wave of new managers, a number of star players have retired from international football since the World Cup, leaving big shoes to fill for their national sides. Senegal is in the market for a new starting goalkeeper after 34-year-old Edouard Mendy, who helped the Teranga Lions win the 2021 and 2025 Afcon titles (the latter of which remains under dispute at the Court of Arbitration for Sport), retired from international duty. Algeria has lost captain Riyad Mahrez, the winger who led the side to the 2019 Afcon trophy, while Ivory Coast will be without midfielders Seko Fofana and Jean-Michael Seri. Tunisia’s Ellyes Skhiri has also called time on his international career, just as the North African side aims to qualify for an 18th consecutive Afcon – an unprecedented streak.

    Veteran striker Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang has also stepped away from Gabon’s national side, saying he felt “humiliated” by how he was treated following Gabon’s group-stage exit from the 2025 Afcon. Aubameyang, 37, was excluded from the national squad after the exit, a sanction that was later reversed, but the striker still chose to turn down a call-up, despite a strong early start to his club season at Deportivo La Coruna.

    This qualifying cycle also brings two historic firsts for smaller African nations. Eritrea has reached the group stage of Afcon qualifying for the first time since the lead-up to the 2008 edition, after beating Eswatini 4-1 on aggregate in the preliminary round back in March. The East African side withdrew from qualifying for the 2023 Afcon and 2026 World Cup, in large part due to longstanding issues of Eritrean athletes absconding during international competitions to avoid returning to the country’s one-party, highly militarized regime. Seven Eritrean players did not return home after the away leg of their preliminary tie against Eswatini, which was held in South Africa. Drawn into Group D alongside co-host Kenya, South Africa and Guinea, Eritrea’s squad for the opening two qualifying rounds relies almost entirely on players from the Eritrean diaspora, with just three home-based players selected. The side will play their opening fixture against Kenya in Nairobi on Saturday, and will host their “home” match against South Africa in Cairo, Egypt, next Tuesday.

    Meanwhile, Somalia has qualified for the Afcon qualifying group stage for the first time in the nation’s history, drawn into a tough group alongside Ivory Coast, Ghana and The Gambia. Ranked 53rd out of 54 African football nations, the Ocean Stars can still celebrate their historic milestone, just as the Afcon returns to East Africa for the first time since 1976.

  • Watch: Why is the UK reviewing its Chagos Islands deal?

    Watch: Why is the UK reviewing its Chagos Islands deal?

    In a surprise announcement that has reignited debate over the future of the disputed Indian Ocean archipelago, the United Kingdom’s top defense official has confirmed that the British government is conducting a full review of the agreement to transfer sovereignty of the Chagos Islands to Mauritius. The confirmation of the review comes after months of mounting political pressure from opposition groups and some backbench lawmakers in the ruling party, who have raised questions over the strategic and legal implications of the 2024 preliminary deal that was struck between London and Port Louis.

    The Chagos Islands have been a source of diplomatic tension between the UK and Mauritius for more than half a century. The UK separated the archipelago from Mauritius ahead of Mauritius’s independence in 1968 to allow the United States to build a major military base on the largest island, Diego Garcia. For decades, Mauritius has challenged the UK’s control of the territory, with the International Court of Justice issuing an advisory ruling in 2019 that demanded the UK end its occupation of the islands and return them to Mauritian control.

    The original deal, announced earlier this year, was billed as a resolution to the long-running dispute, with the UK agreeing to transfer full sovereignty over the archipelago in exchange for Mauritius granting the US continued access to the Diego Garcia military base, a critical logistics and intelligence hub for Western operations in the Middle East and Indo-Pacific. However, critics in the UK have argued that the agreement undermines British national security interests and sets a dangerous precedent for territorial concessions. The defense secretary’s confirmation of the review indicates the current British administration is pausing to re-evaluate the terms of the agreement before moving forward with ratification, leaving the final outcome of the decades-long sovereignty dispute uncertain once again.