Global Pulse

分类： world

  • Channel smuggling gangs resort to ‘mega-dinghies’ as crackdown limits small boat supply

    Channel smuggling gangs resort to ‘mega-dinghies’ as crackdown limits small boat supply

    A months-long on-the-ground investigation by the BBC has uncovered a dramatic shift in tactics by people smuggling gangs operating along France’s northern Channel coast, driven by a successful joint UK-France policing crackdown that has cut the number of illegal small boat arrivals to the UK to a six-year low. With tighter patrols intercepting an estimated two-thirds of departure attempts before vessels can reach open water, criminal networks are abandoning the small, single-load boats they once relied on in favor of far larger “mega-dinghies” that carry scores of migrants at a time, raising catastrophic new risks to life at sea.

    The new strategy was thrown into sharp global focus earlier this year, when an image of a 15-meter inflatable carrying 230 migrants en route to the UK sparked widespread political condemnation on both sides of the Channel. UK ministers faced accusations of losing control of border security, while French law enforcement was once again criticized for failing to intervene in departure operations. But the BBC’s on-the-ground reporting reveals the photo was not an isolated incident: it was a public marker of a calculated adaptation by smuggling networks strained by shrinking operational opportunities and a shortage of smaller vessels. Rival criminal groups that once operated independently are now collaborating to pack more migrants onto fewer, larger vessels, with multiple more mega-dinghies already confirmed to be in preparation.

    During a low-tide observation on Gravelines Beach, one of the most active departure points along the coast, BBC correspondents witnessed first-hand how the new “taxi boat” pick-up model works. Around 09:30, a dozen migrants emerged from the shelter of sand dunes, their bright orange life vests — purchased from a local local sports retailer — marking them out clearly. Contrary to assumptions of a rushed, chaotic departure, the group moved in an orderly, pre-coordinated fashion into the shallow calm waters. Unlike traditional departures where a boat launches directly from the beach, this vessel had sailed from as far away as Belgium to avoid detection, and would return to the coast multiple times to collect groups of migrants across different stretches of the beach.

    Over three hours, the small inflatable made five separate pick-ups, eventually carrying 82 people before it set out into the Channel’s busiest shipping lane, where it was dwarfed by large passenger ferries. All on board successfully reached British waters, where they radioed for coast guard rescue, as is typical for small boat crossings. Left behind on the beach were dozens of failed migrants, including a limp toddler carried to French police for revived, amid the surreal backdrop of peak holiday season: local fishermen cast lines nearby, and dog walkers and beachgoers barely glanced at the dejected group waiting for another chance to cross. One local holidaymaker described the experience as living in “two parallel worlds,” saying “You feel guilty having a good time while these families are in such terrible situations.”

    The intensified crackdown has reshaped every part of the smuggling ecosystem. Departures, once mostly conducted under cover of darkness, now take place in broad daylight, when gangs have more time to coordinate multiple pick-ups and avoid detection. Waiting times for a crossing opportunity that once took days now stretch into weeks or even months, requiring favorable weather conditions (winds under 5 knots and waves smaller than 0.8 meters) to avoid disaster. To stay undetected near departure points, many migrants now sleep rough in dunes or nearby woods rather than accessing food, clean water, and medical care at official camp settlements. Crossing prices have also surged: from around €1,300 per person just 12 months ago to as much as €2,000 today, with gangs now demanding full cash payment upfront to guarantee a spot.

    The increased risk of catastrophe has left emergency responders on both sides of the Channel deeply alarmed. In early August alone, 170 migrants had to be rescued after their overloaded vessel caught fire mid-Channel. Tensions are also high on the ground: when the reporting team visited the largest migrant settlement near Dunkirk at Loon-Plage, they were confronted and attacked by smugglers who threw rocks at the crew, injuring the BBC cameraman above the eye, who required stitches after the team escaped to their vehicle.

    Migrants waiting to cross spoke of repeated frustration and months of squalid living conditions. One young Egyptian man who had tried and failed to cross multiple times told the BBC that French police had intercepted his group and destroyed their boat, adding that he only wanted to reach the UK to work and secure legal status. A Sudanese woman and an Afghan migrant similarly reported having attempted the crossing dozens of times without success, after weeks of waiting. Riot police had cleared settlement tents in the area just days before the reporting team’s visit, and 400 migrants had been forced to abandon a planned departure the previous day after wildfires broke out in the Hardelot Forest where they were staging.

    As UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer prepares to welcome French President Emmanuel Macron to Downing Street for the first time since taking office, London and Paris are set to announce a new joint initiative that will increase the number of police officers patrolling France’s northern coast to disrupt smuggling operations further. While UK officials have praised the current crackdown for cutting arrivals to a six-year low and credited improved cross-border coordination, thousands of migrants still successfully cross the Channel every month, and deep-rooted motivations for the journey remain unchanged. For smuggling networks, the demand for illegal crossings remains lucrative, guaranteeing that the gangs will continue to adapt their tactics to evade enforcement.

  • ‘The crowd shouted that we’d stolen someone’s genitals’ – deadly rumours spread on social media

    ‘The crowd shouted that we’d stolen someone’s genitals’ – deadly rumours spread on social media

    Between October 2025 and July 2026, more than 80 people have been killed by mobs across six African nations following baseless accusations of so-called ‘genital theft’, an investigation by the BBC Global Disinformation Unit has confirmed. The killings are tied to a dangerous viral rumor that claims a simple tap on the shoulder from an alleged thief can cause a man’s genitals to shrink or disappear entirely — a myth that has been amplified and supercharged by widespread misinformation shared across major social media platforms.

    Boniface Mgala, a 40-something mechanic from Tanzania, survived a brutal attack in April that left his friend dead. In an interview with the BBC from his home in Mpemba, near the border trading hub of Tunduma, Mgala described the terrifying ordeal that left him with permanent physical scars. He and his friend had stopped for lunch at a local restaurant after meeting a client about a car sale, when a large mob dragged them both outside. The crowd was screaming that the pair had stolen a man’s genitals, and there was no way to escape.

    Mgala lost consciousness during the beating, and woke up two days later in a hospital to learn his friend had been killed by the mob. Today, he walks with a limp, suffers from constant headaches, and has not been able to return to work at his mechanic shop. Visible scars mark his head and chin, and he lost a tooth in the attack. Even months later, the emotional trauma remains raw. “It still hurts me deeply when I think back to the senseless manner my friend died,” Mgala told the BBC. “To suddenly find yourself being pelted with stones for no reason, and then end up losing your life?”

    On the same day of Mgala’s attack, a 23-year-old commercial photographer named Michael Silavwe witnessed a second fatal assault in Tunduma. He told the BBC that anxiety had been building for weeks after videos about genital theft began circulating on TikTok. He saw a crowd beat a man accused of theft, then set him on fire before police arrived and the crowd scattered. Locals like 50-year-old tailor Asha Steven Mwakilasa say they now understand the rumors are untrue, but the fear lingers. “I still get anxious when my husband or sons are out,” she said, though she added that increased police patrols have helped ease some of the tension.

    Local officials say some of the violence has been deliberately stoked for personal gain. “Local investigations suggest there was deliberate criminal intent behind some of the incidents,” Momba district commissioner Elias Daniel Mwandobo told the BBC. “Individuals conspired to commit a crime and incite public panic for their own benefits.”

    The current wave of rumors traces its origins back to last year in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where similar accusations first emerged in 2008. From there, the false claims spread across the region to Burundi, Zambia, Tanzania, Mozambique, Angola, Malawi, and Kenya. In Zambia, the first fatal lynching linked to the rumors occurred in March, before the panic crossed the border into Tanzania.

    The BBC Global Disinformation Unit has verified multiple videos of these attacks circulating across TikTok and Facebook, including one recording of a beating that has been viewed more than 100,000 times. Many of the videos, including those that show graphic mob violence, remain accessible on the platforms. A Meta spokesperson told the BBC the company is reviewing the shared content and will remove any posts that violate its policies. TikTok has not responded to requests for comment from the BBC.

    Anthropologist Julien Bonhomme, author of *The Sex Thieves: The Anthropology of a Rumor*, explains that social media has fundamentally changed how these rumors spread. Unlike previous outbreaks, today’s rumors are amplified by user-generated videos that show distressed men claiming to be victims, and crowds attacking alleged thieves. “Videos shared on social media can make unverified claims appear more believable because of their immediacy,” Bonhomme says. “That’s one of the most significant differences between the current digital environment and earlier outbreaks.”

    Mozambique has been the worst-affected country, with 55 people killed in just six weeks ending in May, according to local police. The fatalities include a police officer and two healthcare workers, who were attacked at their home and workplace in Cabo Delgado province — a region already grappling with a decade-long Islamist insurgency that has displaced thousands of people. Following the attacks, local health facilities were closed for weeks while authorities launched public awareness campaigns to counter the false claims.

    Mozambican President Daniel Chapo has publicly condemned the rumors and the resulting violence, emphasizing that the claims are completely baseless and that the government has found no medical evidence to support any claims of genital theft. Officials have noted that some of the widespread fear may be linked to Koro syndrome, also called genital retraction hysteria, a well-documented mental health condition characterized by the false belief that one’s genitals are shrinking or disappearing.

    The most recent violence has occurred in Kenya, where five people were killed by mobs in the coastal counties of Kwale and Mombasa. Mombasa County Commissioner Mohamed Noor blames content creators for spreading the false claims to boost their own engagement. “These creators spread misinformation simply to attract views and attention,” Noor said. “Such misinformation can easily lead to loss of life.” Police have since contained the violence and made multiple arrests, including a father and son who were sentenced to a year in prison after pleading guilty to assaulting a woman they accused of genital theft. In neighboring Malawi, eight people have been killed in mob attacks linked to the same rumors.

    While the rumors themselves are rooted in longstanding superstitions about witchcraft that persist in many rural African communities, the speed and scale of the current violence is directly tied to the power of social media to amplify misinformation and incite panic.

  • Sharpeville massacre survivors start legal fight for justice in South Africa

    Sharpeville massacre survivors start legal fight for justice in South Africa

    Sixty-six years after surviving one of the defining atrocities of South Africa’s apartheid regime, 86-year-old Abraham Mofokeng still bears the physical scars of the Sharpeville massacre. A bullet remains embedded in his spine, and a decades-old gunshot wound to his leg leaves him with a permanent, gentle limp. For Mofokeng, however, the unhealed wound is not physical: it is the absence of justice that has lingered through three decades of post-apartheid democracy. Now, he and fellow survivors are launching a groundbreaking legal challenge to tear down the last legal barrier holding that justice back.

    On March 21, 1960, a 20-year-old Mofokeng joined thousands of peaceful Black demonstrators who gathered in the Gauteng township of Sharpeville to protest the racist pass laws that defined apartheid oppression. Enforced by the white-minority government, these laws required all Black South Africans to carry a dompas – an identity document that restricted their movement, barred them from “whites-only” areas, and allowed authorities to arrest, beat, or expel anyone caught without proper documentation. What began as a peaceful march to the local police station devolved into a bloodbath when security forces opened fire on the unarmed crowd.

    Recent historical research has revised the official death toll upward to as many as 91 people killed, with more than 200 injured. Another survivor, 90-year-old Larazus Magotsi, still carries vivid, traumatic memories of that day. Hiding in a local store as gunfire erupted, he watched police shoot wounded protesters who tried to rise from the ground, and hack at still-moving victims with machetes. More than 1,300 rounds were fired into the crowd, leaving bodies strewn across Sharpeville’s streets. Archive photos from the immediate aftermath show officers walking calmly among the fallen.

    The massacre shocked the world, exposing the inherent violence of South Africa’s apartheid system and becoming a turning point for the global anti-apartheid movement. But just one year after the killings, the apartheid government passed the 1961 Indemnity Act, a law that granted full legal immunity to all police officers and government officials involved in the massacre, shielding them from both criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Remarkably, more than 30 years after apartheid ended and South Africa transitioned to democratic rule under Nelson Mandela in 1994, this racist law remains on the country’s statute books.

    That is about to change. This Thursday, a new legal challenge led by South African human rights group Lawyers for Human Rights, in partnership with UK-based law firm Leigh Day, will be launched at the South African High Court. The case argues that the 1961 Indemnity Act is unconstitutional under the country’s post-apartheid bill of rights, which came into force in 1994. If the court grants class action certification – a core part of the application – up to 70 survivors and family members of those killed will be able to launch a collective lawsuit against the South African state. A ruling against the indemnity law could also open the door to criminal prosecutions for any surviving perpetrators.

    Lead lawyer Charne Tracey explains that the fight is not just about individual damages. For the residents of Sharpeville, which remains a neglected, crumbling township decades after apartheid, the case is also about long-overdue reparations and collective healing. “Apart from the individual damages, what the community’s looking for is basically reparations to enable their healing. They feel as though Sharpeville is a forgotten community,” Tracey said. “Nothing has been done that assists with their healing and improvement of their quality of life, or remedy the long-term effects of what they’ve suffered.”

    Constitutional law expert Professor Frans Viljoen supports the challenge, noting that South Africa’s post-1994 constitution retained existing laws until they are formally repealed or struck down. Striking down the indemnity act, he says, would be a critical step to “cleanse us of that past” and close a dark, unfinished chapter of South African history. “Although South Africa has a very transformative constitution… The principle of continuity of statehood still applies, which is why the case can be brought against the current state,” Viljoen explained.

    South Africa’s post-apartheid government did establish the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), chaired by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to investigate apartheid-era crimes. The TRC offered amnesty to perpetrators who fully disclosed their actions, and it was widely praised for advancing national dialogue. But for Sharpeville survivors, the process fell far short: no police officers involved in the massacre ever applied for amnesty, and no perpetrators were held criminally responsible. The South African government told the BBC it has supported apartheid victims over decades, having distributed roughly $31 million in individual grants to 560 TRC-recognized victims, and it does not oppose the current legal action.

    Today, Sharpeville’s Human Rights Precinct memorial stands with 69 white pillars, each honoring one of the originally counted victims who lost their lives that day. But the township itself remains marked by neglect: once-paved roads have eroded back to dirt, many residents still live in the small, cramped brick homes built under apartheid, and piles of rubbish accumulate across the dry, barren landscape. For survivors like Mofokeng, a court victory overturning the indemnity law would not just deliver justice for the dead and injured – it would bring long-delayed healing for survivors and future generations alike.

    “Apartheid is dead and buried. A win would bring complete healing, not just for us, but for future generations as well,” Mofokeng said. “Considering how people died, many have not completely healed.”

  • Who is Alejandro Betancourt, colourful oil baron behind US-Venezuela oil deal?

    Who is Alejandro Betancourt, colourful oil baron behind US-Venezuela oil deal?

    A blockbuster deal that grants the United States operational control over 17 of Venezuela’s most strategically valuable crude oil fields, holding an estimated 65 billion barrels of proven reserves, has drawn intense global scrutiny – and it all revolves around one polarizing Venezuelan business figure: Alejandro Betancourt López. The 46-year-old oil tycoon, who heads Barbados-registered North American Blue Energy Partners (Nabep), the little-known firm tapped to oversee production and sales of the oil assets, has called the agreement ‘the biggest in history’, per former US President Donald Trump. But Betancourt’s long, tangled history of political connections, cross-border corruption investigations, and pivoting between Venezuela’s opposing political factions has left many questioning how a figure with his background landed one of the most valuable energy contracts on the planet.

    Born in Caracas in 1980 to a middle-class Venezuelan family, Betancourt earned a degree from Boston’s Suffolk University and has amassed an estimated personal net worth of roughly $2.6 billion. Reporters who have tracked his decades-long career trace his early rise not just to entrepreneurial acumen, as his official biography claims, but to high-level connections forged in his private school days. Venezuelan investigative journalist Alek Boyd, who has followed Betancourt’s work since 2011, notes that Betancourt built a close school friendship with Javier Alvarado Pardi, the son of a senior energy industry executive who would go on to hold top roles at Venezuela’s state-owned oil giant Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) and serve as the country’s deputy energy minister.

    That connection opened doors at the height of Venezuela’s 2009 national electricity crisis, when the younger Alvarado introduced Betancourt and his business partners to his father – despite the group having zero prior experience in power infrastructure. Shortly after, Derwick Associates, the engineering firm Betancourt co-founded with his cousin, secured 12 no-bid government contracts worth a collective $5 billion to build 11 new power plants across the country. It was during this era that Betancourt and a cohort of other young, rapidly wealthy Venezuelan entrepreneurs doing business with the Hugo Chávez-led government earned the nickname ‘bolichicos’, a portmanteau of ‘Bolivarian’ (referring to Chávez’s socialist revolution) and ‘chico’, Spanish for boy. Betancourt’s US legal team rejects the label, arguing it is a media-coined pejorative that unfairly lumps successful young entrepreneurs together regardless of individual conduct.

    While Derwick has claimed it completed all contracted electrification projects, leading anti-corruption watchdogs have leveled serious fraud allegations against the firm. Transparency Venezuela and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project have claimed many of Derwick’s projects were left unfinished or built to substandard specifications. A 2018 Transparency Venezuela analysis estimated the 11 power projects should have cost just $2.1 billion – meaning the Venezuelan government overpaid by 138% for the work. Betancourt’s legal team has repeatedly dismissed these allegations as politically motivated smear campaigns, and the businessman has never been convicted of any wrongdoing connected to the claims.

    Despite the controversy, Venezuelan authorities soon allowed Derwick to expand into the country’s lucrative oil sector. Over the following decade, Betancourt built a sprawling global business empire: he acquired a controlling stake in Spanish sunglasses brand Hawkers in 2016, took over banking assets in Switzerland and Africa, and according to Transparency Venezuela’s investigations, now controls a network of roughly 50 companies operating across 16 countries.

    Betancourt’s international expansion has been matched by mounting legal trouble across five nations. In 2013, former US ambassador to Venezuela Otto Reich filed a civil lawsuit against Betancourt and two associates, accusing them of paying massive bribes to Venezuelan public officials in exchange for the Derwick contracts. The suit was dismissed in 2018, but new investigations soon followed. In recent years, judicial authorities in Spain, Switzerland, Andorra, and the United States have opened probes into Betancourt and other bolichicos over alleged ties to PDVSA-linked corruption schemes. No formal charges have ever been brought, and Betancourt has consistently denied all wrongdoing.

    The tycoon made global headlines again in 2025, when he was detained twice by British police in London, where he had established residency in recent years. Shortly after the detentions, Spanish law enforcement raided Alamín Castle, Betancourt’s sprawling palatial estate in Toledo province. Both actions were connected to a money laundering investigation launched by Swiss public prosecutors, according to official reports. Betancourt’s attorney has argued the businessman is being unfairly targeted by association, saying: ‘This is a group of very successful young entrepreneurs… some have broken the law and others haven’t, but they’ve all been lumped together.’

    So what led US officials to select Betancourt as the lead partner for the high-stakes Venezuela oil deal? US Secretary of State Marco Rubio laid out three clear justifications in an interview with Venezuelan journalist Sergio Novelli. First, Rubio argued Betancourt has a proven track record of bringing oil production online. Independent experts estimate Nabep currently produces roughly 180,000 barrels of crude per day, second only to Chevron’s 200,000 daily barrels in Venezuela, though other analysts have questioned the accuracy of these production figures. Second, Rubio noted that Betancourt faces no active investigations from US law enforcement. Third, and finally, Rubio emphasized that Betancourt has long been a prominent backer of the Venezuelan political opposition, a key alignment for US policy.

    Unlike many other business figures who grew wealthy under Chávez, Betancourt never publicly aligned with the late president’s Bolivarian ideology. Industry analysts note he and his partners simply saw and seized a major business opportunity during the Chávez era, and quickly shifted alliances when Venezuela’s political landscape began to change. During Trump’s first term, Betancourt built a close working relationship with opposition leader Juan Guaidó, a connection that helped him forge ties with influential Trump-aligned US officials including former Latin America Special Envoy Mauricio Claver-Carone and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, according to journalist Alek Boyd.

    When Betancourt participated in a 2019 attempt to oust sitting Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro, Maduro retaliated by stripping him of his Venezuelan oil assets and forcing him into exile, where he split his time between Madrid and London. But Betancourt’s high-level US connections ultimately cleared the way for his return to the center of Venezuelan oil politics. In late 2025, US authorities reportedly pressured Swiss officials to withdraw their extradition request for Betancourt in British courts. Swiss authorities complied, and a London court lifted his travel ban last May. Betancourt’s attorney confirmed the ruling, noting that the lifting of the travel ban came after Switzerland failed to produce evidence requested by UK judges to support the extradition request, though the underlying Swiss investigation remains open.

    In the immediate aftermath of the January 3 US military operation that resulted in the capture of Maduro, Betancourt stepped in as a key intermediary between the opposition and sitting Venezuelan officials, according to reporting from Axios. The outlet reports Betancourt contacted then-Vice President Delcy Rodríguez, now serving as Venezuela’s interim president, and convinced her to hold talks with Rubio. Betancourt’s attorney confirmed the account, clarifying: ‘He acted as an intermediary. He had nothing to do with Maduro’s departure, but since he had everyone’s trust, he became an intermediary.’ Earlier this week, Rodríguez publicly defended Betancourt, confirming he has no open legal cases pending against him in either Venezuela or the United States, noting: ‘Often a person is judged in the media before in the courts.’

    For observers who have tracked Betancourt’s decades of navigating Venezuela’s volatile political and economic landscape, his rise to the center of the new US-Venezuela oil deal comes as no surprise. As investigative journalist Boyd summed up: ‘He’s very skillful. He always manages to be where he needs to be to avoid problems and make money.’

  • Jury in Malta acquits businessman in killing of investigative journalist

    Jury in Malta acquits businessman in killing of investigative journalist

    VALLETTA, Malta – In a verdict that has sent shockwaves across the Mediterranean island nation and reverberated through European media and accountability circles, a Maltese jury has acquitted Yorgen Fenech, the high-profile local businessman accused of orchestrating the 2017 car bomb killing of iconic anti-corruption investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia. The outcome comes nearly eight years after the assassination that upended Maltese politics, forced a sitting prime minister from office, and pulled back the curtain on deep-rooted impunity within the EU’s smallest member state.

    Caruana Galizia, 53, was killed instantly on October 16, 2017, when a remote-detonated explosive device attached to her vehicle blew up as she drove away from her home. For years before her death, the fearless reporter built a reputation for aggressive, unflinching investigations into public and private sector corruption across Malta’s political divide. Her work, much of it published in the wake of the 2016 Panama Papers leak, exposed alleged links between top officials in then-Prime Minister Joseph Muscat’s inner circle and secret offshore accounts in tax havens. She did not spare opposition leaders or prominent business figures from scrutiny, and by the time of her murder, she was defending herself against more than 40 active libel suits filed by the figures she had targeted.

    Fenech, who was formally indicted on charges of criminal conspiracy and complicity in murder in 2021, was accused by prosecutors of ordering the killing and funding the plot. He had consistently maintained his innocence throughout the trial, and on Wednesday, the jury delivered a unanimous not guilty verdict on both counts. He is the final defendant to be tried among six people charged in connection with the assassination plot.

    The case has long been intertwined with Malta’s political upheaval. Fenech was a key figure in a business consortium that secured a controversial, multi-million-dollar government contract to construct a new power plant on the island. His dramatic 2019 arrest, carried out as he attempted to leave Malta aboard his private yacht, triggered months of widespread mass protests across the country that ultimately forced Muscat to step down from office. Following Wednesday’s acquittal, Fenech left the Valletta courthouse without issuing any public statement, walking through a chaotic crowd of shouting hecklers to a waiting getaway car.

    Caruana Galizia’s family, which has led a years-long campaign to secure full accountability for her death, was present for the reading of the verdict. Her three sons left the courtroom immediately after the ruling without comment, releasing a formal statement to the public hours later via Facebook.

    The statement called the verdict a denial of the justice Caruana Galizia deserved. “Nine years after Daphne’s brutal assassination, the institutional failures that enabled her murder remain unaddressed and unreformed. Lasting justice means no person should ever face the same risks again. Our country failed to protect Daphne. It owes it to her to prevent other lives being lost,” the family wrote.

    As is standard practice in Maltese criminal proceedings, no recording devices or press cameras were permitted inside the courtroom during the trial.

    Five other co-defendants have already been convicted or granted immunity for their roles in the plot. Brothers George and Alfred Degiorgio pleaded guilty to carrying out the killing in 2022, and each received a 40-year prison sentence. Earlier this year, Jamie Vella and Robert Agius, who were convicted of supplying the explosive device used in the attack, were sentenced to life in prison – Malta’s maximum available penalty for murder. Vincent Muscat, another co-conspirator, pleaded guilty to his role in 2021 and was sentenced to 15 years behind bars. Melvin Theuma, a taxi driver who admitted to acting as a middleman in the plot, received a presidential pardon in 2019 in exchange for his testimony against Fenech and other co-defendants.

    A 2021 independent public inquiry into the assassination concluded that the Maltese state bears direct institutional responsibility for Caruana Galizia’s death, finding that a culture of impunity tolerated and enabled by the highest levels of government created the conditions for the killing to occur.

  • Exclusive: Blair asked PA to remove ‘Palestine’ from textbooks, former UK envoy says

    Exclusive: Blair asked PA to remove ‘Palestine’ from textbooks, former UK envoy says

    In a bombshell revelation shared during the David Hearst Podcast, former British Permanent Representative to the United Nations Jeremy Greenstock has pulled back the curtain on a controversial diplomatic demand tied to Donald Trump’s Board of Peace, the U.S.-established body tasked with overseeing post-war Gaza reconstruction. According to Greenstock, the board tapped former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair to pressure the Palestinian Authority (PA) to strip all references to the word ‘Palestine’ from its national school curricula, replacing the term with ‘Samaria’ – the Jewish historical designation for the region. Greenstock, who served as Blair’s senior diplomatic envoy during his time in Downing Street, confirmed the condition was explicit: only if the PA complied with the erasure would the Board of Peace recognize it as a legitimate negotiating partner for a final peace deal with Israel to end the ongoing Gaza conflict.

    The demand was immediately and unequivocally rejected by PA President Mahmoud Abbas, Greenstock confirmed. This revelation has sparked fierce debate over the underlying principles guiding the U.S.-backed peace body, with Greenstock questioning the board’s commitment to basic concepts of justice, historical fairness, and longstanding diplomatic norms in the Middle East.

    Blair’s own policy institute, the Institute for Global Change, has issued a flat denial that the former prime minister made the request. Still, the disclosure lines up with a growing, coordinated global campaign led by Israel and its supporters to eliminate references to ‘Palestine’ and Palestinian identity from educational materials and public cultural institutions, multiple recent investigations and on-the-ground actions confirm.

    Greenstock, speaking from his decades of firsthand experience in Middle East diplomacy, also pulled no punches in his assessment of Blair’s current role heading postwar Gaza planning for the Board of Peace, noting the former prime minister has already encountered significant headwinds in the position. ‘Because of his record on Iraq and on Palestine since he left government, he will be seen as prejudiced. So I think he will have, and is having, difficulties,’ Greenstock explained. He went further, dismissing the entire Board of Peace as an ‘abstract and arbitrary committee’ structurally incapable of shouldering the weight of the high-stakes decisions required to resolve the future status of the Palestinian territories. ‘I don’t think the Board of Peace is a strong enough construct to bear the weight of the difficult decisions that are going to have to be made,’ he emphasized.

    The timeline of diplomatic activity confirms Blair travelled to Israel in mid-August alongside Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and senior political advisor, and Nickolay Mladenov, the board’s high representative for Gaza. The trio held closed-door, high-stakes talks with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has already rejected the board’s proposed postwar roadmap for Gaza. Following the Israel meetings, the delegation travelled to Cairo to meet with a proposed Palestinian technocratic interim government that would take control of Gaza post-conflict, as well as representatives of Hamas.

    Greenstock’s criticism extends far beyond the Board of Peace and Blair’s role. In a sharp rebuke to Britain’s new Prime Minister Andy Burnham, the former envoy urged the UK government to stand firm on principle in its Middle East policy, questioning the contradiction of British support for Ukraine in the face of illegal Russian invasion, while failing to hold Israel accountable for its actions in occupied Palestinian territories. ‘How can Andy Burnham go to Kyiv and support President Zelensky because the Russians invaded Ukraine illegally against United Nations principles, to be condemned around the world for going against the United Nations Charter, and not stand up for justice in the Middle East in the Arab-Israel question?’ Greenstock asked.

    He called for a full review of British arms sales to Israel, and argued that under international law, the UK is obligated to arrest both Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant if they enter British territory, as both men face active arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court. ‘We’re under an obligation through our treaty position in the UN and through our support for the statute of the ICC. I think as far as the ICC is concerned, and if anybody who had been indicted by the judges of the ICC, they should be arrested,’ he stated.

    Greenstock also outlined his analysis of Netanyahu’s long-term strategic goals, arguing the Israeli prime minister is acting to fulfill a promise to his late father, historian Benzion Netanyahu, to annex the entire West Bank (referred to by Israelis as Judea and Samaria) and bring it under permanent Israeli sovereignty. He said Netanyahu saw the October 7, 2023 attacks as a unique opportunity to advance that goal.

    Turning to broader trends in global power and the ongoing regional conflict, Greenstock warned Israeli citizens that their country is rapidly losing soft power influence across the globe, a shift that will have long-term consequences for Israeli security. He emphasized that lasting peace can only come through compromise with regional actors, noting that military solutions to long-standing political disputes have repeatedly failed in the modern era. ‘If I was an Israeli citizen, I would worry that my country was losing soft power appeal around the world. It matters in the long term, and it matters for peace and security in the Middle East that there should be some sense of compromise,’ he said.

    Greenstock, who served as a senior coalition official in Iraq immediately after the 2003 invasion, reflected on his firsthand experience with U.S. foreign policy, arguing that America’s overreliance on hard power has led to repeated military failures across the Middle East over the past two decades. He noted that since the 1999 Kosovo conflict, neither the U.S. nor the UK has achieved a decisive, lasting victory in any military intervention, a trend he attributes to a fundamental misunderstanding of modern power dynamics. ‘We are in a world now where power has been diffused in all sorts of ways. And soft power has become more important. The capacity to persuade rather than compel has become extremely important… The legitimacy of using weaponry to force your will has become diminished in world opinion,’ he explained.

    On the recent U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran, Greenstock argued the Trump administration failed to adequately plan for the consequences of the attack, miscalculating Iran’s asymmetric military capabilities, including its ability to disrupt global oil trade through the Strait of Hormuz. He also suggested the timing of the strike was not accidental, noting it aligned with growing domestic political pressure on Trump over the Jeffrey Epstein files and multiple legal challenges facing his administration. ‘It’s not an accident that the timing of that attack on Iran might have been affected by things that were happening domestically,’ he said.

    Greenstock also addressed the recent Mecca Agreement signed by Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, framing the pact as a clear response to growing Arab and Muslim distrust of U.S. leadership in the region. He explained that two key factors have eroded confidence in U.S. leadership: the repeated failure of U.S. hard power to deliver stable political outcomes in the Middle East, and the Trump administration’s explicit prioritization of ‘Make America Great Again’ domestic interests over the needs and priorities of U.S. allies in the region.

    Looking at the broader shift in global diplomacy, Greenstock noted that the core moral and legal principles enshrined in the UN Charter are increasingly being set aside in favor of unilateral pursuit of narrow national interest, a shift that has reshaped Middle Eastern politics more than any other region. Today, he argued, there is no shared framework of principles guiding regional negotiation, unlike the cooperative security model developed in Europe after the Cold War.

    Contextualizing the reported textbook demand, recent weeks have seen multiple high-profile actions advancing the erasure of ‘Palestine’ from public life. Just days before Greenstock’s interview, Israeli authorities began imposing their national curriculum on more than 45,000 Palestinian students in state-run East Jerusalem schools, part of a broader crackdown on Palestinian education in the occupied city. Earlier this year, UNRWA Lebanon, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees that Israel has banned from operating, faced intense pressure that forced it to replace the word ‘Palestine’ with ‘West Bank’ and ‘Gaza Strip’ on sixth-grade geography maps, a move that sparked widespread protests and strikes across Palestinian communities. That pressure came even after an independent review led by former French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna found no evidence to support Israeli claims that UNRWA staff participate in terrorist organizations.

    In the United Kingdom, a cross-party group of members of Parliament has recently called for a formal investigation into the British Museum’s decision to remove references to ‘Palestine’, ‘Palestinian’ and ‘Israelite occupation’ from its public displays. An investigation by Middle East Eye confirmed the museum’s decision came directly in response to targeted lobbying by pro-Israel activists between October and December 2024.

    Since the October 2024 ceasefire brokered by the U.S. that established the Board of Peace, violence has continued unabated in Gaza. Israel has carried out repeated air and drone strikes across the enclave, killing at least 1,300 Palestinians and wounding more than 4,000. Just this week, at least seven rapid air strikes hit an area west of Gaza City, followed by drone attacks on any moving person in the area, local reports confirm. While Hamas and other Palestinian factions have agreed to a disarmament plan as part of the ceasefire framework, Israel has refused to withdraw its forces from Gaza until the disarmament process is fully completed.

  • Iran strikes US bases across region after American attack kills 18, including children

    Iran strikes US bases across region after American attack kills 18, including children

    A major escalation of conflict has erupted across the Middle East after Iran launched coordinated missile and drone attacks against multiple United States military facilities in the region, a retaliatory move following deadly US airstrikes that killed 18 people on Iranian soil earlier this week.

    Among the casualties of the US strikes was a family gathering in the village of Kuhestak, located near the southern coastal city of Sirik, where at least four civilians—including two children attending a wedding—were killed. The strike has sparked widespread outrage across Iran, with top political and military leaders condemning the attack as an unprovoked act of aggression against innocent civilians.

    Iran’s elite Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) confirmed it carried out the multi-site retaliatory operation, targeting US positions in three regional countries. First, in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s autonomous Kurdistan Region, Iranian missiles and drones destroyed a US maintenance facility, weapons storage warehouses, and the guidance system of an American surveillance aerostat, according to state-run Iranian news agency IRNA.

    The strikes extended further into the Arabian Peninsula, hitting two key US military bases in the United Arab Emirates: Al Dhafra Air Base and Al Minhad Air Base. The IRGC stated that dozens of Iranian army kamikaze drones targeted radar systems and core US personnel positions at both installations, noting that Al Dhafra serves as a primary operational hub for US military air operations, reconnaissance, and surveillance missions across the region.

    A third strike targeted Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait, hitting the headquarters and official residence of the US commander stationed at the facility. The IRGC reported that the attack ignited a blaze in a drone hangar and launch infrastructure that the US has used to carry out strikes on Iran, destroying multiple American drones in the process.

    Colonel Ebrahim Zolfaghari, spokesperson for Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, announced in a report broadcast by state broadcaster IRIB that the retaliatory strikes inflicted heavy damage on US military infrastructure, weapons, and equipment. He added that a “significant number” of American commanders and service members were killed or wounded in the attacks, though this claim has not yet been independently verified. Zolfaghari stressed that offensive operations against US forces will continue until Washington faces consequences for its actions, warning that any future US strikes will trigger “heavier, broader and more destructive” Iranian responses. He also cautioned that regional countries that host and assist US military operations will be held responsible for any resulting fallout.

    Top Iranian political and military figures have sharpened their rhetoric in the wake of the civilian deaths. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf issued a scathing rebuke of Washington, labeling US forces “Satan” in a post on the social platform X. “If a power acts like Satan, picks targets like Satan, and kills like Satan, it’s Satan,” he wrote. IRGC political deputy General Yadollah Javani called on regional governments to expel US forces from their national territories, specifically warning Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan that any facility used to launch attacks against Iran will become a legitimate target for Iranian strikes.

    In response to the attacks, Bahrain confirmed its air defense systems intercepted incoming Iranian drones after authorities ordered residents to seek shelter across the country. Separately, the IRGC announced that two commercial oil tankers hit sea mines and became disabled while attempting to traverse the Strait of Hormuz, after US operatives directed the vessels onto what Tehran calls an “illegal route.” The IRGC noted it had previously warned shipping companies of the dangers of using the unapproved passage, adding that additional penalties will soon be imposed on companies that ignore official guidance and cooperate with the US.

    The sharp escalation of hostilities has sent shockwaves through global energy markets, as investors fear new disruptions to oil supplies and a slide into open direct conflict between the two countries. Brent crude prices climbed above $95 per barrel in immediate trading following the attacks.

    US President Donald Trump rejected widespread speculation that Washington is seeking to push Iran back into nuclear negotiations, writing on his social platform Truth Social that he prefers the current US strategic position, which he claims gives the US “almost total control of the Hormuz Strait” and has left Iran’s economy “totally collapsing.” He added that Iran was “playing out the inevitable” before asking, “When are the Iranian people going to rise up and fight?”

    In a separate, unrelated development, the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier arrived in Thailand for a five-day port call after more than 200 consecutive days deployed at sea. The extended deployment has been marked by reports of worsening onboard conditions and growing concerns over the mental health of the carrier’s sailors. Thousands of US personnel will stay near the coastal resort city of Pattaya, a destination widely known for its nightlife industry, for the duration of the port visit.

  • Uganda names its crude oil blend ‘Pearl Sweet’ ahead of commercial production

    Uganda names its crude oil blend ‘Pearl Sweet’ ahead of commercial production

    KIKUUBE, UGANDA – In a landmark step toward launching full commercial oil production by the end of 2024, Ugandan energy officials announced Wednesday that the East African nation’s first prospective crude oil blend will be branded “Pearl Sweet.” The official naming ceremony was held at the Kingfisher oil infrastructure site, operated by China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), drawing government leaders and project stakeholders to mark the country’s imminent transition to an official oil-producing state.

    The carefully selected name carries dual meaning that blends national heritage and commercial practicality, Uganda’s Ministry of Energy explained in an official statement following the event. The “Pearl” moniker references former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s iconic 20th-century description of Uganda as “the pearl of Africa,” while the “Sweet” designation highlights the blend’s key commercial advantage: a naturally low sulfur content that makes it more desirable for refiners. Ministry representatives added that formal branding is a critical precondition for advancing marketing outreach and building partnerships with prospective global crude buyers.

    Geological surveys confirm Uganda holds approximately 1.6 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil reserves, split between two major development projects led by international energy firms. French energy giant TotalEnergies holds the largest stake in the upstream operations, while CNOOC leads the separate Kingfisher project. The Uganda National Oil Company retains a 15% equity share in the developments on behalf of the Ugandan public.

    Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni framed the milestone as a turning point for national economic transformation. “This marks an important milestone in our journey to develop Uganda’s oil and gas resources for value addition and economic transformation,” Museveni said, emphasizing plans to capture maximum domestic value from the reserves through onshore refining, domestic petrochemical manufacturing, and electricity generation from associated natural gas. He added that developing the country’s oil sector will cut Uganda’s heavy dependence on imported petroleum products, strengthening national energy security.

    At full buildout, production is projected to plateau at roughly 230,000 barrels of crude per day, with blended crude set for export through a major new export network. Despite Wednesday’s celebration of progress, the two-decade journey from initial crude discovery to commercial production has been marked by repeated legal, regulatory, and environmental setbacks.

    The center of global controversy is the planned East African Crude Oil Pipeline, a 1,443-kilometer heated pipeline that will connect the Lake Albert oil fields in western Uganda to the export terminal at Tanga, Tanzania. Environmental campaigners and climate activists have fiercely opposed the project, arguing that developing new fossil fuel reserves directly contradicts global emissions reduction commitments laid out in the Paris Climate Agreement.

    Much of the activist pressure has focused on TotalEnergies, which has been named as a defendant in at least two separate lawsuits filed in French courts by advocacy groups and local communities. The suits allege that the pipeline and associated oil development have violated local communities’ land rights and access to food, forcing thousands of people from their homes to make way for infrastructure.

    Additional ecological risks stem from the location of oil drilling and pipeline routing. Oil wells are being drilled within the boundaries of Murchison Falls National Park, a biodiverse wilderness on the Nile River home to hippopotamuses, giraffes, rare antelope species, and hundreds of native bird species. The pipeline itself will cut through protected forest reserves and game management areas, running along the shoreline of Lake Victoria, the continent’s largest freshwater body that supplies drinking water to more than 40 million people across the region.

    TotalEnergies has pushed back against criticism, stating that the pipeline uses cutting-edge construction and monitoring design that will guarantee safe operation for decades, with minimal risk of leaks or ecological harm. But the combination of climate risks and sensitive ecological positioning has kept opposition to the projects strong globally.

    Ugandan government officials have rejected external criticism, framing climate-focused opposition to the oil projects as an overreach that infringes on the country’s sovereign right to develop its natural resources to lift its population out of poverty. Officials note that an estimated 20 million Ugandans live on less than $2 a day, and oil sector revenues are projected to drive widespread investments in healthcare, education, and infrastructure that would deliver long-term benefits to millions of citizens.

  • South African airline behind daring stadium stunt cancels next flyby, regulator says

    South African airline behind daring stadium stunt cancels next flyby, regulator says

    A controversial low-altitude aerial stunt performed by regional South African carrier Airlink has triggered regulatory scrutiny and forced the cancellation of a planned repeat performance at a major national sporting event, South Africa’s civil aviation authority (SACAA) confirmed this week.

    Last Saturday, two Airlink jets completed a close-formation flyover of Cape Town’s packed DHL Stadium, just moments before kickoff of a highly anticipated rugby test match between South Africa’s Springboks and New Zealand’s All Blacks. Video footage of the stunt, which quickly spread across global social media platforms, captured the twin jets roaring past the stadium amid coloured smoke, with onlookers capturing dramatic angles that showed the aircraft mere feet from the stadium’s roof structure.

    Independent analysis from flight tracking service Flightradar24 has verified that the lead jet passed less than 50 feet (15 meters) above the stadium’s upper roof line. The stunt immediately split public opinion: aviation enthusiasts and spectators praised the extraordinary precision and skill of the flight crews, while critics slammed the manoeuvre as a reckless, unnecessary risk taken with thousands of spectators packed inside the venue below.

    In an official statement released after the stunt, Airlink defended the operation, noting that the flypast was planned and executed within pre-approved, thoroughly rehearsed limits for altitude and speed. The airline added that the manoeuvre was carried out by a team of highly experienced veteran pilots with specialized training in aerial display operations.

    Originally, Airlink had been scheduled to repeat the close-formation flypast this coming Saturday at Soweto’s FNB Stadium, which will host the decisive third test of the current series between the Springboks and All Blacks. However, SACAA confirmed Wednesday that Airlink has withdrawn its plan for the second stunt, following widespread public debate and media scrutiny over the safety of the original Cape Town flyover.

    The South African aviation regulator noted that it had granted formal approval for the initial stunt, after reviewing Airlink’s submitted safety plans and procedural documentation. It confirmed that the airline had followed all required regulatory protocols to secure permission for the event. SACAA has now launched a deeper post-stunt investigation, having obtained full flight data recordings from the two aircraft and completed reviews of all additional operational documentation related to the event.

    “As the independent safety oversight body for South African skies, SACAA gives the public its full assurance that aviation safety and security compliance will always remain our top priority, and this mandate is not negotiable,” the regulator said in its statement. SACAA also highlighted that South Africa maintains a strong global reputation for excellent air safety standards, a track record it is committed to upholding through rigorous regulatory oversight.

    Low-altitude flypasts have long been a popular ceremonial addition to major national events in South Africa, ranging from high-profile international sporting fixtures to presidential inauguration ceremonies, with past events featuring both military aircraft and commercial passenger jets. As of Wednesday evening, Airlink has not issued any public comment on the cancellation of the planned Soweto flyover or the ongoing regulatory investigation.

  • Xi’s Egypt visit hints at China’s larger African vision

    Xi’s Egypt visit hints at China’s larger African vision

    Ten years after his last state visit to Egypt, Chinese President Xi Jinping has arrived in Cairo, marking a new chapter in China’s evolving engagement across the Middle East and Africa. For decades, China’s policy in the Middle East has centered on Gulf energy supplies, robust trade ties with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and careful diplomatic balancing between Iran and Arab states. These relationships remain critical to Beijing’s regional strategy, but President Xi’s visit underscores a deliberate shift: China is expanding its footprint west and south, positioning Egypt as a strategic gateway to African markets, infrastructure networks, and political influence.

    Ahead of the presidential visit, China deployed J-16 fighter jets, aerial refueling tankers, and early-warning aircraft on a 6,000-kilometer journey to Egypt for the second iteration of the “Eagles of Civilization” joint military exercise. While some observers frame this deployment as evidence that China seeks to displace the United States as the dominant security power in the region, that claim overstates current realities. Washington maintains extensive military basing, command infrastructure, and formal defense alliances that Beijing has yet to build, and Egypt continues to integrate military equipment from the U.S., France, Russia, and China simultaneously.

    Rather than seeking to replace existing security arrangements, China is building a targeted, durable network of economic, technological, and limited security partnerships that do not require Egypt to abandon its other longstanding allies. The geographic core of this network is clustered around the Suez Canal, just east of Cairo. What began as Chinese construction contracts has evolved into a full-fledged manufacturing hub: by the end of 2025, the China-Egypt TEDA industrial zone in Ain Sokhna was home to nearly 200 companies, attracted over $3.8 billion in foreign direct investment, and created approximately 10,000 local jobs, according to data released earlier this year.

    The zone already produces fiberglass, electrical machinery, consumer appliances, and industrial chemicals, with a large-scale tire manufacturing facility set to launch phased production in the near future. Cairo has also prioritized attracting investment in solar cells, battery manufacturing, and electric vehicle production, aligning with global clean energy transitions. This industrial base offers China a strategic advantage that its Gulf partnerships alone cannot provide: a permanent manufacturing foothold in Africa, positioned directly along the shortest maritime trade route connecting Asian production centers to European consumer markets. Egypt’s membership in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) also grants Chinese firms operating here access to integrated commercial networks across the Arab world and the entire African continent.

    Chinese companies based in the Suez zone are not just geographically closer to sub-Saharan African markets; they can also leverage the cross-continental trade networks that Cairo has spent decades building, which Egypt now aims to expand under the AfCFTA framework. For Egypt, the partnership brings equally tangible benefits. Cairo is grappling with urgent needs for foreign currency inflows, job creation, and expanded export capacity, and it has long sought to address a lopsided trade balance with China. In 2025, China was Egypt’s largest non-oil trading partner, but official data shows Chinese exports to Egypt reached $19.9 billion, while Egyptian exports to China totaled just $819 million – a stark imbalance that Cairo is eager to correct.

    A growing total volume of trade does not automatically translate to a healthier, more mutually beneficial bilateral relationship. The long-term success of the partnership will hinge on whether local Egyptian suppliers are integrated into supply chains, whether Egyptian exporters gain greater access to the huge Chinese market, and whether the partnership restructures Egypt’s economy rather than just increasing its import dependency. Technology transfer is emerging as the next critical test of this dynamic. Chinese tech giant Huawei has submitted a bid to build artificial intelligence data centers for the Egyptian government using 2,008 Ascend chips, while the U.S. State Department has coordinated a rival proposal backed by Nvidia, AMD, and Microsoft. As President Xi arrives in Cairo, this tender has turned Egypt into the site of an open competition between the two superpowers’ competing technology ecosystems.

    Huawei has already outlined a 12-month construction timeline for its proposal, while the U.S.-backed consortium is expected to offer more advanced chips and access to a deeper global software ecosystem. For Egypt, this competitive dynamic puts Cairo in a uniquely advantageous position to negotiate favorable terms, as both blocs are eager to secure a foothold in the market. This pragmatic flexibility defines Egypt’s approach to military and diplomatic engagement more broadly: its air force operates American F-16s, French Rafales, and Russian MiG-29s, and now adds joint training with Chinese aircraft to its portfolio. Egypt joined the BRICS bloc last year and has deepened ties with Beijing, but it still receives substantial annual military assistance from Washington and maintains strong economic links with Europe and the Gulf states.

    This flexible approach works to China’s advantage as well. Beijing’s low-profile, non-intrusive model of engagement allows it to deepen its regional presence without taking on the burdens of addressing every regional crisis, from the ongoing conflict in Gaza to security challenges in the Red Sea. Chinese firms can expand industrial capacity, sell cutting-edge technology, and strengthen defense cooperation, while Cairo retains primary responsibility for local security and regional mediation efforts.

    That said, there are clear limits to the current scale of cooperation. While the TEDA industrial zone has created jobs and expanded production, Egypt’s trade imbalance with China remains stark. If Beijing is to frame this relationship as a model development partnership, it will need to ensure that more economic value is retained locally within Egypt. The joint military exercises also need to be kept in perspective: they offer Chinese pilots valuable operational experience in the region and give Egypt another option for security partnership, but they do not signal an imminent replacement of the existing regional security order.

    China’s overall military and security presence in the Middle East remains far smaller than that of the United States. Chinese commercial shipping and companies still rely on the freedom of navigation provided by the U.S.-led regional security architecture – a system that Beijing has often criticized, but has not yet put forward a viable alternative to replace.

    For these reasons, the true significance of Xi Jinping’s visit will not be measured in the warmth of public diplomatic statements, but in the tangible outcomes that emerge after the visit concludes. New factories will only deliver long-term benefit if they support the growth of local Egyptian supply chains. Technology agreements will only be meaningful if Egyptian workers and institutions are trained to operate, maintain, and govern these systems. Expanded bilateral trade will only benefit both sides if Egyptian exports to China grow significantly alongside Chinese exports to Egypt.

    While the Gulf region will remain central to China’s Middle East strategy for the foreseeable future, Egypt offers Beijing an unprecedented gateway into the broader African continent. For Cairo, this strategic position allows it to negotiate more favorable investment terms that align with its own economic development goals. Once the visit ends, the real test will be how much of this expanding partnership is ultimately built, managed, and owned by Egyptians themselves.