作者: admin

  • Board of top Arab-American advocacy group refuses to resign amid growing dispute

    Board of top Arab-American advocacy group refuses to resign amid growing dispute

    The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC), a leading U.S. civil rights organization advocating for Arab-American communities, is facing unprecedented internal upheaval following the April 27 ousting of its longtime national executive director Abed Ayoub, a controversy that has exposed deep rifts over governance, workplace culture and accountability.

    In the wake of Ayoub’s termination, growing public and internal pressure has mounted for the entire ADC board to step down to make way for a full organizational overhaul. But Board Chair Safa Rifka, an 80-year-old infertility and reproductive endocrinologist, has rejected these calls in an emailed statement to Middle East Eye (MEE), provided through the public relations firm Poston Communications. Rifka argues that any mass board resignation would capitulate to what he calls a social media-driven campaign of misinformation, and would betray ADC’s core mission at a moment of heightened urgency for Arab-Americans.

    The chain of events that led to Ayoub’s removal began on April 1, when he submitted a 39-page formal restructuring proposal to the full ADC board. The document, titled *ADC/ADCRI Transformational Restructuring and Compliance Strengthening Plan* (ADCRI is ADC’s research arm), called for a 90-day institutional reset to address longstanding structural flaws. Ayoub’s plan centered on clarifying the long-muddled line between board governance and day-to-day management — a gap that he wrote had generated repeated concerns from community members over inconsistent treatment and unclear accountability. He proposed building a disciplined institutional framework that aligns organizational purpose, staffing, systems, authority and oversight, and shifting ADC from a personality-led operation to a transparent, accountable institutional model. Ayoub also called for full transparency around donation collection and expenditure, staff roles and compensation, and major decision-making processes.

    Ayoub argued that the restructuring was critical because ADC had grown exponentially following the October 7 attacks on Israel and the subsequent Israeli military campaign in Gaza, events that upended U.S. civil society and triggered a sharp rise in anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian hate crimes, workplace retaliation and campus censorship across the country. Even critics of Ayoub acknowledge that ADC stepped up dramatically to defend its community during this period: the organization’s legal team has intervened in high-profile cases, from fighting the deportation of former Columbia University student Mahmoud Khalil to defending University of Michigan students and staff disciplined for pro-Palestine advocacy, and filing a lawsuit against anti-Muslim Republican lawmaker Randy Fine. Ayoub noted in his proposal that while this rapid growth was a marker of the organization’s vital work, it had left outdated systems and governance structures unable to keep pace, creating a liability that undermined the group’s impact.

    Three days after submitting his plan, on April 4, Ayoub filed an internal complaint alleging ongoing harassment and a hostile work environment at ADC. “I cannot effectively lead with board members who force us to fight internally and externally. No Executive Director can,” he wrote in the complaint, a copy of which MEE has reviewed. Ayoub told MEE that the board appointed an investigation committee staffed by the very members he had accused of misconduct, comparing the process to “Israel investigating itself.” He also alleged a pattern of personal belittlement during his tenure, as well as anti-Shia sentiment from some board members — claims that Rifka has denied, saying his leadership has always prioritized open dialogue across all segments of the Arab-American diaspora.

    On April 11, Ayoub left for a pre-planned family vacation, and requested medical leave for an undisclosed health condition on April 21. Rifka claims that after Ayoub could not be reached to confirm a specific return date, the board had “no other choice but to assume [Ayoub’s] voluntary resignation.” The same day, the board appointed stewardship director Nabil Mohamed as Ayoub’s replacement, a change that was not announced publicly until May 1, despite being finalized in late April. Ayoub’s email access was revoked on April 23, and he received his formal termination notice four days later. He is now suing ADC, represented by the Nisar Law Group, calling his firing “unjust” and “unlawful,” the outcome of an orchestrated “smear campaign” against him. Ayoub has stated that if he receives any financial compensation from the lawsuit, he will donate all funds to create a “Survivor’s Fund” for more than a dozen women who have accused ADC of verbal abuse, sexual harassment and sexual assault dating back to 2006.

    Internal accounts of Ayoub’s tenure are divided. A current part-time ADC staffer, connected to MEE by the organization’s PR firm, described the workplace as “chaotic” under Ayoub, claiming he often disappeared from the office and ignored staff concerns. Ayoub countered that he was always available to staff during working hours, and noted that he took second and third jobs in evenings and weekends to support his family. Ed Hasan, a governance expert appointed to the ADC board by Rifka in December who was himself ousted in April, told MEE that the organization suffers from an unprofessional work environment marked by conflicts of interest and lax handling of discrimination claims — but placed the blame not on Ayoub, but on board leadership.

    The crisis deepened in late April, when U.S. Representative Rashida Tlaib, the only Palestinian-American member of Congress, resurfaced decades-old allegations of misconduct against women at ADC that date back to 2006 and 2013 in an Instagram video. Since then, multiple current and former female staffers have shared their experiences on social media, with some defending Ayoub and others accusing him of downplaying harassment claims — claims Ayoub outright rejects. A group of anonymous current Arab-American female ADC employees launched an Instagram account on April 25 demanding the organization be returned to the community it serves. Since Jenin Younes was named the organization’s public face on April 24, the board has defended its actions, saying it maintains a zero-tolerance policy for harassment, discrimination, intimidation and retaliation, and encouraging anyone with concerns to submit reports directly to the organization. In a May 1 statement posted to its website, the board said it is “actively strengthening ADC’s structure and strategy to maximize our impact at a time when our community continues to face intensifying civil rights challenges.” Rifka also told MEE that the board had already been pursuing governance reforms, including bylaw updates and clearer separation of board and executive functions, and claimed these efforts may have prompted Ayoub to leave — a claim Ayoub rejects, asking “Why would I put that full plan together just to leave?”

    The internal chaos now threatens ADC’s funding, as the organization’s largest individual donor has threatened to pull her support. In a May 1 email to Rifka and ADC staff obtained by MEE, California-based donor Diane Shammas — who has given a total of $500,000 to ADC over her years of support — said she is “frankly outraged by the abrupt removal of Abed Ayoub.” Shammas, who previously left the ADC board over complaints of dismissiveness and unequal treatment of female employees in the DC office, added that the ongoing concerns about governance, workplace culture and internal culture are “equally troubling.” Her longstanding support for the organization, she wrote, is “notably compromised,” and she will “regrettably have to reassess my continued involvement and financial support.” ADC’s latest public tax filing shows the organization recorded $675,000 in revenue in 2024, and has seen a dramatic budget boost in recent months, drawing some of its largest donations in a decade amid rising demand for its civil rights and advocacy work following the 2024 U.S. election.

  • Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Global market volatility triggered by the Iran conflict has sent diesel prices soaring across Africa, creating new urgency for an already unfolding transition in the continent’s telecommunications sector: moving hundreds of thousands of cellphone towers from fossil fuel-powered generators to solar energy systems.

    At present, roughly 500,000 telecommunications towers across Africa depend on diesel to stay operational. In recent weeks, global fuel supplies have tightened dramatically following the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, leaving many import-dependent African nations grappling with steep price hikes and intermittent supply shortages. These disruptions have forced both national governments and private telecom operators to reevaluate long-held energy strategies.

    While the move toward renewable energy for telecom infrastructure predates the latest price shocks, driven by years of steady cost pressures and global climate action commitments, industry leaders confirm the Iran conflict has drastically speed up the transition timeline. “Diesel has always been a major cost, but recent global events have made it even more volatile,” explained Lande Abudu, senior Africa energy specialist at GSMA, the global industry body representing mobile network operators. “That strengthens the case for solar and hybrid solutions immeasurably.”

    Across the continent, operators are rapidly rolling out hybrid energy systems that pair solar panels with large-scale battery storage, retaining only small diesel generators for rare, extended periods of low sunlight. Many providers have set long-term targets to transition all their rural and off-grid tower sites — where extending national power infrastructure is prohibitively expensive — to full solar operation.

    Unlike most developed markets, where the vast majority of telecom towers are connected to centralized national electricity grids (with diesel only reserved as backup for outages), Africa’s underdeveloped grid infrastructure has left the sector almost entirely dependent on standalone diesel generators for decades. These large industrial units require regular manual refueling, exposing operators to logistical challenges, theft, and maintenance costs. Similar diesel-reliant transitions are now underway in parts of Southeast Asia such as Indonesia, but Africa’s shift stands out for its scale and potential transformative impact.

    Recent major industry investments underscore the accelerating momentum. Last month, U.S.-owned Atlas Tower Kenya announced a $52.5 million investment to build 300 new purpose-built solar-powered telecom towers, serving leading regional operators including Safaricom, Airtel and Telkom Kenya. Currently, 82% of the firm’s existing 500 towers already run on solar, a benchmark many industry peers are now working to match.

    The economic case for transitioning has become increasingly compelling in recent years, even before the latest global price shock. For off-grid tower sites, energy costs can account for as much as 60% of total operating expenses, and diesel’s long-term price trend has consistently trended upward, compounded by local challenges from poor transport infrastructure to fuel theft.

    Vodacom Africa, which operates across six African nations and holds subsidiary stakes in Kenya and Ethiopia through Safaricom, reported a 5% year-over-year rise in total energy costs to $300 million in 2025, driven by higher fuel and electricity tariffs. In response, Safaricom raised $153.6 million in green bonds last year specifically to fund its tower transition to solar. In Nigeria, where government removed long-standing fuel subsidies in 2023, diesel prices have already jumped as much as 200% in a single year, leaving operators paying $400 million annually just to keep diesel-powered towers online. The latest price increases tied to the Iran conflict have added even more pressure to move quickly.

    Telecom firms across the continent are responding by scaling up clean energy deployment at an unprecedented rate. Local firm iSAT Africa is rolling out solar-powered towers supported by innovative green financing models, while regional giants including Orange, Vodacom, MTN Group and Airtel Africa are expanding solar and hybrid systems across their entire network footprints. “By replacing diesel-powered telecom towers with fully solar-powered infrastructure, we expect to reduce the carbon emissions associated with mobile network operations,” iSAT Africa CEO Rakesh Kukreja said in March while announcing new funding for the projects.

    Early data from completed transitions already shows significant cost and operational gains. MTN’s operations in South Africa have cut total fuel spending by roughly 30% after switching to solar, while Airtel Africa, in partnership with ENGIE Energy Access, has reduced diesel consumption by more than 50% at its tower sites in Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. For Vodacom Africa, connecting towers to national grids where possible and expanding solar and battery storage sits at the core of its 2025 sustainability and operational strategy, company documents show.

    Beyond cost savings, the transition delivers major improvements to network reliability, a critical benefit for underserved rural communities. Solar-powered systems are far less vulnerable to the fuel shortages and generator breakdowns that have long plagued diesel-reliant networks. Even before the latest conflict, regular outages tied to fuel shortages in parts of northern Nigeria and Congo disrupted everything from mobile money transactions to life-saving emergency communications.

    GSMA data estimates that the shift to solar could help close Africa’s persistent digital connectivity gap, where roughly 65% of people who could access life-changing mobile internet remain unconnected. “Renewable energy systems enable faster and more cost-effective expansion into underserved areas,” Abudu noted.

    On the ground in rural off-grid communities in northern Kenya, residents are already seeing tangible improvements. “Before this telecommunication mast was installed, we struggled to process mobile money payment or even call for help during medical emergencies,” said Martin Imwatok, a local teacher. “When these towers go off, business and life stop.”

    Africa’s uniquely high reliance on diesel, driven by underdeveloped grid infrastructure, makes the transition more complex than in other regions — but also means it carries far greater transformative potential. Regulators across the continent are now exploring ways to amplify the benefits of the shift; in Nigeria, the national telecom regulator has encouraged operators to integrate solar-powered towers into local solar minigrids that can supply electricity to nearby communities as well.

    “These telecom towers can act as anchor clients for solar minigrids, supplying electricity not only to the towers but also to nearby homes, businesses and public services,” explained Aminu Maida, head of the Nigerian Communications Commission.

    With global fuel prices set to remain volatile amid ongoing Middle East tensions, industry experts say the case for renewable energy for Africa’s telecom sector will only grow stronger. “This is no longer just about climate,” Abudu said. “It’s about resilience, cost and keeping Africa connected.”

    This reporting from The Associated Press on climate and environment receives financial support from multiple private foundations, with AP retaining full editorial control over all content.

  • ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    On the windswept Atlantic coast of Ghana, in the quiet fishing town of Apam, an unassuming tree rises from rust-red clay, anchoring a story of migration, resilience, and intergenerational memory that stretches back further than most written records of the region. Tucked between two defining monuments of Ghana’s layered colonial and post-colonial history, the tree — called Santseo, meaning “Under” in the local Fanti language, for the shade it has offered communities for centuries — is barely noticed by daily passersby. But for one extended Ghanaian family, it is far more than a feature of the landscape: it is the living anchor of their identity.

    Oral tradition passed down through the Wilberforce family traces Santseo’s planting to the 13th century, when a small group of travelers led by Nana Asumbia, a royal spiritual leader from the Akwamu Kingdom’s historic capital of Akwamufie, set out on a westward journey along the coast. Though the exact cause of the group’s departure from Akwamufie has been lost to time, family accounts passed from generation to generation preserve the unique ritual Asumbia followed to choose the group’s new home: the travelers carried a sapling with them, and planted it wherever they paused. If the young tree took root and survived after several days, they knew they had found their permanent settlement. If it died, they continued onward.

    The tree species Asumbia chose was no accident. Today identified as *Piliostigma thonningii* — commonly called camel’s foot or monkey bread tree — it is a hardy, drought-resistant species native to much of sub-Saharan Africa, valued across the continent for its medicinal leaves and bark, its wide cooling canopy, and its ability to thrive in poor, harsh conditions where other species fail. For a nomadic community searching for a place to put down roots, the species’ legendary resilience made it the perfect symbol of their own journey.

    The group’s first stop after leaving Akwamufie was in what is now central Accra’s Otublohum neighborhood, around the site of the modern General Post Office. The sapling they planted there survived, and descendants of that first group still live in the area today. But the journey continued west, and the travelers next paused near Gomoa Buduburam along the Accra-Winneba highway, where they planted a second sapling. This time, the young tree did not survive. The group took this as a sign they had not yet reached their destination, and moved on once again.

    Their final stop came after a chance encounter in the coastal forest, according to oral history. A royal hunter named Inhune Akubuha from Gomoa Asin had wounded an elephant, which fled into the bush before collapsing. When he tracked the dead animal to its final resting place in what is now Apam, he called the traveling group to the spot. It was here that Asumbia planted her third sapling. Days later, when the tree sprouted new growth and took root in the red coastal soil, the group settled. Centuries later, the tree still stands, and the family built their home directly around it, naming the property Santsiwadzi in Santseo’s honor.

    Today, Santseo occupies a unique space between two eras of Ghana’s documented history: on one side sits Fort Patience, a Dutch trading fort completed in 1697 during the transatlantic gold and slave trade, when the region was known as the Gold Coast; on the other stands Apam’s Methodist Church, a monument to the spread of Christianity across Ghana’s coast in the centuries after European arrival. Yet according to family tradition, Santseo predates both structures by hundreds of years, making it a rare living marker of pre-colonial African history that outlasted the arrival of European powers and the transformation of local belief systems.

    As Christianity spread across Apam, the family that cares for Santseo donated the land on which the Methodist Church now stands. Over time, the tree’s traditional spiritual significance faded, as community members avoided being labeled idolaters for maintaining the old traditions. What remains is not a shrine, but a living memory: a connection to the ancestors who founded the community. Even so, tensions persist around preserving the tree: any extra care or maintenance is often misinterpreted as a return to old ritual practices, leaving the family to walk a careful line between honoring their history and adapting to modern beliefs.

    Roughly 40 years ago, members of the extended family reconnected with their ancestral roots in Akwamufie, making the journey east back to the kingdom their ancestors left centuries earlier. Oral tradition in Akwamufie had preserved the story of the traveling group for generations, with a repeated prophecy that they would one day return. The reunion was an emotional occasion, and a family member was installed as Nana Asumbia II, the new Queen Mother, mending the centuries-long divide between the two communities.

    Today, Apam’s rhythm is still shaped by the Atlantic Ocean that frames its coast. Fishermen haul nets to shore before dawn, children walk past Santseo on their way home from school along paths their grandparents and great-grandparents used, and every Tuesday, the town observes a long-held sacred tradition: no fishing boats leave the shore, and a gentle stillness falls over the coast, broken only by the quiet roll of the Atlantic.

    Santseo still stands through it all, its branches gnarled and shaped by centuries of salt wind and coastal storm, still rooted in the same red clay where Asumbia planted it so long ago. It has survived the rise and fall of kingdoms, the arrival of colonial powers, the transformation of local beliefs, and the slow passage of centuries. A guide for a displaced community, a source of shade and medicine, and a living archive of unwritten African history, the question Nana Asumbia asked when she planted the sapling all those years ago — will this tree take root? — still has the same clear answer, centuries later: yes.

  • A Tang spring that survived an emperor’s flight

    A Tang spring that survived an emperor’s flight

    When a visitor first steps before *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing*, they do not encounter a static record of ancient history. What strikes the eye first is quiet movement. There are no sweeping palace grounds, no blooming riverbank, no leafy flowering trees, no detailed spring landscape to anchor the viewer’s gaze. Across the silk handscroll, only a small procession winds through empty space: nine figures, eight horses, robes dyed soft pale red, muted green and creamy white, moving with the understated rhythm of slow hoofbeats across open ground. This deliberate absence of scenery is not an oversight—it is the core of the work’s genius. The painter does not describe spring; they let it breathe through the riders themselves.

    The work, known in Chinese as *Guoguo Furen Youchun Tu*, has long been linked to Zhang Xuan, a master painter of China’s Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE). The original Tang work has been lost to history, and the piece that survives today is a meticulous copy created during the Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE). Now housed as a crown jewel of the Liaoning Provincial Museum, it stands as one of the most valuable surviving visual documents of Tang Dynasty court life. In China’s framework of cultural heritage, it is far more than an ancient painting: it is a national cultural relic, a rare tangible window into the elegance, confidence, and quiet fragility of the High Tang era, when the Chinese empire reached the peak of its early medieval power.

    For Western audiences, its place in art history can be framed through comparison to iconic European masterpieces: it sits somewhere between Botticelli’s *Primavera*, Velázquez’s *Las Meninas*, and the shimmering late depictions of European aristocracy drawn on the eve of political collapse. Like *Primavera*, it reframes the spring season as a world defined by human form, rhythmic movement, and effortless grace. Like *Las Meninas*, it is not merely a portrait of its subjects—it is a meditation on social hierarchy, visibility, and proximity to sovereign power. Like Watteau’s fêtes galantes, it captures the quiet luxury of aristocratic leisure with the unspoken awareness that such golden worlds are rarely eternal. Yet this is not Florence, Madrid, or Versailles—this is Tang Dynasty China, a civilization with a distinct cultural identity all its own.

    The Tang Dynasty, particularly during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong in the early 8th century, stands as one of the most cosmopolitan eras in Chinese history. Its imperial capital, Chang’an (modern-day Xi’an), was no isolated regional city—it was one of the greatest metropolises of the medieval world, comparable in cultural influence and global reach to Constantinople, Abbasid Baghdad, or Renaissance Florence. Merchants, Buddhist monks, traveling musicians, diplomatic envoys, and skilled craftspeople from across Eurasia walked its streets. The Tang court absorbed Central Asian musical traditions, imported foreign textiles, adopted Buddhist visual imagery, and embraced equestrian culture from the Eurasian steppe. Aristocratic women regularly rode horses, appeared in public spaces, and even wore garments traditionally associated with men. It was this era of unrivaled imperial confidence that gave birth to the world captured in *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing*.

    At the heart of this historical moment stands Yang Guifei, Emperor Xuanzong’s beloved imperial consort, whose legacy has long been tangled with the fate of the Tang empire. Popular historical memory has often compared her, imperfectly, to Helen of Troy or Marie Antoinette: a woman whose beauty was blamed for the collapse of an era. Yet these comparisons are only a starting point. Yang Guifei was neither a ruling queen like Marie Antoinette nor a mythic figure like Helen. She was a woman of the Tang court whose beauty, family connections, and tragic fate became inextricably linked to the memory of an empire at its most radiant and its most vulnerable.

    As Yang Guifei rose in influence, her entire family shared her elevation. Her three sisters were granted noble titles: the Ladies of Han, Guo, and Qin. Among them, Lady Guoguo emerged as one of the most visible and prominent women in the imperial court. She was far more than just a noble beauty. Her family’s sudden proximity to the throne turned private kinship into public political power, much like the court ladies of Versailles who functioned as public symbols of power even as they did not rule directly.

    The handscroll depicts this courtly performance without overt drama. The procession is grouped in subtle layers, and the figures do not shout their status through exaggerated gestures—they carry it quietly in their posture. The horses move at varying paces: some stride forward, some turn aside, some seem to pause mid-journey, held in the rhythm of the ride. The robes of the riders fall in controlled, graceful lines, and their faces are calm, almost unreadable. Nothing feels hurried, nothing is accidental.

    One of the most compelling scholarly debates around the work centers on the rider leading the procession at the very front of the scroll. Many Chinese art historians argue that this figure, dressed in male attire and guiding the group, is Lady Guoguo herself. This interpretation is not universally accepted, as the painting bears no inscriptions labeling individual figures, and other scholars place Lady Guoguo among the female riders in the central group. Following this reading of the leading figure, however, reveals the most nuanced understanding of the work’s meaning—not because it is the most dramatic interpretation, but because it is the most revealing.

    History remembers Lady Guoguo as a woman who did not shrink from public view. She was part of the Yang family at the height of imperial favor, a clan whose female members did not merely inhabit privilege—they made it visible. The horse she rides reinforces this reading: its distinctive three-flower mane, trimmed into three raised tufts along its neck, and the round red tassel ornament (called tixiong) on its chest are clear markers of high rank, ceremonial status, and aristocratic display. If this leading figure is indeed Lady Guoguo, placed at the front of the procession, dressed as a young nobleman, and mounted on such a distinguished animal, she is not merely joining a spring ride—she is announcing her presence. She is the first figure viewers see because she is the figure meant to be seen.

    If this interpretation holds, the painting becomes quietly radical for its time. In Tang court tradition, a high-ranking noblewoman would typically be shielded in the middle of a retinue, surrounded by attendants, protected by hierarchy and social distance. Rank in courtly society was expressed not just through luxury goods, but through spatial placement. Being positioned in the center meant protection; riding at the front meant being seen first and claiming public space.

    The front rider’s clothing, posture, and mount therefore carry profound meaning. Male attire for elite women was not unheard of in Tang China, but on a figure of Lady Guoguo’s standing, it becomes more than a fashion statement—it is a deliberate declaration of presence and power. The horse, too, is far more than a decorative prop. In Tang court culture, a rider’s mount, its trappings, and its position in the procession all communicated clear signals of social status. A noblewoman on horseback was fundamentally different from a woman hidden away in a closed carriage: she occupied public space, she stepped out into the world.

    The details of the horse deepen this meaning. In Tang equestrian culture, manes were clipped into decorative styles known as one-flower, two-flower, and three-flower. The three-flower mane, the most distinctive of these styles, was an immediate visual sign of rank, refinement, and aristocratic privilege. The round red tassel on the horse’s chest also carried ceremonial meaning. In *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing*, these details are not incidental decoration: they turn the horse into a visible marker of identity, hierarchy, and courtly display. This is why the painting still feels vivid and alive more than a millennium after it was copied—it is not a portrait of passive feminine beauty, but a record of intentional female visibility.

    The scene also carries a famous echo in Tang poetry. Du Fu, one of China’s greatest poets, wrote of the third day of the third lunar month, a traditional spring outing day: “The air is clean and mild; by the waters of Chang’an gather many fair women.” His poem *Liren Xing* (The Beautiful Women), which is often studied alongside this painting, gives verbal form to the same world of aristocratic spring outings, courtly women, and uneasy luxury. Du Fu painted the riverbank in words; Zhang Xuan (or the Song copyist following his tradition) painted the procession on silk. Together, poem and image preserve the atmosphere of a civilization confident enough to turn leisure into a monument.

    Yet even as the painting captures this moment of golden calm, history was already turning toward catastrophe. Just years after the spring outing it depicts, the An Lushan Rebellion tore across the Tang empire, ending the era of High Tang prosperity. During the imperial court’s flight from Chang’an, Yang Guifei was forced to die at Mawei, and the entire Yang family, once so close to the throne, became the target of a moral and political reckoning. The painting does not show this coming disaster—and that is precisely its power. It gives audiences the still, calm moment just before the world breaks apart.

    The painting’s own journey through history is no less dramatic than the fall of the Tang court. The original Tang work disappeared centuries ago, and only the Song copy survived. It passed through multiple imperial collections and was recorded in the *Shiqu Baoji*, the Qing Dynasty court’s comprehensive catalogue of imperial art holdings. In the 20th century, after the fall of the Qing Dynasty, the last emperor Puyi moved hundreds of palace paintings and calligraphies out of the Forbidden City under the pretext of awarding them as imperial gifts. The handscroll eventually traveled with Puyi from Beijing to Tianjin, then to Changchun in Manchukuo, the Japanese-backed puppet state in northeast China, where it was stored in the former imperial palace.

    In August 1945, as Japan surrendered and Manchukuo collapsed, Puyi fled the city. He selected more than one hundred of the most precious works from the palace collection to carry with him, and *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing* was among them. At Shenyang’s Dongta Airport, Soviet forces detained Puyi, and the collection of paintings was seized. They were later transferred to Chinese custody, and eventually entered the collection of the Northeast Museum, which is today’s Liaoning Provincial Museum. The irony of the painting’s survival is striking: a depiction of serene aristocratic leisure outlived centuries of upheaval because a fleeing emperor failed to escape with it.

    The modern history of the painting also includes a quiet, uncelebrated figure: Feng Zhonglian, a 20th-century Chinese artist. As art scholar Jeffrey Sze recounts, a friend once shared Feng’s story with a personal intimacy that never appears on museum labels: Feng was his maternal grandmother. A pioneering modern artist and one of the leading experts in copying ancient Chinese masterworks, Feng was entrusted in 1954 to create a careful copy of the Song Dynasty version of *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing*. Her task was not to reinterpret the work through a modern lens, but to set aside her own artistic identity to preserve the original. She had to study the original silk, brush lines, mineral pigments, the aging of the surface, and the subtle rhythm of the original work to replicate it faithfully.

    Feng was no mechanical copyist. She was a trained artist with the skill to suppress her own individual style—a mark of the highest discipline in the tradition of copying ancient Chinese painting. In Western art practice, restoration most often focuses on conservation; in China, the tradition of copying ancient masterworks is also a form of cultural transmission. Feng did not insert herself into the painting; she helped the original work remain visible for future generations.

    This is what makes *The Court Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing* far more than a portrait of Tang Dynasty beauty. It is a chain of survival across centuries: Zhang Xuan’s lost Tang original, the Song copy that preserved its composition, the Qing imperial collection that safeguarded it, Puyi’s removal from the Forbidden City, its wartime seizure in Shenyang, its placement in public museum custody, and Feng Zhonglian’s disciplined act of modern transmission. The handscroll depicts a spring day, but its own history is a story of endurance.

    On the scroll, Lady Guoguo and her companions continue to ride through an unpainted landscape. All around them is empty silk. Across that empty space, dynasties have fallen, emperors have fled, wars have ended, museums have been built, and artists have worked in quiet discipline to ensure that this ancient spring can still be seen by modern audiences. That may be the work’s true meaning: it is not just a snapshot of a Tang Dynasty spring, it is a testament to a Chinese cultural legacy that has survived the ravages of time.

  • US to shut centre intended to monitor Gaza ceasefire as peace plans stall: Report

    US to shut centre intended to monitor Gaza ceasefire as peace plans stall: Report

    In a clear indication that the Trump administration’s attention on the war-ravaged Gaza Strip is fading as it prioritizes its military campaign against Iran, the United States is moving forward with plans to close down the joint civil-military monitoring hub it set up in Israel to oversee the 2025 Gaza ceasefire agreement, according to recent regional reporting.

    Reuters first confirmed the shutdown of the Civil-Military Coordination Centre (CMCC) in a Friday report, noting that the body’s core functions – which include monitoring ceasefire compliance and coordinating humanitarian aid deliveries to Gaza – will be transferred to a US-led international stabilization task force that has been mandated to deploy to the besieged Palestinian enclave. The operation will be brought under the umbrella of the International Stabilisation Force (ISF), headed by US Major General Jasper Jeffers, but the future of that broader multinational force remains far from settled.

    Per the report, the drawdown of US personnel at the former CMCC is already underway: the troop count will fall from roughly 190 service members to just 40, before those remaining military roles are ultimately taken over by civilian employees from third-party countries. To date, it remains unclear what tangible effects the closure will have on on-the-ground conditions in Gaza.

    When the CMCC was first established, its primary mandate centered on facilitating and verifying the delivery of humanitarian aid to Palestinian civilians in the territory, which was heavily damaged by months of conflict. However, anonymous senior officials told Reuters that aid flows into Gaza have remained largely frozen since the center launched, even with the monitoring body in operation. While Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates took part in initial planning sessions at the hub in its first months of operation, most of these partner nations have all but stopped sending permanent representatives to the site in recent months.

    The ceasefire agreement that the CMCC was tasked to upholding has been systematically violated by Israeli forces since it took effect in October 2025, leading to a complete halt in all progress on reconstruction efforts across Gaza. Official data and UN reports confirm that more than 800 Palestinian civilians and fighters have been killed in ongoing Israeli strikes and incursions since the ceasefire was signed.

    When the truce was first announced, then-President Donald Trump celebrated the deal with high-profile fanfare, embarking on a Middle East victory tour to mark the breakthrough. Speaking at a landmark peace summit hosted in the Egyptian Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, Trump declared publicly that “The war in Gaza is over…now the rebuilding begins.” But even at that time, diplomats and independent analysts warned Middle East Eye (MEE) that the White House would quickly lose interest in the agreement, and that the US would step back from enforcing Israeli compliance with its ceasefire commitments.

    This week, Khaled Khiari, United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, issued a stark warning reaffirming that the blockaded enclave continues to face “ongoing and deadly Israeli strikes” despite the US-brokered ceasefire arrangement. Critics have long noted that even when the CMCC was fully staffed and operational, there were almost no meaningful checks in place to prevent Israeli violations of the truce, and Israeli officials exercised disproportionate control over the center’s operations.

    A December 2025 report from The Guardian exposed that Israeli intelligence carried out such extensive surveillance activities within the CMCC that US and other international partners formally lodged complaints. The Israeli military was found to be recording both open and closed discussions and meetings at the hub through overt and covert means, prompting the CMCC’s US commander, Lieutenant General Patrick Frank, to privately confront his Israeli counterpart and demand that the espionage campaign end.

    The US secured a United Nations Security Council mandate to launch the ISF back in November 2025. Earlier this year, the initiative appeared to gain momentum: regional sources indicated Indonesia was preparing to deploy up to 8,000 troops to the force, while Jordan and Egypt began training security personnel aligned with the Palestinian Authority to support operations in Gaza. However, the recent US-Israeli military offensive against Iran has dramatically altered regional priorities, throwing the entire ISF deployment plan into doubt. A senior anonymous US official told MEE that key Arab and Muslim states that had previously committed to joining the force are now reassessing their participation in the project.

    Middle East Eye, which provides independent, in-depth coverage of the Middle East and North Africa region, first reported on the growing uncertainty surrounding the monitoring center and the ISF deployment.

  • Trump claims other presidents flouted war powers law. It’s a mixed record

    Trump claims other presidents flouted war powers law. It’s a mixed record

    A high-stakes constitutional and political debate has erupted in Washington over President Donald Trump’s refusal to seek congressional approval to continue U.S. military operations against Iran, as the 60-day deadline mandated by the 1973 War Powers Resolution expired this Friday.

    Speaking to reporters ahead of the deadline, Trump insisted that he has no legal requirement to secure congressional authorization for the ongoing conflict, claiming that no prior U.S. president has ever sought such approval for military action. “It’s never been used. It’s never been adhered to. Nobody’s ever asked for it before,” Trump said, adding that past commanders-in-chief have long viewed Congress’s claimed authority to limit presidential war powers as “totally unconstitutional.”

    The reality of presidential compliance with the 1973 law, however, is far more nuanced than Trump’s framing. Enacted in the aftermath of the Vietnam War to curb unilateral executive war-making and restrict then-President Richard Nixon’s ability to escalate conflict without legislative backing, the War Powers Resolution requires the president to terminate any U.S. military engagement within 60 days of notifying Congress of its launch, unless lawmakers explicitly vote to extend the operation. This Friday marked exactly 60 days since the Trump administration notified Congress of the start of strikes against Tehran on February 28.

    Both Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth argue that the 60-day clock was paused when the current ceasefire between U.S. and Iranian forces went into effect, triggering ongoing disagreement over whether ceasefire periods count towards the congressionally mandated deadline. Legal experts, however, reject this interpretation. “Nothing in the War Powers Act suggests a pause of hostilities changes the requirements of the law,” said David Schultz, a professor of political science and legal studies at Hamline University in Minnesota. “Just because other presidents haven’t invoked the law doesn’t mean that what Trump is doing here is correct. Here, Trump has basically committed us to combat without any support from Congress. And if we go back to the founding of this country, one of the core fears the framers had was a strong executive committing the nation to war without the support of the elected legislative branch.”

    A look at modern U.S. history reveals that multiple of Trump’s predecessors did comply with the War Powers Resolution by securing congressional approval before launching large-scale military operations. In 1983, President Ronald Reagan obtained congressional approval to deploy U.S. Marines to Lebanon within the 60-day window, bringing his campaign into full compliance with the law. President George H.W. Bush sought and received congressional authorization for the 1991 Gulf War ahead of launching Operation Desert Storm, even as he maintained that he did not legally require the approval. His son, George W. Bush, won explicit congressional backing for the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan and the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

    That said, Trump is correct that several past administrations did find ways to circumvent the 1973 law. President Bill Clinton allowed the 1999 NATO bombing campaign in Kosovo to run 18 days past the 60-day deadline without seeking congressional authorization, with the entire operation lasting 78 days. President Barack Obama argued that the 2011 U.S. military intervention in Libya did not qualify as “hostilities” under the War Powers Resolution, allowing the campaign to continue for more than seven months without congressional approval.

    Trump has pushed back against criticism by noting that the current conflict with Iran has been far shorter in duration than many past U.S. wars, pointing to the 19-year Vietnam War, nearly nine-year Iraq War, six-year World War II, and three-year Korean War as points of comparison. Still, a clear path to ending the conflict remains elusive: Washington and Tehran remain deadlocked over two core issues, control of the strategic Strait of Hormuz and Iran’s nuclear program, leaving Trump’s exit strategy from the conflict unconfirmed. Echoing a line former President Barack Obama used in 2014 about the war in Afghanistan, ending the U.S. engagement in Iran appears far harder than starting it.

  • 61% of Americans see Trump’s Iran war as ‘mistake’: new poll

    61% of Americans see Trump’s Iran war as ‘mistake’: new poll

    A new joint poll conducted by The Washington Post, ABC News and Ipsos, released Friday, has revealed that more than 60 percent of U.S. adults now view President Donald Trump’s military conflict in Iran as a fundamental mistake. What makes this shift in public opinion extraordinary is how rapidly it has occurred: in just two months since the war began, the conflict has already hit levels of public disapproval that took previous, widely discredited U.S. wars years to reach.

    CNN senior political analyst Aaron Blake notes that polling data stretching back decades puts this rapid backlash in stark context. It took more than three years of the Iraq War for a 60-percent majority of Americans to label the conflict a mistake, while the Vietnam War required six years of continuous fighting and tens of thousands of American troop deaths to cross the same threshold.

    To understand how unprecedented this speed of disapproval is, it is necessary to look back at public opinion at the start of past major conflicts. When the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003 under President George W. Bush, even amid growing grassroots protest, 81 percent of voters backed the invasion in April 2003, with just 16 percent calling it a mistake. It was only as the occupation devolved into a years-long deadly quagmire, and it became clear the Bush administration’s justifications for the war – claims of weapons of mass destruction – were deliberate falsehoods, that public support eroded steadily, finally hitting 64 percent opposition by 2007.

    Vietnam never commanded the overwhelming early backing that Iraq saw, but even so, 60 percent of Americans supported President Lyndon Johnson’s 1965 decision to deploy direct U.S. military intervention, with just 24 percent calling the move a mistake. While widespread anti-war protests became a defining cultural moment of the conflict, public opinion did not solidify against the war until 1968, and it was not until 1971 – after more than 50,000 U.S. troops had been killed in action – that a 61 percent majority called the war a mistake.

    Unlike both Iraq and Vietnam, Trump’s Iran war has never enjoyed even a fleeting period of broad public consensus. Just days after the launch of the campaign, branded “Operation Epic Fury” by the Trump administration, a Reuters/Ipsos poll found only 27 percent of Americans approved of the opening strikes that killed 555 Iranians, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and multiple senior Iranian officials. Even at that early stage, 43 percent already disapproved of the action, a gap far wider than that seen at the start of any prior major U.S. conflict, with the remaining 30 percent of respondents still undecided.

    Over the following two months, that undecided bloc has swung firmly against the conflict. Multiple damaging developments have fueled the shift: public confirmation that a U.S. double-tap airstrike on an Iranian school killed at least 155 people, 120 of them children; Iranian retaliation that blocked oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, pushing U.S. gasoline prices soaring above $4 per gallon; and increasingly aggressive rhetoric from Trump that critics have labeled an overtly genocidal posture toward Iran, which has made any peaceful negotiated resolution increasingly remote even under the current fragile ceasefire.

    Friday’s poll confirms that while the war retains a core loyal base of 36 percent of Americans who still view it as the right decision – nearly all of whom identify as Republican – this base is heavily outnumbered by the 61 percent who now call the conflict a mistake.

    Majorities of respondents across all demographic groups also linked the war to a range of serious national risks: 61 percent said it has increased the threat of terrorist attacks targeting Americans, 60 percent said it raises the risk of the U.S. economy tipping into recession, and 56 percent said it has damaged the United States’ relationships with its key global allies.

    A deeper breakdown of polling data exposes a particularly troubling trend for the Trump administration: the war has almost no support outside the president’s most dedicated base. 91 percent of self-identified Democrats now label the conflict a mistake, and 71 percent of independent voters – a large majority of whom were undecided when the war began – have also turned against it, leaving just 24 percent of independents in support.

    Even within the Republican Party, the war has created a sharp divide. 86 percent of self-identified MAGA Republicans still back the conflict, but moderate non-MAGA Republicans are deeply split: 50 percent still call the war the right decision, while 49 percent now view it as a mistake. Many of these Republican skeptics were rattled by Trump’s threatening remark last month that “a whole civilization will die tonight” if Iran refused to accept a negotiating deal on his terms. A majority of all Republicans, 53 percent, said they viewed that incendiary threat negatively.

    It remains unclear whether even Trump’s most loyal supporters will continue backing the war if the conflict drags on, and recent public remarks from top administration officials suggest the White House remains in denial about the scale of public opposition. On Thursday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth appeared before Congress, where Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, a New York Democrat, pressed him on the administration’s failure to build broad public support for the conflict, noting that three out of five Americans now oppose it. Hegseth rejected the premise outright, claiming “I believe we do have the support of the American people.” He pushed back on critics by noting the conflict is only two months old, arguing that calls for withdrawal are premature – a curious framing, given Trump himself initially claimed the war would last only four to five weeks.

    During his testimony, Hegseth compared the Iran conflict to past long-running U.S. wars, arguing “Iraq took how many years? Afghanistan took how many years? And they were nebulous missions that people went along with. This is different.” That claim of a clear mission, however, falls flat: the Trump administration has offered a constantly shifting set of justifications for the war, ranging from regime change in Tehran, defending Iranian anti-government protesters, destroying Iran’s nuclear program, eliminating its ballistic missile arsenal, seizing Iranian oil fields, defending Israel, and reopening the Strait of Hormuz.

  • Doctors warn nicotine pouches could spark repeat of the vaping epidemic

    Doctors warn nicotine pouches could spark repeat of the vaping epidemic

    Australia is facing the early emergence of an unregulated public health crisis linked to unapproved nicotine pouches, with top medical authorities calling on the federal government to act fast to close regulatory gaps before the problem escalates into a repeat of the nation’s devastating vaping epidemic.

    In an official submission shared with the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), the Australian Medical Association (AMA) is pressing the Albanese Government to immediately close existing loopholes that are allowing unapproved nicotine-containing products to flow freely into the domestic Australian market. As federal AMA vice president Associate Professor Julian Rait emphasized, regulatory inaction right now will allow these addictive products to become deeply entrenched across the country, a mistake Australia has already made with unregulated vapes in recent years.

    Currently, not a single nicotine pouch product holds formal approval on the Australian Register of Therapeutic Goods (ARTG), yet these products are widely available to consumers, including minors, Rait says. Unlike approved therapeutic nicotine products intended to help adults quit smoking, these unregulated pouches are marketed with bright, youth-appealing branding and sold through online platforms with almost no barriers to purchase. Some products have been found to carry extremely high concentrations of the addictive substance: independent, non-industry research has recorded nicotine levels as high as 150mg per pouch – equivalent to 50 cigarettes, given a 30mg pouch matches the nicotine content of a single conventional cigarette.

    Beyond addiction, these unregulated pouches carry confirmed negative health impacts for users, Rait explained. Common adverse effects include persistent mouth and gum irritation, gastrointestinal distress, nausea, and elevated blood pressure, with long-term health risks still understudied because of the product’s unapproved status.

    The submission also highlights that the combination of fast-growing social media promotion, loose online sales rules, and the rising use of unregulated synthetic nicotine has stretched Australia’s patchwork current regulatory framework to breaking point. Rait warned that without updated, technology-neutral national regulations and consistent cross-jurisdictional enforcement, unlicensed suppliers will keep exploiting grey market gaps to reach Australian consumers.

    To address the crisis, the AMA is calling for a suite of targeted public health safeguards. These include mandatory, effective online compliance protocols to remove illicit product listings, clear and standardized health warnings on all packaging, child-resistant packaging requirements to prevent accidental child poisoning, and enhanced national monitoring of adverse health events and poisoning cases to inform ongoing regulatory adjustments.

    Right now, Australia’s response to nicotine pouches is fragmented: state and territory governments have implemented inconsistent rules, with only a handful of jurisdictions such as South Australia and Queensland acting to restrict the products under existing tobacco legislation, while others have taken no formal action. The AMA’s proposed national regulatory framework would harmonize rules across the country, simplify enforcement for local authorities, eliminate inconsistencies between regions, and create a unified, robust enforcement environment to block unapproved products from the market.

    “Without urgent federal action, we risk repeating every mistake that allowed the vaping epidemic to take hold and harm a generation of young Australians,” Rait said.

  • Brouhaha over Iran war costs to US taxpayers

    Brouhaha over Iran war costs to US taxpayers

    A fierce public debate has erupted over the full financial burden of former President Donald Trump’s Iran war, with multiple independent analysts, lawmakers, and even Iran’s top diplomat challenging the Pentagon’s official $25 billion cost estimate as a deliberate undercount that misleads U.S. taxpayers.

    The controversy ignited after Jules Hurst, the Pentagon’s acting comptroller, testified under oath before U.S. lawmakers that the Trump administration had accumulated $25 billion in expenditures on the conflict, a widely unpopular war of choice launched by the former administration. The New York Times noted that Hurst offered no additional details to contextualize the figure, which is dramatically lower than the $200 billion the Pentagon initially requested for the conflict. The low number also indicates a sharp slowdown in spending, despite early war data showing the conflict cost more than $11 billion in its first six days alone.

    Independent and institutional analysts have repeatedly pushed back against the official estimate, releasing their own assessments that place the direct cost of the conflict far higher. This month, the liberal-leaning Center for American Progress calculated that direct Pentagon spending exceeded $33 billion in just the first 39 days of fighting. A ceasefire-era assessment from the conservative American Enterprise Institute, released April 10, put the total direct cost between $25 billion and $35 billion. Independent policy analyst Stephen Semler went further, estimating the U.S. spent nearly $29 billion on the war in its opening two weeks – an average of $2.1 billion per day. Semler accused Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth of lying to Congress in a social media post Thursday, arguing that the total opening two-week cost alone already exceeded the Pentagon’s full $25 billion official estimate.

    The debate went cross-border Friday when Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi joined the criticism, taking to social media to reject the Pentagon’s figure as a deliberate fourfold undercount. “The Pentagon is lying,” Araghchi wrote, claiming the conflict – which he framed as a gamble tied to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – has already cost U.S. taxpayers $100 billion in direct spending, four times the official claim. He added that indirect costs borne by American households are far higher, putting the current monthly burden at $500 per household and rising rapidly.

    Beyond direct military spending, experts and lawmakers have drawn attention to the massive indirect costs the conflict has imposed on U.S. consumers through soaring energy and food prices. Democratic U.S. Representative Ro Khanna of California told the House of Representatives Thursday that when accounting for these price hikes, the total cost of the war to Americans surges to more than $630 billion – an average of $5,000 per household. “We need to end this war now, and help the American people reduce costs,” Khanna said.

    Long-term projections paint an even starker picture of the conflict’s financial toll. Linda Bilmes, a public policy scholar at the Harvard Kennedy School, warned in early April that when factoring in long-term obligations like veterans’ health care and other sustained outlays, the total lifetime cost of the Iran war to U.S. taxpayers could top $1 trillion. Bilmes noted that pinning down an exact exact cumulative cost is challenging in the early stages of the conflict, but current data shows the conflict runs about $2 billion per day in short-term direct costs alone – a figure that represents just the tip of a much larger financial iceberg.

  • Interest rate hikes slash first-home buyer borrowing capacity by thousands

    Interest rate hikes slash first-home buyer borrowing capacity by thousands

    Australia’s aspiring first homeowners are facing a growing barrier to entering the property market, with consecutive interest rate increases from the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) severely eroding how much they can borrow from lenders, according to new industry analysis.