标签： Africa

NIAMEY, NIGER – In a policy shift that deepens legal restrictions on LGBTQIA+ people across West Africa, Niger’s ruling military junta has enacted a sweeping new penal code that formally criminalizes same-sex relations and LGBTQIA+ identity, a senior adviser to the country’s justice ministry confirmed Friday to the Associated Press.

The new legislation, which went into full effect Thursday, marks a major change from Niger’s prior legal framework, where same-sex relations were never explicitly outlawed, even as widespread social stigma marginalized LGBTQIA+ communities for decades. Niger is the second West African nation to implement such a ban this year, following similar restrictive legislation passed in Senegal earlier in 2024.

According to the full text of the penal code, any individual found to have “committed or attempted to commit an immodest or unnatural act or practices lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual (LGBTQIA+) acts” faces a mandatory prison sentence ranging from five to 10 years, in addition to substantial financial fines. The harsh penalties extend far beyond the individuals engaged in same-sex relationships: anyone who officiates a same-sex marriage, acts as a witness for the union, consents to the ceremony, or organizes the event is subject to the same five-to-10-year prison term and fines.

Hamidou Julien, the justice ministry adviser who confirmed the law’s implementation, did not comment on whether the junta plans to prioritize enforcement of the new provisions in the coming months. Human rights observers have already raised alarms over the policy, noting that it will exacerbate systemic discrimination and push already marginalized LGBTQIA+ Nigeriens further underground.

The legal change places Niger among a large bloc of African nations with anti-LGBTQIA+ legislation. Across the continent’s 54 recognized countries, more than 30 currently classify same-sex sexual conduct as a criminal offense. Many of these nations, including Kenya, Sierra Leone and Tanzania, impose maximum prison sentences of 10 years or longer for conviction. In three African countries – Somalia, Uganda and Mauritania – people convicted of same-sex relations can legally be sentenced to death.

A deportation flight organized by the former Trump administration is set to land in the Central African Republic’s capital Bangui on Friday, carrying roughly two dozen migrants from third countries, including one Iranian woman who had previously been granted protection from deportation to her home nation, legal representatives confirmed.

This transfer marks the latest high-profile example of the controversial, largely secretive agreements Washington struck with multiple African and Latin American nations to accept deportees who are not citizens of their receiving countries, a policy that has drawn widespread condemnation from immigration advocates and legal experts.

According to immigration rights advocates, the Central African Republic — a chronically impoverished, conflict-battered nation — is one of at least 10 African countries that have signed onto these third-country deportation arrangements. As part of a broader hardline U.S. immigration crackdown during the Trump administration, officials struck these often-unpublic deals to expel thousands of non-citizen migrants to countries that are not their country of origin, across roughly 24 nations total.

Immigration lawyers argue the policy is a deliberate legal loophole, designed to indirectly force asylum seekers who would otherwise be protected from return to their home countries into dangerous third-party states, effectively circumventing court-ordered deportation protections.

The flight departed Louisiana late Thursday bound for Bangui, though exact passenger numbers have not been officially confirmed. Ali Rahnama, president of the Iranian American Legal Defense Fund, who has been in direct contact with several of the detained migrants, confirmed the group includes nationals from Iran, Jordan, Armenia, Turkey, Georgia and Afghanistan.

Sahar Jalili Pawelski, an immigration lawyer representing three Iranian women initially slated for deportation on this flight, explained that two of her three clients secured emergency court orders that temporarily paused their removal, while judges review whether the U.S. government’s deportation action is legally valid. All three Iranian women had previously received court-ordered protection from deportation to Iran, after judges ruled they faced credible threats of persecution based on their political beliefs or religious identity, both Pawelski and Rahnama confirmed. Only one Iranian woman remains on the flight scheduled to land Friday.

An elderly Syrian migrant also scheduled for deportation to the Central African Republic similarly obtained an emergency temporary order halting his removal, according to his attorney Margaret Stock.

U.S. Department of Homeland Security officials declined to comment on the specific case Thursday, citing security policies that prevent confirmation of upcoming removal operations. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement also did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the deportation flight.

The receiving country, the Central African Republic, has been ravaged by years of armed conflict between government forces and rebel factions, and ranks among the poorest countries on Earth. Despite holding extensive gold reserves, one in three Central African citizens survives on less than $2 USD per day. The nation is also a historic hub of activity for the Russian private mercenary group Wagner, which for years provided security to President Faustin-Archange Touadéra and led combat operations against rebel groups.

While the Central African Republic remains one of Russia’s closest African allies, recent tensions have emerged between Touadéra and Moscow, after Russia demanded Wagner be replaced by the state-run Africa Corps. Rahnama has raised particular alarm over the deportation of the Iranian asylum seeker to the Central African Republic, pointing to Russia’s widespread influence in the country and the close security partnership between Moscow and Tehran, which puts the migrant at heightened risk of harm.

This report was compiled by correspondent Banchereau in Dakar, Senegal, with additional contribution from Associated Press writer Rebecca Santana based in Washington.

The opening decades of the 21st century have left the world fractured along multiple lines: simmering geopolitical rivalries, ongoing proxy conflicts, splintering global economic systems, and a dangerous resurgence of cultural confrontation. Against this volatile backdrop, China’s Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), launched in March 2023, has emerged as a timely and forward-thinking framework that addresses the world’s most pressing ideological and relational gaps. Positioned as a complementary companion to China’s earlier Global Development Initiative and Global Security Initiative, the GCI lays out a clear path for building mutual respect, open dialogue, and collective progress across the world’s rich tapestry of civilizations. Far from being an abstract ideological vision, it responds to the urgent global demand for a new paradigm of international relations — one rooted in equal partnership rather than great-power hegemony, and cross-cultural exchange rather than growing estrangement between societies.

At its core, the GCI is built on four simple but profound guiding principles. First, it calls for universal recognition of the inherent diversity of global civilizations. Second, it champions the shared common values that unite all humanity. Third, it emphasizes the importance of both preserving the historical inheritance of civilizations and advancing their innovative development to meet modern challenges. Fourth, it prioritizes expanded people-to-people exchanges and collaborative partnerships across national borders. The initiative calls on every nation to uphold the values of equality, mutual learning, open dialogue, and inclusive coexistence. Under its vision, cross-cultural exchanges replace estrangement, mutual learning overcomes civilizational conflict, and peaceful coexistence rises above the harmful narratives of cultural superiority that dominate many global conversations today. The GCI recognizes that shared aspirations including peace, development, equity, justice, democracy, and freedom are universal to all humanity, but it also affirms that each civilization has the right to interpret and implement these values through its own unique historical and cultural lens. This position explicitly rejects the forced imposition of any single political or cultural model on sovereign nations.

This framing directly challenges the long-dominant narratives of ‘clash of civilizations’ and inherent civilizational superiority that have been used to justify global division. Instead of a hierarchy where some cultures are deemed superior to others, the GCI imagines a global garden of civilizations, where every culture can bloom according to its own nature, while all contribute to the collective growth and prosperity of the entire human family. In practical terms, it encourages societies to pursue creative transformation of their own traditional cultures to address modern challenges, all without erasing their unique historical and cultural roots.

The widespread global resonance of the GCI stems from its accurate and unflinching diagnosis of the crises defining the current global era. The unipolar global order that defined the post-Cold War period has given way to a rapidly evolving multipolar system, but this historic transition has been rife with tension and friction. Great-power competition, growing technological decoupling, and devastating proxy conflicts from Ukraine to the Middle East have left nations across the world deeply anxious about the future. At the same time, globalization has dramatically increased cross-cultural interaction, but this interaction has often bred resentment when one set of cultural and political values is framed as universally superior, while all alternatives are dismissed as underdeveloped or backward.

For decades, Western powers have led a global push to promote their specific models of liberal democracy and human rights, and this push has often been perceived as ideological imposition by much of the world — particularly when it is tied to coercive measures including economic sanctions, rhetoric endorsing regime change, and development aid tied to strict ideological conditions. For many nations in the Global South, which carry the lingering scars of centuries of colonial rule, these approaches are widely seen as a modern form of neo-imperial control. The GCI offers a clear alternative, centered on the principle that national sovereignty and civilizational autonomy must be the foundation of any genuine international cooperation. This aligns perfectly with the core commitment to sovereign equality enshrined in the United Nations Charter, and extends that principle into the cultural domain, where it has too often been ignored.

The relevance of the GCI has grown even stronger alongside the rising global influence of the Global South. Developing nations, which make up the vast majority of the global population, are increasingly demanding the right to pursue development paths that fit their own unique historical, cultural, and socioeconomic contexts, rather than being forced to adopt one-size-fits-all Western models. China’s own modern development experience — which lifted more than 800 million people out of extreme poverty while preserving the country’s distinct cultural identity — serves as living proof that achieving modernization does not require adopting Western political and cultural systems. For this reason, the GCI provides a critical intellectual framework for a world of diverse civilizations, all pursuing their own paths to modernity.

The GCI also acts as a powerful catalyst for greater South-South solidarity by explicitly validating non-Western civilizations and independent development models. It rejects the rigid cultural hierarchies that have long marginalized the traditional knowledge and cultures of African, Asian, and Latin American societies. By centering the principle of mutual learning, the GCI reframes Global South nations not as passive recipients of Western aid or ideology, but as equal contributors to global progress and collective governance.

This approach has struck a deep chord across the world. From Africa to Latin America and across Asia, political leaders and independent thinkers have welcomed the initiative for its clear anti-hegemonic stance and its focus on building people-to-people connections across borders. It naturally complements existing multilateral platforms led by Global South and emerging economies, including BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, by fostering horizontal, equal partnerships rather than the vertical dependency relationships that defined colonial and post-colonial aid systems. China’s already extensive network of South-South cooperation, including infrastructure development through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), development projects under the Global Development Initiative, and existing cross-cultural exchange programs, gives the GCI tangible practical momentum that many other global vision statements lack. Concrete initiatives ranging from cross-border tourism promotion to youth exchange programs and joint international research centers are already turning the GCI’s rhetorical vision into on-the-ground reality.

Widespread global embrace of the GCI, particularly across the Global South, reflects a growing global exhaustion with zero-sum great-power geopolitics and a widespread hunger for inclusive, equal global governance frameworks. Against the current perilous backdrop of soaring global inflation, sovereign debt crises, accelerating climate disruption, and rapid technological transformation, nations are hungry for partners focused on mutual benefit rather than forcing them to pass rigid ideological litmus tests to access cooperation. China’s long-standing track record of advocating for win-win international cooperation, demonstrated by the tangible infrastructure and development gains delivered by the BRI across the globe, lends significant credibility to the GCI’s vision.

The timing of the initiative, launched amid growing global calls for United Nations reform and a more representative multipolar order, positions the GCI as a constructive contribution to the reform of global governance. It does not seek to displace or dismantle existing global institutions; instead, it aims to enrich them by embedding the principle of civilizational pluralism into their core operations and priorities.

To move the GCI forward effectively, the article’s author outlines four key priority actions for China and its global partners. First, expand people-to-people exchanges through scaled-up cross-cultural programming and a global network of dedicated GCI research and exchange centers. Second, integrate the GCI’s principles and goals with the existing Global Development Initiative and Global Security Initiative to create a cohesive, interconnected approach to global challenges. Third, foster broader intellectual collaboration through joint academic research, diverse educational curricula that reflect global civilizational diversity, and cross-border media cooperation. Fourth, embed GCI principles into the work of major multilateral forums including the United Nations, G20, and BRICS, while creating more space for Global South voices in global governance.

The author of the commentary is a Kenyan international relations scholar specializing in China-Africa development cooperation, and the views expressed do not necessarily represent the official position of China Daily.