作者: admin

  • Water crisis grips South Sudan refugees

    Water crisis grips South Sudan refugees

    As conflict continues to drive thousands of Sudanese civilians across the border into South Sudan, a rapidly escalating water crisis has pushed already vulnerable displaced populations to the brink of survival in the remote Upper Nile State settlement of Chemedi Payam.

    Long before the first light of day touches the arid landscape of Chemedi Payam, women and children clutching empty plastic buckets gather in long lines, waiting for water deliveries that may never materialize. For many of these displaced people, the daily fight for clean water consumes every waking hour, pushing other basic needs like meals to the background. “We wake up at 3:00 am local time and come here to look for water,” explained Amna Ibrahim, one of thousands of Sudanese refugees who fled cross-border conflict to seek safety in South Sudan. “We haven’t even had breakfast because we came early to fetch water.”

    Today, Chemedi is home to roughly 58,000 people, the vast majority of whom are Sudanese refugees and South Sudanese returnees fleeing neighboring violence. What makes this crisis particularly stark is that the settlement sits in close proximity to the Nile, one of the continent’s largest and most reliable water sources. Aid workers and local administrators emphasize that the shortage does not stem from a lack of available water, but from a catastrophic gap in critical infrastructure needed to safely extract, purify and distribute water to the scattered communities that make up the settlement.

    Most functional boreholes in the area are out of service, water storage capacity is drastically limited, and no large-scale water treatment systems exist to serve the growing population. Seasonal water collection points dry up entirely during extended dry seasons, leaving residents with two bad options: rely on sporadic water trucking deliveries, or turn to unsafe, unregulated water sources. For most households, consistent access to clean water depends entirely on aid-funded tanker operations, but humanitarian groups warn these life-sustaining services are being choked off by crippling funding shortfalls. “If the tanker doesn’t come, we don’t know what we will do,” said Zainab Yasin, another Sudanese refugee living in the settlement.

    Local authorities note that the sudden, rapid influx of thousands of people fleeing Sudan’s ongoing violence has completely overwhelmed the region’s already overstretched water infrastructure, which was inadequate to serve local populations even before the refugee crisis began. Beyond the immediate threat of dehydration and hunger, the lack of reliable clean water is undermining life-saving critical services, particularly for malnourished children and new and expecting mothers.

    At a primary healthcare clinic supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and its implementing partners, medical teams treat dozens of children suffering from severe acute malnutrition every day, alongside hundreds of pregnant and breastfeeding women. “Water is a major gap in Chemedi. Without it, our nutrition services cannot function properly,” said Jansuk Alex Sworo, a nutrition specialist working in the settlement. Sworo explained that the ongoing funding crisis for water services has left both the clinic and surrounding communities in a constant state of crisis. Currently, aid groups haul water 80 kilometers from the town of Renk to Chemedi, but this stopgap measure is financially unsustainable under current funding levels.

    With no other options available, large numbers of residents have been forced to turn to unsafe water sources, including untreated water from shallow unregulated wells and seasonal holding ponds that dry up within weeks of the dry season starting. This puts the entire population at high risk of outbreaks of waterborne diseases like cholera and typhoid.

    The impact of the crisis extends far beyond health outcomes, tearing apart access to education for refugee children. At the local primary school, 650 children are enrolled, most of them refugees, but classes are routinely cut short as early as 11 a.m. because of the lack of water for students and staff. “We have an issue with water here, and that is why we release learners at 11:00 am,” said head teacher Awadia Paulo Adowk. Some families have pulled their children out of school entirely, as every able family member is needed to join the daily search for water. “Sometimes we get water, and after two days, we don’t have anything to drink,” said Rasham Mohamed Sheikh Al-Din, a mother of eight whose children no longer attend classes regularly.

    Local government leaders and international aid workers are now urgently calling for expanded global financial and logistical support to address the growing unmet water needs of Chemedi’s vulnerable population, warning that without immediate intervention the crisis could quickly turn deadly.

  • Strait of Hormuz ‘open to commercial vessels’

    Strait of Hormuz ‘open to commercial vessels’

    A 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah entered into force on Friday, April 17, 2026, spurring tentative de-escalation efforts across the Middle East that have already cleared the way for the full reopening of the strategically critical Strait of Hormuz to global commercial shipping. The breakthrough, brokered through behind-the-scenes diplomacy between the United States and Iran with Pakistan serving as a neutral mediator, has offered a glimmer of hope to thousands of displaced Lebanese residents, though deep divisions and unresolved core issues leave the truce highly vulnerable to collapse.

    Within hours of the ceasefire taking hold, both Washington and Tehran confirmed that the Strait of Hormuz — a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s global oil supplies transit daily — is now fully accessible for commercial vessel passage. In a post on Truth Social, U.S. President Donald Trump confirmed the reopening, emphasizing that the American military’s unilateral naval blockade on Iranian cargo will remain in place until a final bilateral agreement between the two nations is fully finalized. “The Strait of Hormuz is completely open and ready for business and full passage, but the naval blockade will remain in full force and effect as it pertains to Iran, only, until such time as our transaction with Iran is 100 percent complete,” Trump wrote in all caps.

    Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi mirrored the announcement just minutes before Trump’s post, sharing on X that the waterway’s opening aligned with the new Lebanon ceasefire and would remain in effect for the full duration of the truce. Hezbollah lawmaker Ibrahim al-Moussawi later reinforced the link between the two developments, noting that the ceasefire would not have been possible without Iranian diplomatic pressure on Lebanon’s behalf, and that Tehran views the truce as equivalent to the decision to reopen the strait.

    On the ground in Lebanon, celebratory gunfire rang out across Beirut’s southern suburbs, Hezbollah’s traditional stronghold, as displaced families packed their belongings and began the journey back to their war-ravaged homes in southern Lebanon. For many returnees, the joy of the ceasefire was tempered by the scale of destruction left by weeks of fighting. “There’s destruction and it’s unlivable. We’re taking our things and leaving again,” Fadel Badreddine, who returned to survey his home with his wife and young son, told Reuters. “May God grant us relief and end this whole thing permanently.”

    Despite the initial calm, the ceasefire remains extraordinarily fragile. The Israeli military confirmed it had struck more than 380 Hezbollah targets across southern Lebanon in the lead-up to the truce, and remains on high alert to resume offensive operations at a moment’s notice. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has ruled out any withdrawal of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon, stating that the full disarmament of Hezbollah is a non-negotiable precondition for any long-term “historic peace agreement” between Israel and the Lebanese state. Al-Moussawi responded that Hezbollah will uphold its end of the truce so long as Israel halts all offensive attacks.

    Multiple regional and global stakeholders have welcomed the ceasefire, including Saudi Arabia and Oman, two key Gulf states with deep interests in regional stability. Riyadh has reaffirmed its unwavering support for Lebanese territorial integrity and national sovereignty, while Muscat has called on all parties to exercise restraint and avoid any actions that would violate the truce terms. Iran’s foreign ministry framed the ceasefire as a first step toward a broader regional de-escalation pact reached with the U.S. via Pakistani mediation.

    The conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, which erupted on March 2, has already claimed more than 2,000 lives to date, displacing hundreds of thousands of people on both sides of the border. Political analysts warn that a path to lasting peace remains elusive. Abed Abou Shhadeh, a Jaffa-based Israeli political commentator, noted that Israel has failed to achieve its core goal of disarming Hezbollah, and lacks a clear political roadmap for a lasting settlement with Lebanon. “History over the past 40 years has proven this is not something Israel can achieve,” Abou Shhadeh said. “The military recently acknowledged that fully disarming Hezbollah would require occupying all of Lebanon — a mission it lacks the troop strength to carry out.”

    For his part, Trump has announced that he held “excellent conversations” with both Netanyahu and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, and has extended an invitation to both leaders to travel to the White House for high-stakes talks aimed at cementing a long-term deal. The U.S. president also added that if a final U.S.-Iran agreement is finalized in the Pakistani capital of Islamabad, he would be willing to travel there to attend the signing ceremony.

    Regional policy experts say Trump’s push for a rapid deal stems from a desire to avoid deeper U.S. entanglement in the Middle East ahead of potential broader fallout for global energy markets. “Trump is seeking an exit ramp from the Iran war before it brings greater repercussions for the US and the global energy market,” said Abas Aslani, a senior fellow at the Center for Middle East Strategic Studies in Tehran, speaking to Al Jazeera. “But it wouldn’t secure any strategic outcome for the US. There are some gaps that need to be bridged, but those differences remain.”

    In recent weeks, Trump has repeatedly stated that the conflict with Iran will end soon, but independent analysts say there is little concrete evidence to support that claim. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth issued a sharp warning on Thursday, threatening that if Iran rejects a final deal, the U.S. military will launch targeted strikes against Iran’s critical infrastructure, including its national power grid and energy sector. Clay Ramsay, a researcher at the Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland, argued that the current U.S. administration is not positioned to negotiate a comprehensive, lasting settlement. “Trump has a political incentive to claim peace on his terms is imminent. That does not make it a reality,” Ramsay told Xinhua.

  • Haiti crisis worsens as nearly 6m face acute food insecurity

    Haiti crisis worsens as nearly 6m face acute food insecurity

    PORT-AU-PRINCE – A grim new UN-backed assessment published Thursday has laid bare the accelerating collapse of food security in Haiti, confirming that nearly 6 million Haitians will grapple with life-threatening acute hunger in the coming months. The findings underscore how persistent gang violence, mass internal displacement, and crippling economic instability have pushed the small Caribbean nation into one of the world’s worst ongoing humanitarian catastrophes.

    Per the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), the international body that tracks global food insecurity, 5.8 million Haitians – accounting for more than half of the country’s total population – are currently classified as facing acute food insecurity. Of this vulnerable group, over 1.8 million have already reached the emergency hunger phase, requiring immediate life-sustaining food assistance to avoid widespread malnutrition and mortality.

    The IPC report attributes the deepening crisis to three interconnected drivers: rapidly deteriorating public security across the country, cascading economic shocks, and repeated breakdowns of local food markets and agricultural activities. Armed gang factions have expanded their territorial control across large swathes of Haiti in recent months, disrupting supply routes, forcing farming communities to abandon their lands, and displacing more than 1.4 million people internally. This mass displacement has stretched already limited local food supplies thin, pushing low-income and vulnerable households into extreme levels of hunger.

    While the latest IPC projection marks a small downward revision from an earlier forecast of 5.91 million acutely food-insecure people, humanitarian agencies caution that any minor progress remains extremely fragile. Analysts attribute the slight improvement to a combination of targeted international food assistance, easing national inflation rates, and better-than-expected harvests in a handful of Haiti’s agricultural regions. The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) confirmed that consistent, sustained food aid interventions have lifted roughly 200,000 Haitians out of emergency-level hunger since last year.

    Still, aid leaders warn that these fragile gains are at immediate risk of reversal without a significant expansion of international support. In particular, the recent spike in global fuel prices triggered by ongoing tensions around the Iran conflict has driven sharp increases in transportation and agricultural production costs across Haiti, placing additional strain on humanitarian operations and household budgets.

    “Fighting hunger is essential to restoring stability in Haiti. We cannot build peace if families cannot feed their children,” Wanja Kaaria, WFP’s Country Director for Haiti, said in an official statement, emphasizing the urgent need for scaled-up global backing to prevent the crisis from spiraling further out of control.

  • Fuel price rise adds to US dilemma on Chinese EVs

    Fuel price rise adds to US dilemma on Chinese EVs

    Escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East have sent global oil prices surging in recent months, creating a sharp, uncomfortable policy dilemma for Washington: rising fuel costs are driving growing consumer demand for affordable electric vehicles, but long-standing US trade barriers continue to block Chinese EV brands that could meet that demand.

    The global benchmark Brent crude climbed 4.7% to settle at $99.39 per barrel this Thursday, a sharp jump from the roughly $70 per barrel price point that held before the Iran conflict intensified in late February. The run-up in crude has pushed retail gasoline prices higher across the United States, making the lower operating costs of electric vehicles far more attractive to cost-conscious car shoppers.

    For years, the US federal government has locked Chinese-made passenger vehicles out of the domestic market through steep tariffs that exceed 100%, with official justifications centered on protecting domestic manufacturing jobs and addressing unsubstantiated national security risks. A 2025 regulatory rule went even further, banning the import and sale of connected vehicles and critical automotive components with ties to China. Nand Mulchandani, a visiting fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, points out that intense lobbying from domestic industry groups has been a core driver of these restrictions, noting US legacy automakers have continuously pressured the Biden administration to secure artificial competitive advantages in the domestic market.

    Despite the political and regulatory headwinds blocking their entry, data shows large segments of US consumers are eager for access to Chinese EV brands, drawn by their combination of competitive pricing, innovative features, and strong overall value. A Cox Automotive survey of 802 US consumers planning to purchase a new vehicle within the next two years, conducted between December 29 and January 2, found that 49% of respondents rated Chinese vehicles as offering very good or excellent value for money. Forty percent of all survey participants said they supported allowing Chinese auto brands to enter the US market, with that number jumping to 69% among younger, more demographics.

    The high cost of new vehicles in the US has only amplified this consumer demand. For nearly a year, the average transaction price for a new vehicle in the country has hovered around $50,000, pushing a growing share of buyers to seek lower-cost alternatives that Chinese manufacturers are uniquely positioned to provide. Joanna Stern, senior personal technology columnist at The Wall Street Journal, highlighted this gap in a January 29 column after testing Chinese EVs, noting that leading manufacturers including Xiaomi, BYD and Geely have earned global recognition for delivering longer battery ranges and deeply integrated, user-friendly digital platforms.

    “We’re talking software that feels smooth like a brand-new smartphone, not a screen you have to jab five times to load a map. Plus, they often cost tens of thousands of dollars less than Western competitors. In Europe and Mexico, they’re blowing past Tesla and other EV rivals,” Stern wrote in her column, titled I Test Drove a Chinese EV. Now I Don’t Want to Buy American Cars Anymore.

    That assessment is echoed by EV enthusiasts on social platforms. On Reddit’s popular r/electricvehicles forum, users frequently highlight that Chinese electric vehicles offer premium features including luxury seating, customizable ambient lighting, and intuitive infotainment systems at their price points, delivering far better value than many Western brands. Many commenters note that Chinese EVs’ performance, high-end interior finishes, advanced connectivity, and driver-assist systems match or even exceed those offered by market leader Tesla.

    Yet while consumer sentiment has shifted sharply in favor of greater access to Chinese EVs, the position of US auto industry leadership remains dramatically opposed. Last month, major US auto trade groups sent a formal letter to the White House urging the administration to maintain the full ban on Chinese automakers’ entry into the US market, citing competitive fairness concerns, per a report from Reuters. Notably, President Donald Trump struck a more moderate tone during a January appearance in Detroit, saying he would be open to Chinese automakers establishing domestic manufacturing operations in the US as long as those facilities employed American workers.

    Some automotive industry analysts argue that blocking Chinese EVs entirely is short-sighted, and that US manufacturers could learn critical lessons from China’s agile production model. Steve Greenfield, founder and CEO of automotive technology advisory firm Automotive Ventures, observed that Chinese automakers have compressed development timelines dramatically: new models can move from concept to full production in as little as 18 to 24 months, roughly half the average timeline for many legacy Western manufacturers. Greenfield added that Chinese manufacturers achieve this faster pace while maintaining consistent quality, keeping production costs low through advanced automation and optimized supply chains.

    Greenfield told Automotive News that US legacy automakers would benefit greatly from understanding how Chinese firms deliver affordable, high-quality EVs so quickly, and that strategic cross-border partnerships could deliver widespread gains for the US industry. For his part, Mulchandani noted the ultimate future of Chinese EVs in the US market will depend on a broader policy calculation of costs and benefits for the country as a whole. “If the government does the calculations and thinks that this would be net good for the country and for the consumers, I’m sure they’ll make the right decision,” Mulchandani told China Daily.

  • CSSC’s rotor sail aims to drive global green ship tech

    CSSC’s rotor sail aims to drive global green ship tech

    As the global push for decarbonization reaches every corner of industrial activity, the international shipping sector — a long-contributing source of global carbon emissions — is facing mounting pressure to green its operations. Now, China State Shipbuilding Corp (CSSC), the world’s largest shipbuilding group, has delivered a major breakthrough in wind-assisted propulsion technology with the development of one of the world’s largest commercially viable rotor sail systems, built to capture growing global demand for sustainable shipping solutions.

    Designed and developed by CSSC’s Luoyang Ship Material Research Institute, an R&D center specializing in advanced shipbuilding materials and engineering techniques, the unnamed new rotor sail has already completed a full suite of ground-based system tests, clearing a key milestone ahead of commercial deployment. Engineers leveraged the institute’s deep existing expertise in green composite materials and wind turbine blade design to refine the system’s performance and durability, resulting in a cutting-edge product that outperforms many smaller existing rotor sail models on the market.

    Standing 35 meters tall with a diameter of 5 meters, the new system ranks among the largest rotor sail designs ever brought to testing phase. Each unit can reach a maximum rotational speed of 180 revolutions per minute, generating over 355 kilonewtons of thrust to help propel fitted vessels. For context, rotor sails — also known as Flettner rotors — operate on a simple but effective physical principle: upright spinning cylinders mounted on a ship’s deck interact with surrounding wind flow to create usable thrust, reducing the need for fossil fuel-powered propulsion.

    First invented in the 1920s, rotor sail technology saw extremely limited adoption for nearly a century, deployed only on a small handful of cargo ships and experimental test vessels before the 2010s. But as the global shipping industry, which moves more than 80% of world trade volume by volume and accounts for roughly 3% of global carbon emissions, has faced growing mandatory decarbonization requirements, the technology has experienced a rapid renaissance. Today, rotor sails are increasingly being integrated into commercial vessels ranging from bulk carriers to roll-on/roll-off ships.

    Feng Wei, project manager for the new CSSC rotor sail, outlined the urgency of decarbonization in a press briefing Friday, noting that the green transition in shipping has evolved from an optional sustainability measure to a mandatory global requirement aligned with international climate goals. “Wind-assisted propulsion represents one of the most promising and practical pathways for the shipping industry to achieve immediate emission reductions,” Feng said.

    Unlike other wind-assisted propulsion technologies, Feng explained, rotor sails offer unique practical benefits that make them ideal for widespread commercial adoption. They take up minimal deck space, do not interfere with standard cargo loading and unloading operations, operate with a high degree of automation, and require almost no modifications to a vessel’s original structure or standard operating procedures. These characteristics make them suitable for installation across most major commercial vessel types, including bulk carriers and oil tankers, with average fuel savings ranging from 5% to 25% per voyage.

    Beyond emission reductions, the system delivers tangible economic benefits for shipowners: it helps buffer against volatile global oil prices and cuts down on future carbon tax expenses that will come into force as international decarbonization regulations tighten. The new design also incorporates a network of smart exterior sensors, boosting its automation capabilities and making it exceptionally easy to control and maintain.

    Industry projections from leading global research organizations cited by Feng forecast that around 7,000 ships worldwide will be fitted with wind-assisted propulsion systems by 2030, with that number jumping to roughly 21,000 by 2050. CSSC’s new large-format rotor sail positions the Chinese shipbuilding giant to capture a substantial share of this fast-growing global green shipping technology market, while supporting the global shipping industry’s collective push to cut carbon emissions and meet international climate targets.

  • Shenzhou XXI crew complete third spacewalk

    Shenzhou XXI crew complete third spacewalk

    China’s ongoing human space exploration program reached a new milestone earlier this week, when the three-person Shenzhou XXI crew stationed at the nation’s Tiangong space station successfully wrapped up their third extravehicular activity, according to official announcements from the China Manned Space Agency.

    The excursion, which concluded at 1:36 a.m. Beijing Time on Friday, saw mission commander Senior Colonel Zhang Lu and spaceflight engineer Major Wu Wu spend roughly five and a half hours operating outside the massive orbiting outpost before returning safely to the Wentian experimental module. The third member of the crew, payload specialist Zhang Hongzhang — a researcher from the Chinese Academy of Sciences — remained inside the space station throughout the spacewalk to coordinate operations and provide critical in-orbit support.

    Working in tandem with ground control teams and leveraging the station’s robotic arm for assistance, the astronauts checked off every scheduled task on their itinerary, including the installation of protective shields designed to mitigate damage from orbital space debris and comprehensive inspections of extravehicular hardware.

    This spacewalk carries special historical significance for China’s human space program: it marks the 27th extravehicular activity conducted by Chinese taikonauts overall, and it is the seventh spacewalk for commander Zhang Lu. With this milestone, the 49-year-old Hunan-born astronaut has become the new record holder for the most spacewalks completed by any Chinese astronaut. Zhang previously completed four spacewalks during his first mission, the six-month Shenzhou XV expedition that launched in November 2022.

    The Shenzhou XXI mission is China’s 16th crewed spaceflight, and the trio has served as the 10th long-term resident crew aboard Tiangong, currently the only operational space station fully developed and operated independently by a single nation. The crew has now lived and worked in low-Earth orbit for more than five months, having arrived at the station on November 1, 2025.

    Over the course of their stay, Zhang Lu and his crewmates have carried out a wide range of work, from cutting-edge scientific experiments in space life science, human physiology and microgravity physics to routine maintenance and operations. These routine tasks include in-orbit environmental monitoring, regular equipment checks and upkeep, and organization of cargo delivered to the station. The team has also completed required emergency preparedness training, including a full-system pressure emergency response drill and on-orbit emergency survival training, alongside all pre-deployment preparations for extravehicular activities.

    In a surprise announcement included in the agency’s news release, officials confirmed that after comprehensive technical analysis and risk assessment, the Shenzhou XXI mission will be extended by approximately one additional month. The adjustment is designed to further test and validate key technologies required for long-duration human spaceflight, and to allow the crew to make full use of additional mission supplies and materials transported to the station by the uncrewed Shenzhou XXII spacecraft.

    Shenzhou XXII launched in late November 2025 on an uncrewed resupply mission to Tiangong, dispatched after a window damage incident affected the return capsule of the earlier Shenzhou XX mission during its reentry. In addition to delivering critical replacement hardware, the spacecraft carried a large volume of additional mission supplies to support extended operations aboard the station.

    Looking ahead, the CMSA confirmed that the Shenzhou XXI crew will continue carrying out their ongoing scientific research and technical tasks for the duration of their extended stay, advancing China’s growing body of knowledge about long-duration human spaceflight and orbital operations.

  • Ningxia eyes big push for intl tourism

    Ningxia eyes big push for intl tourism

    Against the backdrop of a post-pandemic global travel recovery and growing demand for unique, experience-focused cultural getaways, Northwest China’s Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region is launching an ambitious push to position its one-of-a-kind combination of ancient heritage, world-class wine production, and dramatic natural landscapes as a must-visit destination for international travelers. The strategic initiative comes on the heels of a major milestone for the region: the 2025 inscription of the Xixia Imperial Tombs on the UNESCO World Heritage List, a recognition that has significantly boosted Ningxia’s profile on the global tourism map.

  • Russia has looted thousands of Ukrainian cultural objects in the war. Finding them is a challenge

    Russia has looted thousands of Ukrainian cultural objects in the war. Finding them is a challenge

    When Russian troops withdrew from Kherson in late 2022 after Ukraine reclaimed the strategic southern Ukrainian city, Alina Dotsenko, director of the Kherson Art Museum, returned to her workplace to a devastating scene: nearly all of the institution’s collections had been stripped and carted away.

    “ I stepped inside to find every storage unit gutted, every shelf bare. My legs couldn’t hold me, and I just slid down the wall, crying like a child,” Dotsenko recalled in an interview with the Associated Press.

    Before Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, the Kherson Art Museum housed more than 14,000 artworks spanning global creative traditions from North American pieces to Japanese art. Multiple sources, including Dotsenko and citizen footage captured after the liberation, confirm that retreating Russian forces loaded the majority of the collection onto military trucks and transported it to Crimea, the Ukrainian peninsula illegally annexed by Moscow in 2014. To date, the whereabouts of nearly 10,000 missing artifacts remain unknown.

    Today, this act of cultural plunder is back in the international spotlight as Russia pushes to rejoin global cultural circles, just months ahead of the 2024 Venice Biennale — one of the world’s most prestigious contemporary art events. For the first time since 2022, event organizers have cleared Russian representatives to participate, a move Ukraine has sharply condemned. Kyiv argues the biennale “must not become a platform to whitewash the war crimes Russia commits daily against the Ukrainian people and our cultural heritage.”

    Unlike most cases of cultural looting across Ukraine, the Kherson Art Museum theft is uniquely well-documented, thanks to pre-war preparation by Dotsenko herself. Years before the invasion, the director launched a full-scale project to photograph every item in the museum’s collection, building a comprehensive digital archive. When Russian forces occupied Kherson, Dotsenko hid the archive’s hard drives in secret, and retrieved them intact after liberation.

    This detailed record has turned the Kherson case into a top priority for Ukrainian prosecutors and Interpol, who are using the catalog to trace missing works and build legal cases against those responsible for the looting. Unfortunately, this level of documentation is extremely rare across the country.

    Across Ukraine’s occupied and war-torn regions, most pre-war cultural collections lack complete, accessible digital records. Russian occupying forces have deliberately seized or destroyed original inventory logs and collection documentation, making it nearly impossible to meet the strict evidentiary requirements for international legal claims to recover lost artifacts.

    The experience of the Donetsk Regional Art Museum reflects this widespread challenge. Halyna Chumak, the museum’s former director, fled Russian-controlled Donetsk in 2014, shortly after Moscow first seized parts of eastern Ukraine. She was only able to smuggle out a fraction of the museum’s collection catalogs, documenting just over 1,000 of the institution’s 15,000 total works. Over the course of a year, Chumak carried the fragile documents through multiple armed checkpoints, leaving most behind to avoid attracting suspicion from pro-Russian search teams.

    A decade later, a team led by Ukrainian entrepreneur Oleksandr Velychko is working to digitize these surviving catalogs, a painstaking process that took more than three months to process just 400 works. Once complete, the digitized database will be turned over to Ukrainian authorities to serve as partial legal evidence for future ownership claims.

    Ukraine’s Prosecutor General Office currently has 23 open criminal cases focused on cultural heritage crimes, covering 174 separate incidents of looting, destruction, and damage to cultural sites. Anna Sosonska, deputy head of the office’s war crimes unit, explained that the Kherson case stands out from the rest almost entirely because of Dotsenko’s surviving archive.

    “Russian forces almost always take inventory books and all original collection documentation from museums they occupy,” Sosonska explained in an interview. Without these records, prosecutors must rely on open-source intelligence, tracing looted artifacts through social media posts, auction house listings, and other online traces — a slow, labor-intensive process that can rarely reconstruct entire stolen collections. Still, Sosonska emphasized that cultural heritage crimes fall under international humanitarian law and carry no statute of limitations, meaning investigations will continue long after active fighting ends.

    The full scale of Ukraine’s cultural losses remains impossible to calculate accurately. As of March 2024, Ukraine’s Culture Ministry confirms Russia has destroyed or damaged more than 1,700 designated cultural heritage sites and 2,503 cultural infrastructure facilities, including high-profile targets like the Mariupol Drama Theatre. More than 2.1 million museum objects are still held in Russian-occupied Ukrainian territory, and more than 35,000 items have been confirmed looted from territories Kyiv has retaken since 2022.

    Moscow has moved to formalize its control over stolen cultural property. In 2023, the Russian government amended national legislation to add 77 Ukrainian museums from occupied Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia regions to Russia’s official national cultural catalog. Critics call this move a deliberate attempt to cement illegal ownership and block the eventual return of looted works to Ukraine.

    Tetiana Berezhna, appointed Ukraine’s Culture Minister in October 2023, has made widespread digitization of all Ukrainian cultural collections a core priority for her ministry. “If we had fully digitalized all collections before the invasion, we would know exactly how many objects were stolen and exactly what they look like,” she noted.

    There are small signs of progress on accountability for these crimes. In March 2024, a Polish court approved the extradition of Russian national Oleksandr Butiahin to Ukraine, where he faces charges for conducting illegal archaeological excavations in occupied Crimea and smuggling ancient artifacts out of the site that Ukraine recognizes as its sovereign cultural heritage. Butiahin was arrested in Poland in 2023 at Ukraine’s request, and the ruling is still subject to appeal. If extradited and convicted, this would mark the first time a Russian national faces prosecution in Ukraine for crimes against Ukrainian cultural heritage in occupied territory.

    For Dotsenko, who has dedicated 50 years of her life to the Kherson Art Museum, the fight to recover the collection is deeply personal. She recently spoke to the AP at a Kyiv exhibition featuring high-quality reproductions of the stolen paintings, many of which have not been seen by the public since 2022. “While these works remain in captivity, all of us hold out hope that this will be resolved in favor of the Kherson Art Museum,” she said. “I did not spend 50 years of my life building this collection for nothing.”

    The Russian Culture Ministry did not respond to repeated requests for comment from the Associated Press on the allegations of looted Ukrainian art. In past statements, Russian-installed officials in occupied Ukrainian territories have described the removal of cultural artifacts as “protective measures” to save works from damage during fighting. Kirill Stremousov, the former Russian-installed deputy administrator of occupied Kherson who died shortly before the city’s liberation, claimed looted statues would “definitely return” to Kherson once active fighting ended.

  • Ireland’s bank bailout era draws to a close

    Ireland’s bank bailout era draws to a close

    Fifteen years ago, Ireland’s devastating banking collapse handed Irish taxpayers an unwanted new asset: a controlling stake in small domestic lender Permanent TSB (PTSB). What was once a symbol of systemic rot and public fiscal burden is now set to return to full private ownership, marking the definitive end of a painful chapter in Ireland’s post-2008 economic history. This week, Austria’s leading regional bank BAWAG announced a binding agreement to acquire the Irish government’s majority holding in PTSB for a total of €931 million (£812 million).

    The 2011 PTSB bailout was not an isolated event. It came amid a full-blown collapse of Ireland’s property-fueled banking sector, where reckless lending on overinflated real estate assets left most major lenders on the brink of insolvency. At the time, a government-ordered probe revealed that the systemic damage ran far deeper than policymakers had initially acknowledged, and PTSB required an emergency €4 billion (£3.49 billion) cash injection just to avoid total collapse. No private commercial investor was willing to take on the ailing bank’s toxic assets and liabilities, leaving Irish taxpayers to foot the entire bailout bill. That €4 billion injection was just one small slice of the hundreds of billions in public funds committed to stabilizing Ireland’s collapsing banking system after the 2008 global financial crisis.

    Irish Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Simon Harris has framed the PTSB sale as the most transformative shift in Ireland’s retail banking sector in more than 10 years. Beyond marking the state’s exit from its final major bank shareholding, Harris has expressed clear expectations that BAWAG’s entry will inject much-needed competition into a market long dominated by just two institutions: Bank of Ireland and AIB, the two other large lenders that survived the crisis via state bailouts.

    Harris also stressed that the transaction delivers a strong fiscal outcome for public finances. When combined with earlier asset sales of PTSB holdings and various regulatory and transaction fees collected by the state over the past 15 years, total public funds recovered from the PTSB bailout will top €3.7 billion (£3.23 billion) – putting the government within touching distance of recouping the full 2011 emergency injection. More broadly, Harris noted that taxpayers have actually come out roughly €1.3 billion (£1.13 billion) ahead across the combined bailouts of PTSB, AIB, and Bank of Ireland.

    Yet even as this chapter closes, the debate over the legacy of Ireland’s banking bailouts remains far from clear-cut. While the three surviving major lenders have returned to profitability and private ownership, the catastrophic collapse of Anglo Irish Bank – the most reckless of Ireland’s crisis-era lenders – casts a long shadow over any narrative of full success. That single collapse cost Irish taxpayers an estimated €30 billion (£26 billion) in bailout funds, wiping out any overall net gain from the sector’s rescue.

    Dan O’Brien, chief economist at the Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA) and a leading analyst of Ireland’s financial crisis, points out that Ireland’s 15-year path to full market stabilization mirrors the trajectory of Sweden’s 1980s banking crisis, which followed a near-20-year cycle to restore full market health. Excluding the outlier of Anglo Irish Bank, O’Brien argues the Irish bailout strategy would align with the Swedish model and be widely deemed a success story.

    The end of state ownership has also reignited long-running debates around one of the most controversial decisions of the crisis: the choice to protect international bondholders who lent to failing Irish banks, rather than forcing them to share part of the losses – a policy approach widely referred to at the time as “burning the bondholders.” O’Brien explains that the decision to shield bondholders came under overwhelming external pressure from Eurozone authorities. At the time, European Central Bank leadership insisted that any haircut for bank bondholders would drive up borrowing costs for every euro area bank, triggering widespread financial contagion across the bloc. This pressure culminated in a notorious ultimatum from then-ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet, who warned that “a bomb would go off in Dublin” if Ireland did not back down from any plan to impose losses on bondholders.

    One striking outcome of the crisis that O’Brien highlights is the lack of sustained Euroscepticism in Ireland, despite the harsh economic constraints and external pressure the country endured during the bailout era. Today, opinion polling consistently ranks Ireland among the most pro-EU member states across all key metrics, from public support for the euro to trust in the European Commission and wider EU institutions.

  • Even the dead must make way as construction transforms Afghanistan’s capital

    Even the dead must make way as construction transforms Afghanistan’s capital

    In a dusty residential and commercial neighborhood of central Kabul, what remains of Syed Murtaza Sadar’s life and livelihood stands as a stark testament to the human cost of Afghanistan’s push for infrastructure renewal. Where a two-story building once housed his family’s barbershop and public bath on the ground floor, and their home above, only scattered piles of broken brick and crumbled mortar remain. Sadar, a 25-year-old head of an extended family, says he was forced to tear down most of the structure with his own hands after municipal authorities ordered the property seized for road widening.

    “This was our house, and now I am destroying it with my own hands,” Sadar explained pausing mid-work, his hands dusted with mortar. “It will be very difficult for us.”

    The land expropriation that displaced Sadar’s family is part of a broad infrastructure initiative that the ruling Taliban administration has revived, originally drafted decades ago under the former U.S.-backed Afghan government. The plan aims to untangle Kabul’s crippling traffic congestion by expanding narrow, pothole-riddled streets, adding new flyovers, and constructing modern underpasses across the capital. When the plan was first proposed, it never moved past the drafting stage: bureaucratic gridlock, systemic corruption, and widespread violence during the Taliban insurgency derailed all construction work. Within months of the Taliban seizing control of Kabul in August 2021, following the chaotic withdrawal of U.S.-led coalition troops, the new municipal government prioritized reviving the stalled projects.

    According to city officials, the progress has been substantial over the past four and a half years. Naimatullah Barakzai, Kabul municipality’s cultural affairs representative, announced at a recent press briefing that construction crews have completed roughly 280 miles of new roads across the capital, while expropriating more than 11,000 private properties to make way for the expanded network. For 2025 alone, the city has greenlit 233 new projects, with an allocation of more than 1.9 billion afghanis, equal to roughly $29 million in funding. Mohammad Qasim Afghan, the municipality’s head of planning, confirmed the budget allocation, noting that all road construction costs are covered entirely by local municipal funds. Barakzai added that Kabul’s municipal government has raised more than 28 billion afghanis (approximately $434 million) over the past four and a half years to fund the initiative, and property owners receive three months’ advance notice plus compensation at rates set by the city. More than 1.2 billion afghanis ($18.6 million) has been paid out to displaced property owners over the past year alone, per city data.

    For affected residents, however, the compensation and long-term infrastructure benefits often do little to ease immediate hardship. After the initial round of demolition cleared the front of his street, Sadar says authorities ordered remaining property owners to tear down the rest of their structures themselves, leaving residents with little room to push back against the orders. His former business employed 25 local workers and supported five extended families, each with three to four children. Today, Sadar and his family live in rented accommodation, drawing down their limited savings while waiting for compensation to be fully processed. “If the government gives us money, God willing, I will be able to go back to work and buy or build a new house for myself,” he said. Even amid his displacement, Sadar acknowledges the urgent need for the project: the existing single-lane road running past his former neighborhood is so chronically congested that any trip across the city requires more than an hour of sitting in gridlock.

    For a country grappling with widespread poverty and mass unemployment, the construction push has delivered one clear benefit: thousands of much-needed jobs for local workers. At the massive Baraki intersection construction site, project manager and civil engineer Obaidullah Elham says crews work around the clock, seven days a week, to complete a Turkish-designed $23 million flyover and underpass complex that will replace one of Kabul’s most congested junctions. The project employs 500 skilled and unskilled local workers, injecting much-needed income into a local economy reeling from international aid cuts and systemic economic collapse. Work on the 1,540-foot underpass began in July of last year and is already 80% complete, Elham said, standing beside a working excavator moving earth at the site. Construction on the flyover, only the second to be built in Kabul, started earlier this year.

    The scope of the project has required clearing space even for longstanding community landmarks, including a 200-year-old graveyard in Kabul’s Qala-e-Khater neighborhood. The new planned road will cut directly through the historic burial ground, requiring the exhumation and relocation of hundreds of graves to a new section of the cemetery. Today, large rectangular empty holes mark where remains once rested, a quiet reminder of the project’s far-reaching impact.

    Abdul Wadood Alokozay, a 21-year-old resident of the neighborhood, says his grandfather’s remains were among those moved. Alokozay’s extended family lost three properties in the area: a girls’ religious madrassa, and two multi-generational family homes, all of which were expropriated and leveled. “At first our family all were sad for this, that we lost our house,” Alokozay said. “It was even harder to tear it down ourselves, after we lived there for more than 20 years.” The family received roughly $13,000 in compensation for the three structures, with additional compensation promised for the land, and has since built a new three-story home on other family land overlooking the former property.

    Shah Faisal Alokozay, a 30-year-old community representative and Abdul Wadood’s cousin, says plans for the connecting road have sat on city drawing boards for decades. “It’s a very important road, connecting east and north Kabul,” he explained. “So it is very important for the community.”

    For Kabul’s new leadership, the infrastructure push represents both a practical solution to chronic urban congestion and a visible demonstration of the Taliban administration’s ability to deliver long-stalled public projects that the previous government could not complete. For displaced residents like Sadar, it is a complicated trade-off: short-term hardship and displacement in exchange for the promise of a more connected, less congested capital for future generations.