分类: world

  • Watch: Elderly woman rescued by robot from Ukraine’s frontline

    Watch: Elderly woman rescued by robot from Ukraine’s frontline

    In a striking display of how modern technology is reshaping wartime humanitarian operations, an elderly woman has been pulled to safety from a frontline area in Ukraine by an unmanned rescue robot, after military drones first spotted her trapped near active combat zones. The woman had been stuck in her heavily damaged village, which has been ravaged by months of ongoing fighting, and was attempting to flee the dangerous area when the Ukrainian military’s surveillance system detected her location.

    Rather than risking the lives of human rescue personnel to reach the vulnerable civilian in the active conflict zone, military command made the decision to deploy the specialized robotic rescue platform to complete the extraction mission. The operation marks one of the first publicly documented instances of an autonomous robotic system being used for frontline civilian rescue in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, highlighting how armed forces are increasingly integrating unmanned technology into humanitarian missions alongside combat operations to reduce risks to both rescuers and civilians.

    Footage of the mission, which has been shared by Ukrainian military sources, shows the robot navigating the rubble-strewn streets of the abandoned village to reach the woman, before guiding her to a safe extraction point where she could be moved away from the frontline. Local military officials have noted that many elderly civilians remain trapped in frontline settlements, unwilling or unable to leave their homes even as intense fighting continues around them, creating complex risks for rescue teams that unmanned systems can help mitigate.

  • Photos show demolition of Christian churches by Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh

    Photos show demolition of Christian churches by Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh

    Newly released satellite imagery has put to rest lingering questions over the fate of two historic Armenian churches in Khankendi, the city known to ethnic Armenians as Stepanakert, located in Azerbaijan’s disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. The visual evidence, published by Radio Free Europe, confirms early reports that both the Holy Mother of God Cathedral — a modern spiritual center consecrated only in 2019 — and the smaller Church of St. Jacob have been completely destroyed.

    Initial claims of the cathedral’s demolition first circulated across Armenian media outlets back in April, sparking outrage among Armenian religious and political communities before the satellite confirmation. As the primary site of Christian worship for Khankendi’s longstanding Armenian population, the cathedral held deep cultural and spiritual significance for the local community.

    The Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, the administrative and spiritual heart of the global Armenian Apostolic Church, was quick to condemn the destruction when reports first emerged. The institution accused Azerbaijan of a deliberate campaign targeting Armenian Christian sacred sites, framing the damage as part of a broader effort to erase traces of Armenian cultural and historical presence in the disputed region.

    To understand the context of this development, Nagorno-Karabakh held a decades-long status as a majority ethnic Armenian enclave that was self-governed by the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh following the conclusion of the first Nagorno-Karabakh war in the 1990s. But in September 2023, a rapid military offensive by Azerbaijani government forces retook full control of the entire territory, bringing it back under Baku’s official rule consistent with international legal recognition of the area as Azerbaijani sovereign territory. The 2023 offensive triggered a mass exodus, with more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians — the vast majority of the region’s remaining Armenian population — fleeing across the border into the Republic of Armenia to escape the new governance.

    Tensions remain high between the two neighboring states in the aftermath of the 2023 offensive, with the continued detention of Armenian separatist figures by Azerbaijani authorities serving as a persistent flashpoint that fuels widespread anger in Armenia. In line with standard journalistic practice, Middle East Eye reached out to both the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs to request official comment on the confirmed church destructions, but neither side had issued a response by the time of this report’s publication.

  • Ex-Mossad chief says Israeli settler violence reminds him of the Holocaust

    Ex-Mossad chief says Israeli settler violence reminds him of the Holocaust

    One of Israel’s most senior former intelligence leaders has delivered a scathing rebuke of unaddressed settler violence against Palestinian communities in the occupied West Bank, drawing a deeply personal, provocative comparison to the Holocaust that has reignited debate over the Israeli government’s failure to curb escalating attacks.

    Tamir Pardo, who led Israel’s iconic Mossad intelligence agency from 2011 to 2016, shared his searing observations during a recent on-the-ground interview with Israel’s Channel 13. The interview took place during a tour of violence-ravaged Palestinian villages, which Pardo joined alongside a group of retired senior Israeli military officials.

    Pardo, whose mother survived the Nazi Holocaust that killed 6 million European Jews, opened up about the visceral reaction he had to what he witnessed during the tour. “My mother was a Holocaust survivor, and what I saw reminded me of the events that happened against Jews in the last century,” he stated. The former intelligence director went further, adding, “What I saw today made me feel ashamed to be Jewish.”

    Beyond the emotional condemnation, Pardo issued a stark warning about the long-term consequences of unchecked settler aggression. He argued that ongoing settler crimes, which have been largely unpunished by Israeli authorities and in some cases actively enabled by state actors, are laying the groundwork for another devastating escalation of conflict similar to the October 7, 2023 attacks that killed roughly 1,200 people in southern Israel.

    “It will be in a different format, much more painful, because the region is much more complicated. The state has chosen to sow the seeds for the next October 7,” Pardo warned. He added that while Israeli law enforcement agencies are fully aware of the scale and severity of settler violence, political leadership has deliberately chosen to look the other way. “What I saw today is the existential threat to the State of Israel,” he emphasized.

    Pardo specifically called out the outsized political influence held by hardline settler groups, which enjoy open backing from top figures in Israel’s current far-right governing coalition, including controversial ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir. While Pardo acknowledged that it is still possible to reverse course and address the crisis, he warned that doing so would come at a profound cost, even raising the prospect of internal civil conflict within Israel. “If we want, we can correct this, but the price will be very high,” he said. “It is very much in our interest not to reach that point.”

    The former Mossad chief also reflected on a decades-old warning from prominent Israeli philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz, who publicly condemned Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories shortly after the 1967 Six-Day War. In his 1968 essay *The Territories*, Leibowitz argued that permanent military rule over millions of Palestinians would inevitably corrupt Israeli society as a whole, writing that “the corruption characteristic of every colonial regime would also prevail in the state of Israel” and calling for an immediate full withdrawal from occupied lands. Pardo noted that he once rejected Leibowitz’s assessment as wrong, but his recent tour of affected West Bank villages has convinced him the philosopher’s prediction held significant truth.

    Pardo’s comments come amid a well-documented surge in settler violence and territorial expansion in the West Bank that has accelerated dramatically since October 2023. According to the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, Israeli settlers have killed at least 16 Palestinians in the West Bank so far in 2025. A United Nations report published in March 2025 added further context, documenting that more than 36,000 Palestinians have been displaced from their homes in the West Bank between November 2024 and October 2025, driven by a wave of coordinated military raids and settler attacks. Over that same 12-month period, the UN recorded 1,732 separate incidents of settler violence that resulted in casualties or property damage – a 25% increase compared to the previous year. Many of these attacks have taken the form of systematic forced displacement of Palestinian communities from their historical land, with settlers increasingly using live fire against unarmed civilian residents.

  • High-level talks begin on moving away from fossil fuels at Colombia conference

    High-level talks begin on moving away from fossil fuels at Colombia conference

    High-level international negotiations focused on accelerating the global transition away from coal, oil, and gas officially launched Tuesday in Santa Marta, the Caribbean coastal hub of Colombia, bringing together more than 50 nations to push for bolder climate action after decades of stalled progress in formal global climate talks. This two-day ministerial and senior official segment forms the political core of the inaugural *First Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels*, a landmark gathering convened outside the framework of United Nations climate negotiations to directly address the leading drivers of anthropogenic global warming that formal processes have long failed to tackle head-on.

    Co-hosted by Colombia and the Netherlands, the conference opens with a clear, unifying core message from participating policymakers. Stientje van Veldhoven, Dutch minister for climate policy and green growth, emphasized that a full phase-out of fossil fuels is an unavoidable imperative, noting it delivers dual benefits beyond climate stability: strengthened national energy independence and enhanced energy security for all nations.

    The summit itself emerged from growing frustration among climate-focused governments and grassroots advocacy groups, who argue that 30 years of U.N.-led climate negotiations have avoided direct, binding action to curb fossil fuel production. While recent formal U.N. talks have formally acknowledged the need for a global transition away from fossil fuels, deep divides persist between nations over implementation frameworks and, critically, how to fund the shift for lower-income and developing economies. That divide is on clear display even within host nation Colombia.

    Security measures were tightened at the oceanfront Santa Marta hotel hosting the conference, in advance of an address scheduled Tuesday afternoon from Colombian President Gustavo Petro. The leftist Colombian leader has positioned his country as a global leading voice for fossil fuel phase-out, and has followed through on a campaign pledge to halt new oil and gas exploration in Colombia, despite the fact that the Andean nation remains heavily reliant on oil and coal exports to drive its national economy. With a national election just one month away, Petro is balancing his ambitious global climate leadership with domestic political tensions, visible on the streets outside the conference venue: members of a local mining union gathered to protest both Petro and the summit, holding signs reading “I arrive at the conference by plane to criticize the oil industry” and “More oil, less Petro”, chanting demands to protect existing fossil fuel jobs.

    Even amid domestic friction, Colombian officials framed the gathering as a defining moment for cross-border climate solidarity. Colombian Environment Minister Irene Vélez Torres opened the conference by urging participants to turn climate ambition into collective action, calling the summit a potential turning point in global history. “Let this conference be the moment when ambition becomes solidarity and when cooperation becomes the path toward a future beyond fossil fuels,” she said Tuesday morning.

    Grassroots and youth activists at the opening plenary echoed that urgency, while pushing for a just transition that centers frontline communities disproportionately harmed by fossil fuel extraction and climate change. Yuvelis Morales Blanco, a 25-year-old climate activist from Puerto Wilches, Colombia, called on governments to move past vague pledges and adopt direct, concrete policy action to phase out fossil fuels and protect intact ecosystems. “We are called to make real the world we have imagined,” she said. “We demand energy justice, climate justice and justice for youth and children.”

    Debates through the opening day of the conference have zeroed in on the biggest practical barrier to a global transition: affordable financing, particularly for developing nations that face steep borrowing costs and limited access to affordable capital to scale renewable energy infrastructure. Van Veldhoven emphasized that unlocking low-cost financing is non-negotiable for a global, equitable transition, noting that many low- and middle-income nations face crippling debt burdens and limited fiscal space to invest in clean energy. Participants have also debated the effectiveness of policy tools including carbon markets and fossil fuel subsidy phase-outs, alongside discussions to ensure the transition does not replicate historical patterns of extractive resource development that have harmed Indigenous and local communities.

    Unlike formal U.N. climate talks, the Santa Marta conference will not produce binding international agreements. Instead, organizers designed the summit to build grassroots and political momentum for faster action, and to coordinate a bloc of nations willing to accelerate phase-out outside the slow formal U.N. process. The gathering is also seen as a critical steppingstone ahead of upcoming global climate negotiations, where fossil fuel phase-out timelines and transition finance will remain core sticking points for global negotiators.

    In a pre-conference announcement Monday, small island developing nation Tuvalu — one of the countries most vulnerable to sea-level rise driven by climate change — revealed it will host the second iteration of the fossil fuel transition conference. Scientists and U.N. climate experts project the low-lying South Pacific nation could be completely submerged by rising ocean waters by 2100 if global emissions continue on their current trajectory, making the fight to phase out fossil fuels an existential priority for the Tuvaluan people.

  • ‘Are they gunshots?’ BBC correspondent’s minute-by-minute account of dinner shooting

    ‘Are they gunshots?’ BBC correspondent’s minute-by-minute account of dinner shooting

    On a night designed for media and political leaders to mingle under the spotlights of Washington D.C.’s most high-profile annual press gatherings, a sudden, jarring question cut through the room: “Are they gunshots?” That question came from BBC correspondent Tom Bateman, who found himself in the center of unfolding chaos when sudden sounds resembling gunfire erupted inside the dining hall, where then-President Donald Trump and dozens of senior administration officials, lawmakers, and national media figures had gathered for the traditional White House Correspondents’ Dinner.

    Bateman has since shared a minute-by-minute breakdown of the experience, tracing how the event shifted from low-key conversation and pre-speech networking to stunned silence in seconds. Witnesses in the room reported that the abrupt, sharp cracks of sound immediately triggered panic, as attendees scrambled to assess whether the gathering, which regularly hosts the sitting U.S. president and top national security figures, was under active attack. For minutes after the sounds were first detected, confusion rippled through the venue, with guests unsure whether to shelter in place, evacuate, or wait for official confirmation from the U.S. Secret Service, which is responsible for presidential security at all public events.

    The incident sparked immediate conversations about the vulnerability of high-profile public gatherings that include top U.S. government leadership, even with the extensive security protocols that are standard for events featuring the president. While later assessments clarified the source of the sounds was not an active shooter, the split-second panic that unfolded highlighted how persistent concerns over gun violence in the U.S. have changed the experience of even the most heavily secured public events. Bateman’s on-the-ground account has offered the public a rare, granular look at how chaos unfolds in a space that is usually carefully choreographed for political and media spectacle.

  • Path cleared for Everest climbers after huge ice block

    Path cleared for Everest climbers after huge ice block

    For two weeks, a massive fallen glacial serac had put all spring climbing plans on hold at Mount Everest, trapping teams below Base Camp and threatening to upend the annual prime climbing season. But following urgent days of work by elite high-altitude crews, a usable alternative path has been carved through the dangerous Khumbu Icefall, opening the way for climbing teams to resume their acclimatization rotations toward the summit.

    Ram Krishna Lamichhane, director general of Nepal’s Department of Tourism, confirmed to the BBC that specialized icefall doctors have successfully installed fixed ropes all the way to Camp 2, which sits at an altitude of roughly 6,400 to 6,500 meters (21,000 to 21,325 feet) above sea level. “Still there are some risks, but icefall doctors have picked up the most convenient available route and identified the path forward,” Lamichhane said. He added that climbers are expected to begin moving toward Camp 1 and Camp 2 for acclimatization exercises starting tomorrow.

    The disruption began in early April, when rope-fixing teams launching preparations for the 2026 spring season encountered the 100-foot (30-meter) tall serac that had calved off the glacier and blocked the standard route. Crews were forced to pause work for two weeks as they waited for the unstable ice block to begin melting naturally, putting all season preparations roughly two weeks behind the original schedule. This delay has sparked growing concerns that the backlog will lead to the dangerous summit queues that have plagued crowded Everest seasons in past years.

    The route-clearing work was a collaborative effort carried out by experienced icefall doctors from Nepal’s Sagarmatha Pollution Control Committee (SPCC) alongside veteran sherpas from expedition operator associations, who specialize in navigating the constantly shifting icefall terrain. Lakpa Sherpa, a veteran climber and expedition manager who oversaw part of the work, explained that modern technology played a key role in speeding up the operation. Airlift support was used to deliver critical supplies including fixed ropes, aluminum ladders, snow stabilizer bars and food to high-altitude crews during the most challenging phases of the work. Teams also leveraged cutting-edge survey tools: “3D photogrammetry and real-time drone surveys to map the Khumbu Icefall and assess hazards like seracs and crevasses,” he said.

    While the route to lower camps is now open for traffic, officials and expedition leaders have stressed that major hazards remain in the area. Lakpa Sherpa warned that the original massive unstable serac is still at high risk of collapse within the next four to five days, and urged climbing teams to avoid carrying heavy payloads through the affected section of the icefall. “Safety is our highest priority; further rotations should proceed with extreme caution and at your own risk,” he said. Acknowledging the delays to the season timeline, he urged permit holders to remain calm: “The season is slightly delayed but the summit will come,” he added.

    Nepal’s Department of Tourism echoed that safety message in a post to X, noting, “As climbers navigate the route, utmost caution is urged, particularly in the serac-affected section. Wishing all a safe ascent.”

    This year, 425 climbers have received official permits to attempt a summit of Mount Everest from the Nepali side of the border. According to the Department of Tourism, these permits will generate roughly 924.2 million Nepalese Rupees, equivalent to approximately $6.1 million or £4.5 million, in government revenue, making the spring climbing season a key contributor to Nepal’s tourism-driven economy.

  • Indian billionaire’s son offers to save Escobar’s hippos

    Indian billionaire’s son offers to save Escobar’s hippos

    Decades after the death of Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar, a decades-long ecological crisis in Colombia has drawn an unexpected offer from one of Asia’s wealthiest families. The crisis traces back to Escobar, the infamous leader of the Medellín Cartel who was killed by police in 1993, who illegally smuggled a pair of African hippopotamuses into his luxurious Hacienda Nápoles estate, located 155 miles northwest of Bogotá. After Escobar’s death, the two hippos were left to roam freely, and the Magdalena River basin, with its fertile swamps, lack of natural predators, and ideal conditions in the Antioquia region, allowed the species to explode in population. Now numbering in a growing herd recognized as the largest population of hippos outside their native Africa, these animals, nicknamed the ‘cocaine hippos’, have been officially classified as an invasive species by the Colombian government.

    Colombian authorities and environmental groups have long documented the damage caused by the non-native hippos: they have displaced local native wildlife, threatened fishing communities along the Magdalena River, and disrupted the regional ecosystem. Adult male hippos can weigh up to three tons, making aggressive encounters with humans a serious public safety risk. For years, Colombia attempted multiple population control measures, including surgical castration, but all efforts failed to slow the herd’s rapid growth. Facing an uncontrolled population projected to expand far beyond current limits, the government made the controversial decision to cull approximately 80 hippos to manage the crisis.

    That plan is now facing a potential alternative following a public proposal from Anant Ambani, son of Mukesh Ambani—Asia’s richest man. In a formal letter to Colombia’s Minister of Environment, the CEO of Vantara, Ambani’s private zoo in Gujarat’s Jamnagar district, stated that the facility is ‘willing to receive and care for’ the targeted hippos, offering to provide lifelong care for the entire herd on its grounds. The proposal, shared publicly on the zoo’s official Instagram account, emphasized that ‘at the heart of this proposal is Vantara’s belief that every life matters and that we have a shared responsibility to protect life wherever possible’. As of this reporting, Colombian officials have not issued any formal response to the offer.

    Vantara, a 3,500-acre private zoo located near the world’s largest oil refinery owned by Mukesh Ambani, currently houses more than 2,000 animal species including elephants, tigers, and other large megafauna. The facility gained global attention in 2024 when it served as one of the venues for Anant Ambani’s high-profile, extravagant pre-wedding celebrations. However, the zoo has also faced repeated criticism from wildlife conservation activists, who have raised concerns over a range of issues including the incompatibility of Gujarat’s hot, dry climate for many of the species held in captivity there.

    The ‘cocaine hippo’ dilemma remains one of Colombia’s most intractable environmental challenges, balancing ecological protection for native ecosystems and public safety against animal welfare advocacy. The unexpected offer from the Ambani family has opened a new chapter in a debate that has divided conservationists for years, with the Colombian government yet to indicate whether it will accept the proposed relocation plan.

  • Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Three days after a massive, coordinated wave of attacks by al-Qaida-aligned Islamic militants and separatist fighters rocked the West African nation of Mali, the country’s ruling junta chief has made his first public appearance, meeting with a top Russian diplomatic delegation in the capital Bamako.

    Authorities confirmed that Assimi Goita, the military leader who took power via a 2020 coup, held talks with a Russian team led by Ambassador Igor Gromyko on Tuesday. Photos released by Goita’s office show the meeting taking place in Bamako’s presidential palace. Russia, a key strategic and military ally of Mali’s junta, has framed the weekend attack as an attempted coup against the current government.

    The coordinated attacks, launched simultaneously on Saturday by a coalition of militants and the separatist Azawad Liberation Front, targeted at least four population centers across Mali’s central and northern regions—areas long labeled as a global hotbed for terrorist activity. Assaults hit Bamako’s international airport, the nearby garrison town of Kati, and the northern cities of Kidal and Sevare.

    In the wake of the violence, the Azawad Liberation Front claimed its fighters seized full control of Kidal after Malian and Russian military forces withdrew from the strategic northern city. The attack also resulted in the death of Mali’s Defense Minister General Sadio Camara. As of Tuesday, the full scope of casualties across all attack sites and the current status of territorial control in contested areas remain unconfirmed, with the Malian government yet to release a detailed public account of the incident.

    The U.S. Embassy in Bamako responded to the ongoing instability by issuing an urgent security alert, warning of potential terrorist movements within the capital and confirming reports of forced school closures across the city. Bamako remains on high alert three days after the attacks, with many local residents reporting widespread anxiety over personal safety amid the unclear security situation.

    Russia’s Ministry of Defense has issued an unusually detailed statement on the violence, echoing the ambassador’s framing of the offensive as a failed coup attempt. The statement claimed the attack was foiled by joint operations between Malian security forces and the Russian Africa Corps, the unofficial military contingent that provides support to Goita’s junta. Russian defense officials claimed roughly 12,000 attackers participated in the offensive, armed with advanced weaponry. The statement also acknowledged the withdrawal from Kidal, framing the move as a pre-planned strategic decision by the Malian government, noting that outnumbered Malian troops stationed in the city fought off four large-scale assaults for more than 24 hours while fully encircled by enemy forces.

    To date, The Associated Press has not been able to independently verify the claims made in the Russian defense ministry’s statement, and the lack of official updates from Mali’s government has left critical details of the attack unresolved.

  • What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    A wave of coordinated cross-country attacks has sent shockwaves across West Africa, triggering one of the most serious security and political crises to hit Mali’s military government since it seized power in 2020. On Saturday, residents across multiple Malian cities woke to the sound of gunfire and explosions, carried out by a rare tactical alliance between two armed groups: the Tuareg separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM). The assaults culminated in Tuareg separatist fighters securing full control of the strategic northern city of Kidal after joint Malian and Russian forces withdrew from the area, leaving the junta led by Colonel Assimi Goïta scrambling to respond.

    Days passed before Goïta made any public appearance following the offensive, stoking widespread speculation about the stability of his rule and casting doubt on the effectiveness of Russian security support that the junta has leaned on since expelling French counter-insurgency forces from the country. Three days after the attacks, Mali’s presidency released images on social media showing Goïta meeting with Russian ambassador Igor Gromyko and visiting wounded attack victims at a local hospital, but the military leader has yet to issue an official public statement addressing the unfolding crisis. The most damaging blow to the junta’s ability to respond came with the assassination of Defense Minister Sadio Camara, a powerful figure within the ruling structure who served as Russia’s primary contact in Mali and the architect of the Russian mercenary deployment to the Sahel. Analysts warn Camara’s death will not only weaken military coordination for an expected counter-offensive but also strain the junta’s already fragile relationship with Moscow.

    The FLA has already made clear its ambitions to push further south beyond Kidal, raising the stakes for the beleaguered Malian military. FLA spokesman Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane told the BBC that the separatist group has its sights set on the major northern city of Gao, claiming most of the city’s entry points are already under separatist control, with the historic UNESCO World Heritage Site of Timbuktu as the next target after Gao is secured. “It will be easy to take over once we fully control Gao and Kidal,” Ramadane said.

    When Goïta’s junta seized power nearly six years ago, it rode a wave of popular support built on promises to end Mali’s decades-long persistent insurgency and security crisis. But over the past 12 months, the government has been pushed steadily onto the defensive, as JNIM expanded its campaign to include economic warfare through a widespread fuel blockade that has crippled military logistics. Now, with Kidal fallen and armed groups advancing south, the future of military rule hangs in the balance. While analysts note the military still retains control of major urban centers and core state institutions for the moment, the coming days will be critical as the junta attempts to launch a counter-offensive against the FLA-JNIM alliance. According to Beverly Ochieng, senior analyst at global risk consultancy Control Risks, the success or failure of that counter-attack will “determine the longevity of the junta.”

    The fall of Kidal has also dealt a significant blow to Russia’s reputation as a reliable security partner in the Sahel, a region where Moscow has spent years expanding its influence through military partnerships after Western forces withdrew. After the 2020 coup, the junta expelled French counter-insurgency troops that had been deployed to support the Malian military, replacing them with Russian fighters from the Africa Corps to curb the growing insurgency. “Russia’s reputation has taken a huge blow” after the Africa Corps failed to defend Kidal, said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

    In the wake of the security collapse, Mali is now widely expected to look beyond its exclusive reliance on Russian security support and diversify its military partnerships, analysts say. One potential new partner is Turkey, which has already built existing defense ties with Mali: Turkish drones played a decisive role in the Malian military’s 2024 recapture of Kidal, and there are already unconfirmed reports that Turkish security personnel have been deployed to train Mali’s presidential guard. Mali has also signaled a recent shift toward renewed engagement with the United States after years of strained relations. Earlier this year, Nick Hocker, head of the U.S. State Department’s African affairs section, traveled to Bamako to reaffirm U.S. respect for Mali’s sovereignty and outline a “new course” for bilateral relations, with plans to deepen security and economic cooperation with Mali and its fellow junta-led Sahel neighbors, Burkina Faso and Niger. The junta could also turn to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a bloc of military-led governments formed by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger that has already issued statements of support for Mali, though the bloc has yet to operate as a unified joint fighting force.

    For Russia, the crisis in Mali represents a major test of its broader regional strategy across Africa. If Russian-backed forces are seen as unable to protect a key ally like the Goïta junta, other pro-Moscow governments in the Sahel and beyond may reconsider their dependence on Russian security support, analysts warn.

    Saturday’s coordinated offensive marks the most significant challenge to Mali’s military rule in years, and growing public discontent over the security failure opens the door to a range of possible outcomes. One potential scenario is a second domestic military coup, with a new faction of officers seizing power from Goïta’s administration. Another possibility is that the FLA-JNIM alliance could displace the current junta, though deep ideological differences between the two groups would complicate any long-term power-sharing arrangement.

    The FLA positions itself as a Tuareg separatist nationalist movement, while JNIM is a committed al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamist group. The two movements have had a fraught, on-again-off-again relationship dating back to 2012, when Islamist militants hijacked an earlier Tuareg separatist rebellion in northern Mali. While FLA spokesmen have described JNIM fighters as “cousins” who share a common enemy in the Bamako junta, FLA leader Sayed Bin Bella clarified to the BBC that there is no formal merger between the two groups. “All the flags we have raised are our own, not those of al-Qaeda. If they wish to merge with us, they must withdraw from the global al-Qaeda organisation,” Bin Bella said.

    Ochieng notes that JNIM has in recent years downplayed the openly global jihadist rhetoric that defines core al-Qaeda ideology, opening the door to a possible power-sharing scenario similar to post-civil war Syria, where an al-Qaeda-affiliated group eventually rebranded and took control of large swathes of territory. Already, hard-line Islamist groups have criticized JNIM for its tactical alliance with the secular separatist FLA, and analysts say underlying ideological differences are almost certain to become a major source of future tension unless the FLA secures full control of northern Mali and distances itself from national-level politics in Bamako.

  • ‘We were left alone’: Along Israel’s ‘Yellow Line’, Lebanese feel abandoned by the state

    ‘We were left alone’: Along Israel’s ‘Yellow Line’, Lebanese feel abandoned by the state

    Every dawn and dusk along the Mediterranean seafront of Sour, Lebanon’s largest southern coastal city, a quiet, anxious ritual plays out. Dozens of residents gather along Nabih Berri Street, their gazes fixed southward across the glittering water, all the way to the border town of Naqoura, where the line between their homeland and occupied territory now blurs.

    On the horizon, eight kilometers from Sour, the white limestone cliffs of al-Bayada rise from the sea. Today, those cliffs are an advanced forward operating base for Israeli troops, part of the expanding ground invasion that has pushed deep into southern Lebanon. Even when the soldiers are hidden from view, their presence hangs heavy over the city, leaving locals with a constant, unsettling feeling of being watched.

    Lina, a local resident whose apartment overlooks the newly seized territory, spoke with quiet despair. “Israel has long targeted Naqoura. The headland gives them unobstructed view of our entire coastline,” she explained. “We already lived under constant drone surveillance for years. Now they watch us directly from that cliff.”

    Sour has become a hub for thousands of displaced Lebanese who fled their homes near the Blue Line – the UN-drawn boundary established in 2000 to mark Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon. Even Sour has suffered severe damage from repeated Israeli strikes, but for these displaced families, it remains the only available refuge. For most of them, their original homes are either uninhabitable after weeks of bombardment or now lie under Israeli occupation.

    After Hezbollah granted limited press access to the frontline, journalists were able to travel a short distance south of Sour for a few hours to document the situation on the ground. The winding coastal highway that once bustled with local traffic and tourist traffic is now almost entirely empty. Only a handful of vehicles pick their way through a landscape of ruin, where posters of Hezbollah fighters killed after the Lebanese front opened on 8 October 2023 line every damaged guardrail.

    A checkpoint manned by a small contingent of Lebanese army personnel blocks the road further south; no civilian or journalist can pass. Israeli troops hold positions less than a kilometer away, in al-Bayada, the first coastal town to fall within Israel’s self-imposed “Yellow Line” – a new demarcation drawn roughly 10 kilometers inside Lebanese territory, established after a 10-day ceasefire took effect. This new occupation buffer zone follows the same model Israel employed in Gaza, barring tens of thousands of residents of border communities from returning to their land and homes.

    A short drive inland from the coast lies al-Mansouri, a small village that mirrors the devastation seen across every community in southern Lebanon. Empty streets stretch between piles of collapsed concrete, and every structure bears the scars of Israeli bombardment. Even the village mosque was not spared: its minaret was sheared off by an airstrike, leaving a jagged stump against the sky.

    After the ceasefire came into force on 17 April, a new tragedy unfolded when a small group of villagers tried to return to their homes to assess damage and retrieve belongings. Almost immediately, they came under direct fire from Israeli forces. One resident, speaking on condition of anonymity to Middle East Eye, described the chaotic aftermath. “We scattered across the village to hide when the firing started,” they said. “Neither our security forces nor the Red Cross were allowed to come in. This is land we’ve spilled blood to defend, and we were left completely alone.”

    Survivors recounted that any attempt to escape by car was met with immediate gunfire from both ground troops and attack aircraft. What followed was a four-day siege, where trapped residents survived only by picking wild lemons from orchards to eat. Mohammad, a 30-something villager who was not present during the siege, described how he pieced together his own father’s final moments from surviving witnesses. “He was trapped in a ring of fire,” Mohammad said, his gaze vacant. “Then the building he was hiding in was hit by a strike.”

    Official data from Lebanon’s health ministry confirms the escalating human cost: more than 2,500 people have been killed in Israeli strikes across southern Lebanon since 2 March alone, including 177 children, 277 women, and 100 medical personnel.

    While al-Mansouri does not technically fall inside the Yellow Line, it sits directly on its edge, and Israeli positions on the overlooking hilltop give troops full visibility across the entire village. Moussa Zein, a 65-year-old resident who recently returned to al-Mansouri to try to rebuild, said locals are still struggling to process the new reality of occupation on their doorstep. “The ceasefire is violated dozens of times every single day, while our government drifts aimlessly into talks with the enemy,” Mohammad added, referencing the recent direct negotiations between Tel Aviv and Beirut hosted in Washington – the first such talks in 30 years.

    Like many residents, Moussa is determined to stay in his home, despite the daily risk of Israeli strikes that have continued even after the ceasefire. What deters him more than the threat of violence is the scale of destruction: the village has no running water, no electricity, and basic services remain completely destroyed. “Our lives, our parents’ lives, have all been shaped by repeated wars and invasions,” Mohammad said. “For years, no one paid attention to what was happening here. But now the whole world can see: Hezbollah is just a pretext for Israel to seize our land.” As evidence, he points to comments Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made last summer on the I24 news network, where he described his goal as fulfilling a “historic and spiritual mission” deeply tied to the vision of Greater Israel and the Promised Land. “The occupation cannot last. We believe in the resistance – it is the only thing that can protect us,” Mohammad said.

    A few kilometers southeast of al-Mansouri, Majdal Zoun, another small town on the Yellow Line’s edge, shares the same fears and uncertainty. Once home to roughly 5,000 residents, the hilltop town is now almost entirely deserted. Almost every house bears the scars of Israeli strikes, and it is nearly impossible to find a single intact structure. A group of young women displaced to Sour return to the town every day, refusing to abandon their ancestral home. “This is our village. We will not leave it to the enemy, so we come back and forth every day. We believe in the resistance,” they said in unison, standing at the village cemetery looking out toward Sour on the horizon. When a surveillance drone hums low overhead, they glance up anxiously, their faces tightening with fear. “Majdal Zoun’s geographic position makes it a prime target for Israel. We are scared they will try to seize it any day now,” one added.

    From the southern edge of Majdal Zoun, the occupied village of Shama is visible just two kilometers away. Its historic fort, which houses the shrine of the prophet Shamoun al-Safa, has been heavily damaged in Israeli strikes. In mid-April, Lebanon’s Ministry of Culture announced it had filed an urgent complaint with UNESCO, calling for immediate international intervention to protect the archaeological and religious site. During the Middle East Eye visit, no troop movements were visible, but several Israeli flags flying over the fort can be seen clearly from Majdal Zoun.

    Further inland to the east, the village of Tayr Harfa is also under Israeli occupation. Regular explosions echo across the hills, and plumes of smoke rise above the tree line. “They are blowing up every house that’s still standing. After bombing us, they want to raze everything to the ground, just like they did in Gaza,” said Ali, a 39-year-old resident from the area. Ali’s own village is now surrounded on its southern flank by the Israeli army, and he fears for its future. “Unfortunately, we expect nothing from the Lebanese army. We only have the resistance to rely on. Otherwise, Majdal Zoun will fall too,” he said. Ali praised what he called the heroic resistance of Hezbollah fighters, who inflicted significant losses on Israeli troops before the ceasefire and stopped them from advancing further into Lebanese territory. Confrontations continue even after the truce: on 23 April, Hezbollah announced it had shot down an Israeli surveillance drone operating over the area.

    A few kilometers further north in the village of Qlaileh, the community is mourning the loss of several Hezbollah fighters killed in recent combat. One mother sits gently stroking a portrait of her dead son, her eyes filled with constant tears. Beside her, 30-year-old Rana said the fighters’ sacrifices will not be forgotten. “We cannot rely on anyone but ourselves. We will fight to keep our land, because this is all we have,” she said.