作者: admin

  • White House and Anthropic set aside court fight to meet amid fears over Mythos model

    White House and Anthropic set aside court fight to meet amid fears over Mythos model

    A surprising shift in relations between the Trump White House and leading artificial intelligence developer Anthropic has unfolded, with senior administration officials holding a “productive and constructive” meeting with Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei — even as the AI firm continues its legal battle against the U.S. Department of Defense.

    The high-stakes sit-down, which took place on Friday, brought Amodei face-to-face with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles, according to reporting from Axios. The gathering comes just one week after Anthropic launched the public preview of its latest cutting-edge AI system, Claude Mythos, a tool the company says exceeds human performance in a range of specialized hacking and cybersecurity tasks. To date, access to Claude Mythos has been restricted to only a small group of vetted organizations, but independent cybersecurity researchers have already confirmed the system’s unusual capabilities, describing it as “strikingly capable at computer security tasks.” Per Anthropic’s own documentation, Claude Mythos can independently detect hidden vulnerabilities in decades-old legacy code and autonomously develop working methods to exploit those flaws.

    This new overture from the White House marks a dramatic reversal from just two months ago, when the Trump administration publicly derided Anthropic as a “radical left, woke company.” Just months earlier in March, the Department of Defense labeled Anthropic a “national supply chain risk,” marking the first time a major U.S. technology company had received this public designation, which bars the firm from new federal government contracts. In response, Anthropic launched a lawsuit against the Defense Department and multiple other federal agencies, challenging the designation in court.

    Anthropic has been a key provider of AI tools for high-level U.S. government and military work since 2024, and the company argues the supply chain risk label is nothing more than retaliation from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. According to Anthropic’s legal filing, Hegseth retaliated after Amodei rejected the Pentagon’s demand for unfettered access to the company’s full AI model stack, over Amodei’s deep concerns that the technology could be misused for mass domestic surveillance and the development of fully autonomous lethal weapons. While a California federal court ruled largely in Anthropic’s favor in early proceedings, a federal appeals court recently rejected the firm’s request for an emergency temporary stay to block the supply chain risk designation. Even so, Anthropic’s tools remain in active use across all federal agencies that had already deployed the technology prior to the designation.

    Prior to Friday’s meeting, the White House had not issued any positive public remarks about Anthropic, with President Donald Trump himself taking to social media earlier this year to call for an outright ban on the company’s technology across the federal government. In that post, Trump claimed Anthropic was led by “left wing nut jobs” attempting to “strong arm” the U.S. defense establishment, writing, “We don’t need it, we don’t want it, and will not do business with them again!” When reporters questioned Trump about Amodei’s White House visit during a public appearance in Phoenix, Arizona on Friday, the president told reporters he had “no idea” the meeting was taking place.

    In an official statement after the meeting, the White House confirmed the two sides discussed pathways for potential collaboration, as well as shared frameworks and safety protocols to manage risks associated with scaling advanced AI systems like Claude Mythos. “We discussed opportunities for collaboration, as well as shared approaches and protocols to address the challenges associated with scaling this technology,” the White House said, adding that the meeting “explored the balance between advancing innovation and ensuring safety.” Industry analysts say the meeting makes clear that despite the Trump administration’s public hostility toward Anthropic, the company’s advanced AI capabilities — particularly in the cybersecurity space — have become too strategically critical for the U.S. government to cut ties entirely. A representative for Anthropic declined to provide any additional comment on the details of Friday’s meeting when contacted by reporters.

  • Vietnam leader’s visit helps cement traditional ties

    Vietnam leader’s visit helps cement traditional ties

    Vietnam’s top leader To Lam, who holds dual roles as General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee and President of Vietnam, concluded his four-day state visit to China on April 17, 2026, with analysts broadly agreeing the journey will deepen the centuries-old traditional friendship and expand strategic alignment between the two neighboring socialist nations. The joint statement issued jointly by both sides at the end of the visit characterized the trip as a “complete success”, stressing that healthy, sustained development of bilateral China-Vietnam relations carries far-reaching strategic, holistic and historic significance for both peoples and the broader region.

    The visit’s itinerary began after To Lam’s arrival in Beijing on April 14, where he first traveled via high-speed rail to tour the Xiong’an New Area in Hebei province, an landmark national-level development project designed to serve as a model for future sustainable urban development in China. The following day, after holding productive talks with President Xi Jinping — also General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee — and other senior Chinese leaders in Beijing, To Lam embarked on a 2,400-kilometer high-speed rail journey south to Nanning, the capital of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, which sits on China’s border with northern Vietnam.

    Over the 10-hour trip, To Lam gained firsthand insight into the scale of China’s territory, the sophistication of its modern infrastructure network, and the rapid momentum driving its national modernization push. During the journey, he toured the high-speed train’s driver cabin to observe operational procedures up close, a reflection of his well-documented interest in China’s high-speed rail development, per a report from China’s official Xinhua News Agency. To Lam remarked that China’s achievements in the rail sector are deeply impressive, noting that only a small handful of countries worldwide can safely operate rail lines at altitudes exceeding 4,000 meters, a feat China has already accomplished.

    Since launching its first high-speed rail services in 2008, China has constructed the world’s largest high-speed rail network, accounting for more than 70 percent of all high-speed rail track in operation globally. Official national planning documents project that the country’s total high-speed rail mileage will reach 70,000 kilometers by 2035.

    Ge Hongliang, Vice-Dean of the College of ASEAN Studies at Guangxi Minzu University, told the Global Times that To Lam’s focus on experiencing China’s high-speed rail aligns directly with his stated priority of advancing connectivity and infrastructure cooperation as a core pillar of pragmatic collaboration between Hanoi and Beijing. Ge noted that these interactions can provide valuable references for three key initiatives: Vietnam’s own domestic infrastructure expansion, the development of cross-border rail links between the two countries, and long-term planning for the transregional Pan-Asia Railway network. Notably, Vietnam just broke ground earlier this month on its first domestically developed high-speed railway, a 120-kilometer line connecting Hanoi, Bac Ninh province, Hai Phong city and Quang Ninh province with a maximum design speed of 350 kilometers per hour, according to Vietnamese news outlet VnExpress.

    During his time in Nanning, To Lam also visited the China-ASEAN Countries Artificial Intelligence Application Cooperation Center, where he tested a pair of AI-powered translation glasses and learned about the latest advances in China’s AI development for cross-cultural and cross-border applications. He later joined a youth exchange gathering at Guangxi University, where more than 800 young representatives from both China and Vietnam gathered to build personal connections and strengthen people-to-people ties. Addressing a broader gathering of roughly 500 Chinese and Vietnamese participants from all sectors of society, To Lam called on both nations to convert the longstanding strength of their traditional friendship into tangible, productive cooperative outcomes, and push bilateral collaboration into deeper, more practical areas of mutual benefit.

    To Lam emphasized that the enduring strength of the China-Vietnam “comrades-plus-brothers” relationship stems from the shared work of past generations of leaders from both sides, is deeply rooted in the centuries-old cultural and social ties linking the two peoples, is sustained by consistent strategic guidance from the leadership of both ruling parties and national governments, and is demonstrated by the growing number of positive outcomes from deep, pragmatic collaboration across sectors.

    In the joint statement, the two sides formalized agreements to accelerate the alignment of their national development strategies and speed up the connectivity of cross-border infrastructure including railways, highways and port facilities, identifying railway cooperation as a new core focus of bilateral strategic cooperation. The two nations also reaffirmed their shared commitment to upholding free and open trade and investment, and pledged to work together to build more secure, stable regional industrial and supply chains. To advance this goal, the statement announced that a dedicated bilateral working group on industrial and supply chain cooperation will be established to facilitate expanded collaboration in this critical area.

  • Three sentenced for ‘man in bear suit’ insurance scam

    Three sentenced for ‘man in bear suit’ insurance scam

    An audacious insurance fraud plot that relied on a fake bear attack to scam insurers out of more than $140,000 has ended with three Southern California men facing criminal conviction and sentencing. Over a year ago in January 2024, three individuals filed nearly identical expensive damage claims with their insurance providers, all centered on a seemingly bizarre incident at the popular mountain destination Lake Arrowhead.

    To back up their claims, the men submitted viral-ready footage that purported to show a wild bear breaking into and damaging a 2010 Rolls-Royce Ghost. Within the same 24-hour period at the exact same location, two additional claims were filed for separate damage to high-end Mercedes-Benz luxury vehicles, each tied to alleged bear-related destruction.

    When the claims crossed regulators’ desks, the unusual story prompted a review from wildlife experts at the California Department of Fish and Wildlife. Upon close analysis of the submitted video, biologists quickly spotted inconsistencies that ruled out a real wild animal: the “bear” moving through the vehicles had distinctly human proportions and movement patterns, revealing the creature captured on camera was actually an individual inside a full bear costume.

    Following this expert determination, the California Department of Insurance launched a formal investigation branded “Operation Bear Claw”. During execution of a court-issued search warrant at the suspects’ residence, investigators uncovered the full bear costume that had been used to stage the fake attacks, confirming the fraud. In total, the three scammers had wrongfully collected $141,839, equivalent to roughly £105,000, in illegitimate insurance payouts.

    The three defendants — Alfiya Zuckerman, 39, Ruben Tamrazian, 26, and Vahe Muradkhanyan, 32 — all entered no contest pleas to felony insurance fraud charges. During a sentencing hearing held Thursday, a judge handed down a unified punishment: 180 days of jail time followed by two years of supervised probation for each man.

    California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara released a statement following the sentencing, emphasizing the outcome of the unusual case. “What may have looked unbelievable turned out to be exactly that — and now those responsible are being held accountable,” Lara said, highlighting the department’s work to root out insurance fraud that drives up costs for all consumers.

  • Masked group storm Eaton Mall during terrifying machete attack that injured teen

    Masked group storm Eaton Mall during terrifying machete attack that injured teen

    Chilling security and witness footage has surfaced showing a large group of masked, machete-armed attackers descending on a popular public mall in Melbourne, Australia, during Friday evening peak hours, leaving one teenager hospitalized and the local community shaken.

    According to official updates from Victoria Police, the violence unfolded at approximately 7:45 p.m. local time at Eaton Mall, a busy retail and gathering hub in Melbourne’s southeastern suburbs. Around a dozen young people were sitting outdoors in the mall’s public dining area when the group of suspects — all clad in balaclavas and all-black clothing to conceal their identities — marched into the open space.

    A police spokesperson confirmed that at least two of the intruders pulled out large machetes and launched an assault on the assembled group. An 18-year-old man from Malvern East suffered cut and stab wounds that, while serious, have been classified as non-life-threatening. He was rushed to a nearby hospital for emergency treatment by responding emergency medical teams. A second victim, a 16-year-old boy, was also caught up in the attack but escaped without physical injury.

    Immediately after the assault, the entire group of masked offenders fled the scene on foot. As of the latest police update, no suspects have been taken into custody, and the investigation remains active and ongoing.

    Investigators have determined that the attack was not a random act of violence against the general public, but a targeted confrontation. Police confirmed that the two groups involved in the incident were already known to one another, ruling out concerns of an indiscriminate attack on mall patrons.

    “Detectives continue to investigate the full circumstances surrounding the incident,” the police spokesperson said in a statement to media. Law enforcement has issued a public call for information, urging any members of the public who were in Eaton Mall at the time of the attack, or who captured any additional video or photo footage of the incident or the suspects, to contact Crime Stoppers anonymously to aid the investigation.

    The attack, which took place in a crowded public space on a Friday night, has sparked renewed discussion around public safety in Melbourne’s suburban retail hubs, with local residents expressing alarm over the brazen nature of the assault.

  • UK: Footage used in Palestine Action trial contains ‘perceived gaps’, court hears

    UK: Footage used in Palestine Action trial contains ‘perceived gaps’, court hears

    A high-profile trial of six Palestine Action activists charged over a 2024 break-in at an Israeli-owned arms factory outside Bristol has opened with dramatic revelations about serious flaws in the prosecution’s key CCTV evidence, Woolwich Crown Court has heard. The six defendants — Charlotte Head, 29, Jordan Devlin, 31, Fatema Rajwani, 21, Zoe Rogers, 22, Samuel Corner, 23, and Leona Kamio, 30 — all face counts of criminal damage linked to the August 2024 incursion at the facility operated by Elbit Systems, one of Israel’s largest defense manufacturing firms. An additional charge of grievous bodily harm with intent has been leveled against Corner, who is accused of striking a police officer with a sledgehammer during the incident. Giving evidence on the first day of testimony, PC Sarah Grant, a specialist police officer trained in retrieving CCTV evidence from crime scenes, told jurors that the Elbit factory’s closed-circuit television system was functionally unsuitable for evidentiary use. Multiple cameras on the site operated at just 17 frames per second, a far lower rate than standard systems designed to capture clear, continuous footage of activity, Grant explained. During cross-examination, lead defense barrister Rajiv Menon KC drew jurors’ attention to what have been widely described as “perceived gaps” in the footage that the prosecution has entered into the court record. The case has already revealed a chaotic chain of custody for the video evidence: Elbit Systems first provided police with recordings from nine of the site’s 53 total cameras on a USB drive, but the files were incompatible with police computer systems, forcing Grant to travel to the factory site personally to recover the footage directly. Grant told the court that when she arrived at Elbit’s on-site security control room, she was first shown only footage from the original nine cameras, before requesting access to the full suite of 53 cameras displayed across the facility’s video monitoring wall. She attempted to download recordings from all 53 devices, but told the court that the operation would have required a full 24 days to complete, making the task unfeasible. Instead, she elected to download the original nine camera feeds, plus an additional three that were flagged as potentially relevant to the incident. Grant told the court that in her 11-year career working to recover CCTV evidence, she had never encountered a system as difficult to access and download from as Elbit’s. When questioned by the prosecution, Grant maintained that she had secured all relevant footage connected to the break-in. But Menon pushed back on that claim, highlighting that two cameras positioned directly on the factory floor have no surviving footage in the prosecution’s evidence set. When asked whether she had requested Elbit security staff to explain why footage from these two cameras was missing, Grant confirmed she had not asked for any explanation. Menon suggested that Elbit staff may never have shown her the footage from the two cameras at all, a claim Grant rejected, telling the court “I saw all the cameras. I had control and they showed me what I asked them to show.” In a pre-trial email Grant sent to a senior Elbit security manager, who is identified only as Witness A to protect their identity, she explicitly raised concerns about the system’s poor functionality, warning that “there is a huge opportunity for the defence to use the jumps and gaps in the footage to their advantage” — a warning that has been borne out in the defense’s cross-examination strategy. When questioned about the email, Grant reaffirmed that her core point remained that the system was “not fit for purpose.” On the second day of testimony, the court heard harrowing first-hand evidence from PC Kate Evans, the officer Corner is accused of striking with a sledgehammer. Evans told jurors that at the time of the alleged attack, she was on her hands and knees on the ground, facing away from Corner, while adjusting the handcuffs on co-defendant Zoe Rogers. She said she felt the blow from the sledgehammer spread across her entire body, and recalled immediately fearing the worst. “I didn’t know if I could move, or whether I would be paralysed,” Evans told the court. Fellow officer PC Peter Adams backed up Evans’ account, telling jurors that Corner struck the blow with “a considerable amount of force.” Evans did not return to active duty until three months after the incident, and told the court she continues to experience daily chronic pain that limits her to restricted duties at work. Prosecutor Deanna Heer KC drew the court’s attention to a comment Corner made immediately after his arrest, when he told officers: “I was protecting her.” Evans told the court she believes the comment referred to one of Corner’s female co-defendants, though he did not specify which. The court also heard context for the chaos of the incident: at the time of the alleged attack on Evans, Kamio was screaming after being tackled by Adams, who had deployed a taser against her just moments before. Defending Corner, barrister Tom Wainwright highlighted that Adams himself recalled hearing a “horrible scream” in video testimony he gave to police the day after the incident. Wainwright also brought up evidence that another officer, PC Aaron Buxton, had sprayed Corner with PAVA spray, an incapacitating chemical agent, moments before the alleged attack. Wainwright noted that the spray causes acute pain, confusion and disorientation that can persist for an extended period of time, raising questions about Corner’s state of mind and capacity to form intent. The trial of the six activists is ongoing, with further testimony expected in the coming days. Palestine Action, the activist group the defendants are affiliated with, has a long history of direct action protests targeting facilities tied to Israeli arms manufacturers, arguing that such companies profit from human rights abuses against Palestinian civilians in the occupied Palestinian territories.

  • Zimbabwe’s iconic stone birds were taken by colonialists. Finally, they’re all back home

    Zimbabwe’s iconic stone birds were taken by colonialists. Finally, they’re all back home

    For more than a century, a gap has sat in Zimbabwe’s national heritage: one of eight iconic ancient soapstone bird sculptures, looted by colonial invaders and scattered across the globe, remained outside the country’s borders. That changed this week, when the final missing Zimbabwe Bird touched down on home soil 137 years after it was ripped from its original place at the Great Zimbabwe ruins, in a landmark repatriation organized by neighboring South Africa.

    Known globally as the Zimbabwe Bird, this stately eagle carving has been embedded in the country’s national identity for generations, featured prominently on Zimbabwe’s flag, banknotes, and official coat of arms. But few symbols carry as layered a history as this carving, one that traces a long arc of colonial theft, decades of diplomatic negotiation, and a growing global movement to return looted African cultural heritage.

    The eight original bird sculptures were carved between the 11th and 15th centuries for Great Zimbabwe, a sprawling medieval stone city that gave the modern nation its name — Zimbabwe translates to “house of stone” in local languages, and the country remains celebrated worldwide for its contemporary stone carving tradition. The birds, ranging from 25 centimeters to 50 centimeters in height (and reaching more than a meter when mounted on their original columns), were placed on walls and stone monoliths to watch over the city.

    Scholars have not reached a consensus on which ethnic group originally created the carvings, though many believe they are the work of ancestors of the Shona people, who make up Zimbabwe’s current majority population. The birds carry deep cultural and spiritual meaning: most experts agree they depict either the bateleur eagle (called *chapungu* in Shona, a sacred species to both Shona and Venda communities) or the African fish eagle. Plan Shenjere-Nyabezi, an archaeology professor at the University of Zimbabwe, calls the Zimbabwe Birds “the most significant archaeological treasures ever discovered in the country, powerful and cherished symbols of our national heritage.”

    The theft of the final bird began in 1889, when European hunter Willi Posselt stumbled on the Great Zimbabwe ruins amid a wave of pre-colonial exploration. According to Posselt’s own writing, local people armed with spears and guns initially protested his removal of what he called the “best specimen” of the birds, but he ripped the carving from its column after exchanging blankets and other goods for access. He ultimately sold the sculpture to Cecil Rhodes, the infamous British imperialist who led the colonization of what is now Zimbabwe and Zambia. Rhodes displayed the bird as decorative art at his lavish Cape Town estate, where it remained for more than a century after his death in 1902.

    Over the decades, the other missing birds slowly made their way home. After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the new government launched a formal campaign to recover all eight carvings, with only two remaining within the country’s borders at the time. In a striking 1981 trade, South Africa’s apartheid government returned four birds it held in a national museum in exchange for a collection of 1,000 insect specimens from Zimbabwe’s Natural History Museum. Germany followed suit in 2003, repatriating a soapstone pedestal fragment that had been held in Berlin’s Ethnological Museum since 1907.

    But the final bird held by South Africa was blocked for decades by a century-old legal barrier. When Rhodes died, his 1902 will vested his estate and all its contents to the South African government, and the 1910 Rhodes Will Act banned the sale or transfer of any of his possessions. Every request for repatriation from Zimbabwe was rejected on the basis of this law, according to South African Minister of Culture Gayton McKenzie.

    This week, South Africa overcame that legal obstacle to complete the handover, alongside the repatriation of eight sets of Zimbabwean human remains exhumed by colonial researchers and held in a South African museum. McKenzie called the removal of the remains a product of “misguided colonial pseudoscience,” noting “these are not abstractions, but people… removed from their graves, their communities, and their homeland under the logic that their bodies were data.”

    To get around the 1910 Act, South Africa initially arranged a two-year loan of the sculpture to Zimbabwe, but McKenzie has confirmed that the South African government is currently reviewing the century-old law to formalize permanent repatriation, and insists the bird will never be returned to South Africa. The handover was welcomed by Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who called the moment “the return of a national icon.”

    The repatriation marks a rare milestone in the global movement for the return of looted African artefacts: while most repatriations to date have come from European colonial powers including France, the Netherlands, Germany, and the United Kingdom, this transfer sees an African nation returning stolen heritage to another African country. Zimbabwe continues to push for the repatriation of other cultural items, including the skulls of 19th-century anti-colonial heroes believed to be held in the UK.

    For Zimbabwean leaders and scholars, the return of the final bird is more than a cultural victory — it is a spiritual homecoming. The carving will be placed on permanent display at an on-site museum at the Great Zimbabwe UNESCO World Heritage Site, where it will join the seven other recovered birds for preservation. “The bird is Zimbabwe’s heritage… one should not have to travel to other countries to enjoy their own heritage,” said Shenjere-Nyabezi.

    Edward Matenga, one of Zimbabwe’s leading scholars of the Zimbabwe Bird sculptures, described the handover as a “win-win” for both nations, calling it a cathartic step for South Africa to confront its colonial legacy. The arrival of the bird also came just days ahead of Zimbabwe’s independence anniversary, with Mnangagwa noting the timely homecoming: “Let the people of Zimbabwe come and witness. Let the children of this great nation see with their own eyes the symbol of their identity and let the world know Zimbabwe is a nation that respects its past.”

  • Orbán’s era was over in a flash and Hungary’s next PM is a man in a hurry

    Orbán’s era was over in a flash and Hungary’s next PM is a man in a hurry

    Hungary’s political landscape has undergone its most seismic shift in nearly two decades, after newcomer Péter Magyar and his Tisza Party secured a dramatic landslide victory in last Sunday’s national election, ending Viktor Orbán’s 16 years of uninterrupted governance. With final vote counts set to be formalized this Saturday – including recounts for closely contested constituencies and the tabulation of overseas ballots – preliminary results give Tisza 52% of the popular vote, translating to roughly 140 seats in the 199-seat National Assembly, enough for a commanding two-thirds supermajority. Orbán’s long-ruling Fidesz party has plummeted from its previous 135 seats to just an estimated 55, a collapse that has sent shockwaves through the party that once dominated every level of Hungarian politics.

    Within days of the victory, Magyar moved quickly to lock in a timeline for power transition. He secured a commitment from Hungarian President Tamás Sulyok to bring forward the convening of the new parliament to the week starting May 4, when the body will vote to install the new Tisza-led government. In a marked break from the past two years, when state broadcasters largely sidelined or attacked Magyar, he gave fiery interviews to public television and radio, and has pledged to introduce legislation to suspend the outlets’ current programming until independent, impartial editors can be appointed to replace the outgoing leadership aligned with Fidesz.

    Buoyed by his supermajority, Magyar has also announced plans to retroactively cap the number of consecutive terms a sitting prime minister can serve at two. With Orbán already having held the post for five terms, the reform would permanently block the former leader from returning to the country’s highest office, effectively closing the book on his decades-long political dominance.

    It was not until late Thursday, four days after the election defeat, that Orbán finally broke his public silence in an interview with his party’s Patrióta YouTube channel. Acknowledging the historic shift, the ousted prime minister called the result “the end of an era”, saying he would accept the outcome with dignity. He opened up about feeling “pain and emptiness” from the loss, and took full personal responsibility for the defeat, though he offered little in-depth analysis of the campaign’s missteps beyond highlighting the years-long delay of the Russian-designed Paks 2 nuclear power plant, which is now six years behind its original completion schedule.

    Orbán met this week with the Hungarian president, but slipped into the building through a side entrance to avoid questions from the press. Fidesz has scheduled a top leadership meeting for April 28, ahead of a full party congress in June, where the party will chart its future as an opposition bloc. Orbán indicated that he would be willing to stay on as party leader if re-elected by members, but admitted the party requires “complete renewal”. Of Fidesz’s 55 incoming parliamentary seats, only 12 are won by individual constituency candidates, with the rest coming from party lists. Orbán argued that many of the list-based deputies need to be replaced, as they have no experience working in opposition, a rare admission of weakness for a party where public dissent has long been uncommon.

    Within Fidesz, there is no clear successor to Orbán, and no current figure matches his unique political skill and charisma for unifying competing factions within the party. Senior party insiders told the BBC that Fidesz faced an impossible structural challenge after 16 years in power: it could not credibly position itself as a force for change, even as voters grew hungry for turnover. Campaign advisers from the U.S. and UK had already criticized Fidesz’s core slogan, “the safe choice”, for alienating the large bloc of young Hungarian voters hungry for change. To counter this perception, Orbán leaned heavily on two younger senior cabinet members – 47-year-old Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó and 51-year-old Transport Minister János Lázár – to headline campaign rallies, but the strategy backfired: their energy only highlighted how aged and worn Orbán, who turns 63 next month, appeared after 38 years of frontline politics. The result is a mood of fear and internal recrimination sweeping through the defeated party.

    In Budapest, widespread anger at the outgoing government has already boiled over into public view, with nearly every Fidesz campaign poster defaced across the city center. Most have the word “Vége” – Hungarian for “the end” – spray-painted across Orbán’s face, while others have been torn down or covered in expletives. The sudden collapse of Fidesz’s public popularity, even among some former supporters, has been one of the most striking aspects of the election result.

    For Magyar and his incoming administration, the top immediate priorities are stopping capital flight by oligarchs closely aligned with Fidesz – many of whom are rumored to be moving assets to popular destinations like Dubai – and preventing the destruction of corruption evidence in government ministries. While some outgoing officials have been shredding documents in government offices, two Tisza insiders told the BBC that multiple current civil servants have already reached out to the incoming team, offering digital copies of incriminating records on USB drives in exchange for job security or immunity from future prosecution. Tisza also alleges that in the final week before the vote, as polls consistently predicted a large Tisza majority, Fidesz rushed through dozens of no-bid contracts for IT, infrastructure, and research projects to hand-picked allied companies, locking in public spending commitments that will carry over to the new government.

    The tough rhetoric coming from Tisza leadership is both a reflection of popular anger and a calculated political move, after two years of sustained demonization of Magyar and his party by the Fidesz-controlled Central European Press and Media Foundation (Kesma), which controls 476 media titles including roughly 50 major news outlets. Beyond media reform, Magyar has already reaffirmed key campaign pledges: establishing a dedicated office to recover state assets stolen under the previous government, and bringing Hungary into the Luxembourg-based European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), a move designed to signal to the European Union that the new government is serious about tackling corruption.

    Magyar has already held talks with Zsolt Hernádi, CEO of Hungarian energy giant MOL, which operates critical refineries serving both Hungary and Slovakia. On energy policy, the incoming prime minister agrees with Orbán on one urgent priority: the reopening of the Druzhba oil pipeline from Russia, which has been closed since late January. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky indicated this week that flows could resume by the end of the month, though Magyar has stressed his commitment to diversifying Hungary’s energy supplies, particularly by expanding capacity on an alternative pipeline from Croatia’s Krk Island.

    Exit polling estimates show nearly three-quarters of voters aged 18 to 29 backed Tisza, a generational rejection of Orbán’s long rule. Réka Szemerkényi, a former Hungarian ambassador to the U.S. under Orbán who is now based at Budapest’s Equilibrium Institute, told the BBC that young voters sent a clear policy message with their votes. “The chants were ‘Ria, Ria Hungaria’ – meaning we love our country – then ‘Europa’, and the third I heard repeatedly was ‘Russians go home’. These three together are like a foreign policy agenda,” she explained.

    International reaction has been swift, with a high-level delegation from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s office arriving in Budapest on Friday for informal talks with Tisza’s leadership. The new Hungarian government stands to unlock €17 billion (£15 billion) in frozen EU funds that were withheld from the Orbán government over concerns about rule of law and corruption, but will need to meet 27 strict benchmarks on judicial independence, anti-corruption enforcement, and media freedom to access the money. With Hungary’s economy already mired in a deep recession, Magyar and his team have made clear they know they need to deliver results quickly to meet the high expectations of voters who swept them into power.

  • What does it take to survive in the Arctic? These rangers have an idea

    What does it take to survive in the Arctic? These rangers have an idea

    Stretching across thousands of kilometers of frozen, unforgiving terrain, the Canadian Arctic is one of the most extreme environments on the planet, where temperatures can plummet to well below -40 degrees Celsius, wind chills can kill a healthy person in minutes, and vast expanses of sea ice and barren tundra offer few landmarks or safe havens. For those who patrol this remote border region year-round, survival is not a matter of luck—it is a set of hard-earned skills, cultural knowledge, and mental discipline passed down through generations. A recent BBC assignment embedded with Canadian military rangers in Canada’s northernmost territory offered a rare opportunity to learn these first-hand lessons about enduring and adapting to the world’s coldest inhabited landscapes.

    Canadian Rangers, a reserve unit of the Canadian Armed Forces made up largely of Indigenous peoples who have called the Arctic home for millennia, have long been the backbone of sovereignty and rescue operations in the far north. Unlike conventional military units trained for large-scale combat, their core mission centers on patrolling remote borders, conducting search and rescue, supporting scientific research, and maintaining a persistent presence in regions inaccessible to most other government forces. To do this work, they rely on a blend of traditional Indigenous knowledge and modern practical skills that allow them to navigate and survive conditions that would defeat even experienced outdoor enthusiasts from more temperate climates.

    During the embedding, rangers shared a range of critical lessons for surviving extreme Arctic conditions, starting with the non-negotiable rule of prioritizing layered, windproof clothing that traps heat without trapping moisture. Many visitors to the Arctic make the fatal mistake of overdressing for cold, leading to sweat that freezes against the skin once activity stops, rapidly dropping core body temperature. Rangers also emphasize the importance of constant situational awareness: thin sea ice can crack without warning, blizzards can roll in in minutes reducing visibility to zero, and even small cuts can become life-threatening when hypothermia already strains the body’s ability to regulate heat. Another key insight is the value of local ecological knowledge: reading wind patterns, animal behavior, and ice formations to predict weather changes and find safe routes across the tundra—a skill that cannot be learned from GPS alone, even with modern satellite technology.

    Beyond practical skills, the rangers stress that mental resilience is just as critical as physical preparation. Isolation, months of total darkness in winter, and the constant pressure of managing risk in a harsh environment can take a significant psychological toll. The close-knit community bonds among rangers, rooted in shared cultural connection to the land, help them cope with these challenges and support one another through the harshest months. For the rangers, surviving the Arctic is not just about enduring it—it is about respecting the land and working with its natural rhythms, rather than fighting against it.

    The insights shared by these rangers come at a time of rapid change in the Arctic, as rising global temperatures melt sea ice, open new shipping routes, and increase human activity in the region. As more researchers, industry workers, and travelers head into the far north, the traditional and practical survival knowledge held by Canadian Rangers has never been more relevant, offering a blueprint for safe, respectful engagement with one of the world’s last great wild landscapes.

  • He made jazz under air raids – and built an Indian city’s music scene

    He made jazz under air raids – and built an Indian city’s music scene

    Against the backdrop of World War II, when Japanese air raids sent terrified residents of Calcutta (now Kolkata) scrambling for cover, one man refused to let war stifle the city’s creative pulse. That man was Kumar Chunder (KC) Sen, a polymath whose work shaped the trajectory of modern Kolkata’s entertainment and cultural landscape – yet who has been largely erased from popular regional history.

    Sen’s life was defined by rich cross-cultural heritage, born in 1919 to a family with deeply rooted connections to both British and Bengali elite society. On his maternal side, he descended from Lieutenant General Sir Edward Barnes, a decorated veteran of the Battle of Waterloo, while his paternal line traced back to Brahmananda Keshub Chandra Sen, the iconic 19th-century Bengali social reformer. Music was woven into the fabric of his childhood home: his eldest sister Moneesha built a career as a concert pianist, second sister Pamela found acclaim as a prima ballerina, and his youngest sister Bunny became a regular on-air personality for All India Radio. It was during his school years, while cleaning instruments in the music room of Kolkata’s prestigious Jesuit boys’ school, that Sen first discovered his own passion for performance. As a teenager, he made his professional debut on Park Street – Kolkata’s iconic swinging cultural hub – at the city’s San Souci Theatre, quickly establishing himself as a versatile multi-instrumentalist, singer-songwriter and charismatic jazz bandleader.

    Beyond music, Sen’s talents extended across multiple fields. A skilled competitive rower, he made history in 1938 as the first Indian athlete to win the coveted Macklin Sculls single sculling race at the Calcutta Lake Club. After completing an engineering apprenticeship, he traded city life for the frontlines of Burma (modern-day Myanmar), where he worked as a war correspondent for Reuters. It was there that he narrowly escaped death during a Japanese air raid, when shrapnel left a permanent dent in his military helmet – a tangible memento of his brush with mortality. Even amid the chaos of conflict, Sen never stopped creating. Throughout his wartime posting, he continued composing new music, and many of his original works from this period were pressed onto 78 rpm shellac records for distribution across India. One of his most notable early compositions, *Moonlight in Hawaii*, was written years before a Hollywood feature film of the same name hit screens; Sen later recalled in his memoir that the film’s release accidentally boosted sales of his existing recording on the Indian pop market.

    By the end of World War II, Sen returned to Kolkata to take up the role of head of programming at All India Radio, and formed the popular performance group the Casual Club Quintet, which even earned an honourable mention in *Melody Maker*, Britain’s leading music industry weekly at the time. As his influence grew, he set out to formalize jazz culture in the city: with financial backing from prominent patrons including the Maharaja of Cooch Behar, he founded the Calcutta Swing Club, an institution that did for popular jazz what the long-established Calcutta School of Music had done for Western classical music in Kolkata. He went on to organize large-scale big-band concerts at Kolkata’s New Empire Theatre, bringing top talent from Bombay to perform for local audiences, and even took over management of the Golden Slipper, one of the city’s most legendary nightclubs.

    But Sen’s most enduring and transformative contribution to Kolkata’s cultural scene came in 1953, when he launched his groundbreaking talent initiative, Band Wagon. What began as a side project off his sports magazine *Sportlight* evolved by 1957 into a popular glossy weekly covering both showbusiness and sports. More than a publication, Band Wagon grew into a full-fledged talent agency and ecosystem that professionalized Kolkata’s Park Street nightlife, turning the district’s popular entertainment venues into launchpads for untapped local talent. As a regular columnist for *Junior Statesman*, the iconic Indian youth magazine of the mid-20th century, Sen used his platform to promote emerging performers, alongside hosting weekly open auditions every Sunday at the New Empire Theatre. These auditions fed into four major annual Band Wagon showcase events: the Easter Parade, the July Birthday Revue, the October Puja Pageant and the Christmas Revue.

    For an entire generation of Indian performers, Band Wagon was the stepping stone to professional success. “KC Sen was the only promoter of local talent back then, I started in 1959 during his Band Wagon days, singing once a week for 10 rupees,” recalled Vivian Hansen, a former crooner at Park Street’s famous Trincas restaurant. Veteran guitarist Cyrus Tata similarly remembered making his stage debut at just 12 years old at one of Sen’s Sunday showcases. Between 1953 and 1968, Band Wagon built a sustainable, thriving live music economy in Kolkata that nurtured dozens of homegrown artists, including Marie Sampson and Shirley Churcher, both of whom went on to build successful international careers in the West. Sen’s influence even extended to Tollywood, Bengal’s iconic regional film industry: his most famous contribution to cinema came when he introduced cabaret performer Vicky Redwood to legendary filmmaker Satyajit Ray, who subsequently cast Redwood in his critically acclaimed 1963 film *Mahanagar: The Big City*.

    After more than three decades shaping Kolkata’s cultural life, Sen closed out his career with a poignant farewell radio broadcast in October 1975, before retiring to Ashford, United Kingdom, where he died in 2007. His legacy lives on through his two sons, Neil and Robin Sen, who followed in their father’s performance footsteps as members of the band The Cavaliers, and recorded one of Kolkata’s earliest 45 rpm pop singles, *Love is a Mango*, in 1967. From his home in Sydney, Robin Sen remembered his father’s innate eye for creative potential: “If he saw even a little [talent], he would work to turn it into something – whether they could stand up, sing or dance. And on the Calcutta scene, there had to be somebody who knew what the hell they were talking about. That was him.”

  • Green Party strategist reveals plan for local elections and slams ‘sectarian’ claims

    Green Party strategist reveals plan for local elections and slams ‘sectarian’ claims

    As the United Kingdom prepares for local elections across 136 councils on May 7, where more than 5,000 council seats will be contested, the Green Party has emerged as a formidable progressive challenger to Keir Starmer’s sitting Labour government — marking the most high-stakes electoral test since Starmer took office in July 2024.

    Under the leadership of Zack Polanski, who has headed the party since last summer, the Greens have seen explosive growth in national polling. Their momentum was cemented in February, when the party secured a historic by-election victory in Greater Manchester’s Gorton and Denton constituency, defeating both Labour and the right-wing Reform UK.

    In an exclusive interview with Middle East Eye this week, Faaiz Hasan, the Green Party’s national and London elections coordinator, laid out the party’s strategy for the upcoming vote, its policy priorities, and its vision for reshaping UK politics. Hasan, who relocated to the UK from Pakistan in 1997, cut his political teeth as a member of the Labour Party during Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership, before leaving the party shortly after Starmer took control in 2020. Last year, he served as campaign manager for Mothin Ali’s successful bid to become the Green Party’s co-deputy leader, and he is standing as a candidate in Westminster’s Harrow Road ward this May.

    Hasan framed the 2025 local elections as a turning point for British progressive politics, saying the moment has arrived for the Greens to put forward a clear alternative vision that rejects the divisive scapegoating of migrants and racialized groups. Instead, he said, the party centers its platform on addressing the root of national inequality: the concentration of wealth and political power in the hands of a tiny elite. With 70% of the British public already rating Starmer’s performance in office as poor, and the national economy reeling from spillover effects of the US-Israeli war on Iran, the Labour government has been left floundering in the polls, creating an opening for progressive change.

    Recalling his campaign work on the ground in Harrow Road, where he stood as a by-election candidate just two years ago and secured second place from a standing start, Hasan said voter attitudes have shifted dramatically. Two years ago, many residents told the party they supported Green policies but did not see the Greens as serious contenders. Today, amid rising poll numbers, increased national media coverage of Green leadership, Labour’s ongoing collapse in support, and widespread public disillusionment with Reform’s poor performance in areas the party controls, voters are increasingly open to backing Green candidates, he said. Hasan projects a major surge in Green support across the country next month.

    Across London, the party’s momentum is already visible: Green councillor Areeq Chowdhury’s mayoral campaign in the east London borough of Newham is gaining traction, while former Labour councillor turned Green mayoral candidate Liam Shrivastava is targeting a takeover of Lewisham Council and mayoralty in southeast London, where polls currently forecast no party will win an overall majority. Nationally, polling data suggests the Greens could take control of up to nine councils, including long-held Labour strongholds such as Hackney and Lambeth in London.

    The electoral landscape is complicated by the presence of Corbyn’s new Your Party, which has taken a selective approach to the election, backing independent candidates and targeted local groups. In some seats, including Newham, Your Party-backed candidates are standing against Greens. Hasan, who entered politics inspired by Corbyn and still holds him in high regard, said he finds the internal infighting plaguing Your Party disappointing for left-wing politics. While he wished the faction well and hopes it resolves its internal disputes, he noted the electoral timeline leaves no room for delay. Across London, where 1,800 seats are up for grabs, the Greens are contesting 80 to 90% of all seats, and Hasan said the party is the only major left force consistently speaking out against what the party describes as genocide in Gaza and advancing progressive solutions to national issues.

    Hasan emphasized the party has no inherent conflict with Your Party or independent left candidates, and said there is substantial room for tactical cooperation in both local ward contests and the 2025 London elections, which include votes for mayor, a constituency seat, and a London-wide Assembly seat. Looking ahead to the next general election, Hasan said formal cooperation between left parties and independents will be essential to defeat Starmer and his centrist allies in their constituencies, echoing recent reporting from Middle East Eye that saw Health Secretary Wes Streeting attack independent left rivals in his east London seat for being “divisive” over foreign policy. In Birmingham, where 101 council seats are being contested and a hung council is forecast, Hasan said he has long pushed for strategic electoral alliances, and expects cooperation in roughly 90% of seats despite limited overlapping candidacies.

    Hasan framed the 2025 local elections as a key milestone in a broader permanent realignment of British politics. The long-standing two-party, first-past-the-post system that dominated UK politics for generations is now dead, he argued, noting the two main parties are currently polling at less than 30% combined. He warned that the existing electoral system, which rewards the first-place finisher even with a tiny share of the vote, creates a dangerous democratic deficit: a fragmented field with five parties polling between 15% and 25% could see a candidate win a seat with just 24% to 26% of the vote, granting power that does not reflect the popular will. For that reason, Hasan said the UK must transition to a proportional representation electoral system that ensures representation matches the share of votes parties receive.

    On policy, the Green campaign centers domestic working-class issues: the ongoing cost of living crisis, unsustainable household debt, the broken housing market marked by sky-high rents for poor-quality accommodation, and the inability of young people to get on the property ladder. The party also highlights the ongoing pressure on public services caused by the continuation of Conservative-era austerity policies. Local campaigns will also prioritize hyper-local issues specific to their communities, such as anti-social behavior, street litter, and road safety in Hasan’s own central London Harrow Road ward.

    Foreign policy is also a core pillar of the Green campaign, with a sharp focus on the impacts of the US-Israeli war on Iran and the Starmer government’s decision to allow the US to use UK military bases to launch attacks on Iranian missile sites. Hasan argued there is no separation between local, national, and international issues: the illegal war in Iran has directly exacerbated the UK’s cost of living crisis, impacting every household in the country, so framing the conflict as a distant problem irrelevant to UK voters is false. The party is also campaigning for local councils to divest pension funds from companies that profit from what it calls genocide in Gaza, as well as from fossil fuel companies and arms manufacturers. Hasan noted that the UK’s continued reliance on oil and gas leaves the country vulnerable to global energy price shocks, and greater investment in renewable energy would insulate UK households from these crises. While Labour has attempted to distance itself from the war by claiming Starmer did not bring the UK into the conflict, Hasan said the Greens will challenge that narrative: Starmer’s decision to allow US bombers to launch attacks on Iran from UK bases makes him complicit, he said, a position that is completely unacceptable to British voters.

    On the right, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK has led national polls for more than a year, and is targeting a major takeover of local councils in May, with forecasts suggesting the party could win as many as 17 councils and 1,500 council seats. After the Green’s February by-election win in Gorton and Denton, Reform accused the Greens of engaging in sectarian politics. Hasan dismissed the accusation as the complaints of sore losers, noting Reform attacked the Greens for producing multi-language leaflets in English, Bangla and Urdu — a practice that has been common in UK politics since the 1960s. Hasan said the attack stems from Reform’s ongoing targeting of migrant and Muslim communities, and it is no surprise that those communities rejected the right-wing party at the polls. He framed Reform’s complaints as an attempt to discredit democratic outcomes when the party loses, noting the Gorton and Denton seat saw a large Muslim community vote for a white working-class Green candidate led by a Jewish party leader — a demonstration of the Greens’ broad, inclusive appeal.

    Hasan also rejected claims that the Green’s focus on the crisis in Gaza is a niche issue only of concern to Muslim voters. He pointed to the enormous diversity of the British pro-Palestine movement, which includes people of all faiths and no faith, all racial backgrounds, all age groups, and large contingents of Jewish and LGBTQ organizers. Framing the issue as a narrow concern is factually wrong, he said, because the crisis impacts every person in the UK through its economic and political ripple effects.