For coastal communities stretching across the Philippines, Taiwan (China), mainland China, and Japan, navigating seasonal severe weather has long been an embedded part of daily life. Yet the past several months have brought a historically unusual stretch of catastrophic, often erratic storm events, supercharged by one of the most powerful El Niño events on record, leaving dozens dead, major international airports temporarily shuttered, and vast swathes of agricultural land and critical public infrastructure destroyed across the region. In October, Taiwan (China) prepared for a near-direct hit from Typhoon Champi, a Category 5-equivalent storm large enough to cover the entire 23-million resident island, packing sustained wind speeds of up to 295km/h (193mph) strong enough to level residential structures and generate life-threatening storm surges. Though the system ultimately skirted the island without making formal landfall, deluging local communities with heavy rainfall, its ripple effects extended across the broader region: hundreds of cross-border flights were cancelled across Hong Kong, Taiwan (China), and Japan, coastal highways in the Philippines’ Batanes archipelago were closed due to towering waves crashing over sea walls, and 15,000 households in Japan’s southern Okinawa Prefecture lost full electrical power. El Niño is a naturally recurring climatic phenomenon driven by pooled warm surface waters in the eastern Pacific and shifting global wind patterns that trigger cascading extreme weather events worldwide, typically occurring every 2 to 7 years and persisting for roughly 12 months. The UK Met Office has classified the 2025-2026 El Niño event as the strongest in living memory, with projections indicating it will continue through at least February or March of the coming year. The months leading up to the current period of peak activity saw a relentless string of unusual storm events across the region: in June, Japan faced two simultaneous approaching systems, Typhoon Mekkhala and Severe Tropical Storm Higos, that forced nearly 1 million residents on its eastern coast to evacuate. In July, Tropical Storm Narra swept across southern China’s Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, submerging entire rural villages and displacing tens of thousands of local residents. August brought Super Typhoon Dolphin, which churned across the Pacific Ocean for 16 consecutive days before making landfall in eastern China, triggering widespread destructive flooding and resulting in dozens of recorded casualties. Just weeks later, Typhoon Saudel made landfall in three separate southeastern Chinese cities over a seven-day window, paralyzing regional transport networks and prompting mass evacuation orders for thousands of at-risk residents. Official data from the Accumulated Cyclone Energy (ACE) index, a standardized metric that tracks the total combined intensity of all tropical cyclones in a given season, shows that the El Niño-heated Pacific Ocean is currently holding record levels of storm-generating energy, with the 2025 ACE reading for East and Southeast Asia projected to reach nearly double the 30-year historical average. The current El Niño’s alteration of global wind patterns is pushing storm formation hundreds of kilometers further east than usual, meaning developing typhoons spend far longer traveling over unusually warm open water, gaining far greater strength before reaching populated coastal zones. Ana Liza Solis, chief of the climatology division at the Philippines’ national weather service, described the current state of the Pacific Ocean at a September Manila press briefing as akin to a human body “burning with fever. It can go into convulsions soon.” Recent monitoring data underscores the severity of her warning: last month, equatorial Pacific sea surface temperatures tracked by the Japan Meteorological Agency hit 4°C above the long-term historical average, the highest anomaly recorded since formal record-keeping began in 1949, surpassing the previous 3.6°C record set in December 1997. China’s national climate agency has warned that these record ocean temperatures will continue to climb over the next three months, even as the region is already reeling from months of consecutive storm impacts. Adding to the unusual nature of this season, August’s Typhoon Chan-Hom defied decades of observed regional storm patterns by traversing Japan from east to west, rather than the typical south-to-north trajectory that local disaster response systems are calibrated to address. While Japan’s well-funded, highly prepared emergency management authorities were able to coordinate swift evacuations to minimize casualties, experts note such unanticipated storm paths would create far more dangerous, high-stakes scenarios for less resourced neighboring nations. A team of climate researchers led by Manila-based climatologist Rafaela Jane Delfino recently ran simulation models to measure how elevated ocean and atmospheric temperatures would amplify the impacts of historic catastrophic Philippine storms, including 2013’s Super Typhoon Haiyan (locally named Yolanda), which killed more than 6,000 people nationwide. Delfino described the study’s outcomes as “very, very scary findings”: the warmer atmospheric conditions driven by the current El Niño would increase total accumulated rainfall during such a storm by 26%, a devastating projection for a nation that already faces chronic annual flooding from monsoon rains and roughly 20 tropical cyclones per year. In recent years, widespread multi-day city-paralyzing flood events have pushed frustrated Filipino residents to stage public protests, calling out systemic corruption that they say has siphoned millions of dollars in public funding away from long-delayed flood control infrastructure projects. In a public post published via the University of the Philippines’ official website, Delfino emphasized that national and local government leaders must prioritize improved, granular understanding of evolving climate hazards to build more resilient frontline community defenses. Across the region, national authorities have rolled out immediate emergency preparedness measures: Japan’s government has advised all residents in typhoon-prone zones to stockpile at least several days of food and critical emergency supplies, and to secure all outdoor furniture and loose household items that could become deadly wind-borne projectiles during high-intensity storms. Chinese authorities have ordered local disaster management teams to complete full surveys of all high-vulnerability residential zones, and are rolling out system-wide upgrades to national typhoon early warning and real-time monitoring networks. The Philippines and neighboring Southeast Asian nations have rolled out targeted support for smallholder farmers, including subsidized fertilizer distributions, to mitigate projected sharp disruptions to staple food production, particularly rice harvests. However, long-term systemic adaptation planning remains uneven across the region. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Asia-Pacific regional office recently issued a public warning that the window of opportunity for governments to implement proactive, long-term El Niño resilience measures is rapidly closing. “The severity of impact a community faces during an El Niño event is determined years in advance, by the choices made about where roads and residential settlements are zoned, how freshwater resources are managed, which populations are covered by formal social protection schemes, and whether public budgets are structured to absorb sudden climate shocks,” the agency noted in its official statement, adding: “Every El Niño tests the resilience infrastructure we have already built; this historic event must serve as the catalyst to build far more.”
作者: admin
-

Top Democrat tells Trump administration to ‘lawyer up’ after US midterm defeats
Fresh off the Democratic Party’s decisive wins in the latest U.S. midterm elections, leading California Democrat Robert Garcia — the incoming chair of the high-stakes House Oversight Committee — has issued a stark, uncompromising warning to former and current associates of President Donald Trump, urging them to retain legal representation immediately as his panel launches far-reaching probes into alleged corruption and the sprawling, financially lucrative global business dealings of the Trump family. In an exclusive interview with Punchbowl News on Tuesday, Garcia laid out a detailed roadmap for his committee’s oversight agenda, stating that congressional authority would be deployed to conduct rigorous, unflinching scrutiny of every layer of the Trump family’s financial interests. The scope of the planned investigations extends well beyond traditional domestic ethics reviews, targeting what Garcia described as “Trump crypto schemes” as well as undisclosed activities of senior Trump family members including Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, who has drawn public attention for his simultaneous roles on corporate boards and securing high-value government-linked contracts. Garcia minced no words, asserting that every individual who has maintained close financial or political ties to the Trump inner circle “will have no choice but to respond to our questions,” before following up hours later with a blunt, two-word public directive: “Lawyer up.” This latest announcement builds on Garcia’s previously stated commitments to launch probes into the so-called “Trump Crime Family,” alongside parallel oversight of systemic corporate corruption, alleged abuses of power by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and the long-controversial handling of files tied to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. A central focus of the upcoming investigations will be the Trump family’s highly profitable business partnerships with foreign investors and entities linked to authoritarian governments in the Gulf region, most notably the United Arab Emirates. Public records and verified media reports lay out a timeline of high-value, conflict-of-interest laden deals that have raised bipartisan ethical alarm for months. Just four days before Trump’s January 2025 presidential inauguration, UAE-backed investors struck a $500 million agreement to acquire a 49% stake in World Liberty Financial, a cryptocurrency firm co-founded by Trump’s adult sons Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump. The landmark deal received direct backing from Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the UAE’s national security advisor and brother of the Gulf nation’s sitting president. Documentation cited by the Wall Street Journal confirms that $187 million of the initial investment tranche flowed directly to entities with formal ties to the Trump family, while an additional $31 million was routed to companies affiliated with Steve Witkoff, Trump’s hand-picked Middle East envoy and a co-founder of the crypto venture. The arrangement immediately sparked widespread criticism over unaddressed conflicts of interest, particularly after the Trump administration moved to roll back restrictions imposed by the former Joe Biden White House, approving the export of cutting-edge advanced artificial intelligence chips to the UAE shortly after the investment was finalized. A separate subsequent transaction involving Abu Dhabi-backed investment firm MGX drew further regulatory scrutiny: in May 2025, MGX announced a $2 billion investment in major cryptocurrency exchange Binance, utilizing World Liberty’s USD1 stablecoin to process the entire transaction. Even though MGX was the formal investor and Binance the listed recipient, the structure of the deal generated significant passive interest income and other tangible commercial benefits for World Liberty via the reserve assets backing the USD1 stablecoin. The arrangement attracted even greater public outcry after Trump issued a full pardon to Binance founder Changpeng Zhao in October 2025, barely two years after Zhao had pleaded guilty in U.S. federal court to violating national anti-money-laundering statutes. A June 2026 investigative report published by Democratic staff on the Senate Banking Committee documented no fewer than 10 separate policy actions taken by the Trump administration that directly benefited the UAE, all occurring in the months following the Gulf nation’s multi-million-dollar investments in Trump family crypto ventures. Beyond UAE ties, the Trump family and its closest allies have built similarly high-value financial partnerships with the government of Saudi Arabia, spurring additional ethics concerns. Jared Kushner, who served as a senior White House advisor during Trump’s first presidential term, secured a $2 billion commitment from Saudi Arabia’s sovereign Public Investment Fund (PIF) for his private equity firm Affinity Partners immediately after leaving public office. The PIF is chaired directly by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, known universally as MBS, with whom Kushner forged an unusually close working relationship during his tenure in the White House. The Trump Organisation has also aggressively pursued a portfolio of high-end property and licensing projects across the wider Gulf region, spanning Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE and Oman, including luxury residential complexes, five-star hotels and championship golf resorts heavily marketed by Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump. A 2026 report compiled by House Oversight Committee Democratic staff estimates that Trump and his immediate family have already generated $2.25 billion in realized profits from their cryptocurrency ventures and other foreign-sourced payments, with that figure potentially rising to as much as $9.72 billion once estimated unrealized asset gains are included. In a pre-election interview with The Washington Post’s Pod Force One host Miranda Devine, Trump openly acknowledged that he was actively considering issuing pre-emptive pardons for himself and his top aides in the event that Democrats launched these oversight investigations. “I would if needed to,” Trump stated unapologetically, adding “I would not even think about it. I’d do it.”
-

Israeli army ends 11-day Hebron raid after looting and vandalising Palestinian homes
For 11 consecutive days, Abbas Mujahid clung to the quiet, unsteady hope that he and his seven-member family would one day be allowed to return to their home in Hebron’s al-Jalda neighbourhood, never knowing when that long-awaited moment might arrive. The family was among hundreds of Palestinian residents forced out of their residences by Israeli forces last month, ahead of a sweeping military offensive launched on 23 October that formally concluded only earlier this week. The operation was triggered by a shooting in Hebron carried out by two Palestinian assailants that killed two Israeli soldiers, before both attackers were fatally wounded in the subsequent exchange of fire. What followed was a total, city-wide lockdown: all major thoroughfares were sealed off, every entry point to Hebron was blocked, and Israeli troops carried out raids on commercial storefronts, while industrial sites were systematically vandalised or razed to the ground. The scale of the devastation touched every corner of daily life across the occupied West Bank city. When Mujahid and his family were finally permitted to re-enter their home, they were met with a scene of utter ruin: every wooden interior door and the heavy iron main entrance had been ripped clean off their hinges, ornate gypsum wall detailing was smashed to fragments, light fixtures were shattered, and the family’s clothing and personal effects were strewn haphazardly across every room. Worse still, Mujahid reported that Israeli soldiers had left human excrement scattered throughout the property, and window frames had been wrenched out in clear acts of deliberate, gratuitous destruction. He had tried to prepare his children for the possibility of severe damage to their shared home, especially their private bedrooms, but no amount of advance warning could soften the visceral shock of witnessing the wreckage in person. Even so, Mujahid remains determined to move forward: he has already hired construction workers to begin repairs, a project projected to cost tens of thousands of shekels, and notes that the simple fact of his family’s return outweighs the grief of their lost possessions. The economic fallout of the 11-day incursion has been catastrophic. Official data from the Hebron Chamber of Commerce and Industry calculates that direct economic losses topped 12 million shekels (roughly $3.8 million) per day over the course of the operation, with 327 separate commercial and economic entities forced to shut down, 15 industrial facilities completely destroyed, and approximately 1,350 local residents losing their primary source of income. One of the most prominent affected business owners is Iyad al-Qawasmi, who ran a used auto parts enterprise spread across three dunums of land in the Farsh al-Hawa district, an area where dozens of factories and retail shops were demolished on the first day of the military operation. Israeli troops raided his property, which housed 600 used vehicles, and gave him just 60 minutes to evacuate before bulldozers moved in. When al-Qawasmi requested a formal written demolition order rather than the verbal instruction he had received, soldiers claimed an Israeli court had already signed off on the decision and that he had no choice but to comply, despite the fact he had never been issued any prior demolition notice in the eight years he had operated the site, save for a single 2022 incident where surveillance cameras were confiscated. He rushed to bring in his own bulldozer to salvage as much equipment as possible in the narrow window he was given, but a fleet of Israeli military and settler-owned bulldozers soon arrived on site. The crews seized at least 400 of his stored vehicles, alongside all of his heavy equipment, and days later returned to level the entire facility to rubble. The destruction was so complete that the previously obscured mountain range of Halhul is now fully visible through the empty plot where his business once stood. Al-Qawasmi is still barred from accessing his own land, leaving him no way to retrieve any remaining assets, and his total losses exceed 2.5 million shekels (around $790,000). His business employed 10 local workers who supported a combined 70 Palestinian family members, all of whom have now lost their sole source of income. “My only ‘guilt’, the only reason my facility was demolished, is that I am Palestinian. The facility is not even located near the site of the shooting incident,” al-Qawasmi stated in an interview. Humanitarian impacts are equally staggering: a 30 October report from UNICEF, citing official Hebron Municipality records, confirmed that 483 families totalling 4,304 people, including 1,845 children, were displaced by the military operations and movement restrictions imposed on the city. Multiple human rights groups have since accused Israeli authorities of imposing collective punishment on the civilian population of Hebron, a violation of international humanitarian law, via the mass displacement, widespread property destruction and sweeping restrictions put in place in response to the initial shooting attack. At least 15 separate residential and commercial structures were formally demolished during the operation, including three private homes, two of which belonged to the two Palestinian perpetrators of the fatal shooting. Hebron Mayor Yousef al-Jabari confirmed that local authorities are still in the process of documenting the full scope of the damage, with reports from residents detailing not just structural ruin, but widespread theft of gold jewellery, cash and other high-value personal items from abandoned homes. A cross-government assessment committee has been deployed to dispatch engineers to every affected property to log losses accurately, and preliminary estimates peg the damage to municipal public facilities and utility networks alone at roughly 6 million shekels ($1.9 million), including wrecked streets, broken pavements, fractured water and electricity lines, and destroyed municipal heavy equipment. While the city’s emergency response committee managed to sustain basic minimal services throughout the 11-day siege, al-Jabari noted that full restoration of normal daily life and full repairs to all damaged infrastructure will require a minimum of one month of concentrated work, alongside substantial financial and material resources. A Reuters photo dated 3 November 2026 captures local residents surveying the wreckage of a newly demolished Palestinian building on the outskirts of Hebron, a visual testament to the widespread ruin left in the wake of the military incursion.
-

US election results fuel Israeli opposition’s push to remove Netanyahu
Following the Democratic Party’s resounding landslide victory that secured full control of the U.S. Congress on Wednesday, a cross-section of Israeli political figures, diplomatic experts and mainstream media commentators have issued urgent warnings about cascading national security risks for Israel, tied directly to plummeting U.S. public and bipartisan approval of long-serving Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Former Israeli prime minister Yair Lapid, who secured re-election to the Knesset just one week prior as a member of the centre-right Together alliance, stated publicly on the X platform Wednesday morning that the U.S. election outcome had fully eliminated any remaining feasibility of forming a proposed national unity government with Netanyahu’s Likud faction. Lapid emphasized that allowing Netanyahu to remain in office represented an unacceptable threat to Israeli national security, eroding domestic democratic guardrails and isolating the country on the global diplomatic stage.
Local Israeli media reports in the lead-up to the U.S. vote had previously revealed that sitting U.S. President Donald Trump had been exerting targeted pressure on both Netanyahu and Israeli opposition leaders to negotiate a unity government that sidelined extremist hardline factions, in order to clear a path for Trump’s planned Middle East policy priorities. That proposed framework is now formally off the table, multiple opposition leaders confirmed.
Yair Golan, head of the left-wing Democrats alliance and the most progressive leader in Israel’s Zionist opposition bloc, echoed Lapid’s assessment in the aftermath of the U.S. election, which saw a wave of progressive Democratic candidates secure congressional wins, including Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed, the first Muslim candidate ever elected to the U.S. Senate. Golan argued that Netanyahu has become politically toxic across the U.S. political spectrum, with eroding support among both Democratic and Republican lawmakers, and that his continued tenure as prime minister could set Israel on a trajectory of international sanctions, widespread global isolation, and a direct diplomatic collision with its longstanding closest ally the United States. Golan framed the moment as an existential choice for Israeli voters and policymakers: between a Netanyahu-led trajectory of a boycotted, regressive, isolated state, or a path toward a strong, technologically advanced, democratic and secure Israel, and called for immediate action to install a new change-focused governing coalition. His party’s Knesset member Gilad Kariv reinforced that position, noting that any Israeli public figure still advocating for a unity government with Netanyahu was demonstrating a total lack of understanding of both recent Israeli domestic electoral shifts and the full implications of the U.S. congressional results.
Progressive incoming Democratic legislators such as El-Sayed, who have publicly advocated for ending unconditional U.S. military aid to Israel over allegations of genocide in Gaza, are viewed by Israeli U.S. affairs analysts as posing unprecedented long-term risks to Israel’s core national interests. Former Israeli foreign minister Tzipi Livni, a longstanding vocal critic of Netanyahu, noted that the prime minister is no longer capable of defending the global legitimacy of the Jewish state, or upholding Israel’s internationally recognized right to self-defense, in the face of the emerging policy priorities of the new incoming congressional class.
Gili Cohen, diplomatic correspondent for Israel’s public broadcaster Kan 11, argued that the U.S. electoral results represented not just a major defeat for Trump’s Republican party, but a historic blow to Israel’s longstanding diplomatic standing in Washington, putting decades of uninterrupted, large-scale U.S. military aid to Israel in serious jeopardy. Amir Tibon, a senior correspondent for left-leaning Israeli daily Haaretz, described the U.S. election outcome as a political earthquake carrying catastrophic long-term consequences for Israel, writing on X that “Netanyahu’s continued tenure is an immediate danger to our special relationship with the United States”, and that the prime minister’s toxic reputation now extends well beyond Democratic ranks to include Republican leaders, many of whom now openly blame Netanyahu for contributing to their party’s congressional losses. Tibon added that Israel can only begin to rebuild its badly eroded public standing in the U.S. if it formally parts ways with Netanyahu, and that failure to do so would lead the country down a deeply dangerous, uncharted diplomatic path.
Even traditionally pro-Netanyahu right-wing Israeli political commentators echoed these widespread concerns. Prominent journalist Ariel Kahana, speaking to Israel’s Radio 103FM, stated that Israel had suffered a severe strategic blow in the U.S. elections, noting that Israel’s policy positions had effectively been a hidden ballot issue for American voters, and that Netanyahu had become an unsustainable liability for the country’s U.S. ties. Kobby Barda, a leading political analyst at the nonpartisan Jewish People Policy Institute think tank, went further to argue that Iran was the de facto biggest winner of the U.S. electoral results, while Netanyahu was the single largest individual loser, adding that Netanyahu could no longer credibly serve as the public face of the Israeli government given his collapsing approval ratings across U.S. political circles.
Former Israeli ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren issued a stark warning that the election of progressive figures such as El-Sayed, whom he described as a virulently anti-Israel and antisemitic official, could trigger cascading catastrophic harms for Israel. Oren noted that a full halt to U.S. military aid would only be the first step of a broader breakdown in bilateral cooperation, with shared intelligence streams, joint military technology development, visa access for Israeli citizens traveling to the U.S., and steady supplies of critical military components all at imminent risk, and that targeted U.S. sanctions against Israeli government figures were now a plausible policy outcome. Oren concluded that the 50-year era of the longstanding unshakeable U.S.-Israel bilateral relationship as it has been widely understood is now formally over, leaving the future of the alliance shrouded in deep, unprecedented uncertainty. -

UK government facing legal challenge over IHRA antisemitism definition in schools
A prominent UK legal advocacy group has launched formal legal proceedings against the British government over its policy urging all schools and further education institutions to adopt the contested International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, raising widespread concerns that the framework conflates legitimate criticism of Israeli state actions with anti-Jewish bigotry and erodes free expression for students and educators.
The Good Law Project, a non-profit organisation focused on public interest litigation, announced the launch of its legal challenge on Monday. Its executive director Jo Maugham emphasized that his group fully acknowledges the very real, documented rise in antisemitic hate across the UK and globally, and stands in solidarity with Jewish communities targeted by this bigotry. However, he warned that policies that blur the line between anti-Jewish discrimination and legitimate critique of Israeli government policies could paradoxically fuel, rather than reduce, antisemitism, while unjustifiably restricting the public’s right to robustly debate state actions in Gaza, the occupied Palestinian territories and beyond.
The government’s push for schools to adopt the IHRA definition stems from the recently published independent review of antisemitism in UK educational settings led by senior education official and academic Sir David Bell. But the Bell report has faced scathing criticism from multiple quarters for methodological flaws, including a severely limited sample size for its headline claim about the prevalence of antisemitic incidents among Jewish students. The review claimed 60% of Jewish pupils had experienced antisemitism in English schools, a figure derived from a total student survey of 5,000 respondents that included just 92 Jewish participants aged 16 to 18. Of that small subset, only 70 answered questions about personal or witnessed antisemitic incidents, with 29 – equating to roughly 41%, or two in five, rather than the widely cited three in five – reporting such experiences. The Bell review itself acknowledged the low sample size required cautious interpretation, and even noted that explicit anti-Jewish attitudes had remained relatively stable, while critical stances toward Israeli state policy had grown more widespread in recent years.
Criticism of the IHRA definition predates the current school policy push: the framework was originally drafted in 2004 as a non-binding guidance tool to help institutions track antisemitic incidents, but 7 of its 11 illustrative examples of antisemitism reference actions related to Israel, leading longstanding free speech advocates to warn the document is poorly suited for use as a disciplinary or regulatory standard. Notably, Kenneth Stern, the lead author of the original IHRA definition, has repeatedly cautioned against deploying the framework as a legal or punitive instrument, warning it risks penalizing legitimate political speech. In 2018, leading human rights barrister Geoffrey Robertson published a formal legal opinion concluding that the definition would in practice chill free expression by incentivizing spurious complaints against people exercising their right to criticize Israeli state policy.
Na’amod, a British Jewish anti-occupation group that has long opposed mandatory adoption of the IHRA definition, stressed in a statement to Middle East Eye that the community is fully committed to protecting Jewish pupils from harm and taking all forms of antisemitism seriously, but the IHRA framework fails to deliver on that goal. “Its examples conflate legitimate criticism of Israel with hatred of Jewish people, and in university settings it has overwhelmingly been deployed to censor speech about Palestinian rights rather than to protect Jewish students,” a group spokesperson explained. “In K-12 schools, this forces teachers to police children who discuss the Nakba or the humanitarian situation in Gaza, rather than focusing their resources on addressing real, tangible anti-Jewish racism. It also lets down many Jewish pupils who do not see their Jewish identity as tied to active support for the Israeli state.”
While the IHRA definition has now been formally adopted by 47 countries globally, the National Education Union, the largest teaching union in the UK, has slammed the Bell review’s recommendation to create separate, bespoke anti-hate policies for antisemitism distinct from existing cross-cutting anti-racism and anti-bullying frameworks, warning that such a structure risks creating an unfair hierarchy of victimhood for different marginalized groups facing discrimination. Both the Good Law Project and Na’amod are calling on the UK government to apply consistent, universal standards to all forms of hate speech and bigotry, rather than creating separate special rules for antisemitism that isolate Jewish safety from broader anti-racism efforts that benefit all marginalized communities.
Cross-party political consultant Gary Spedding, a leading expert on Israel-Palestine policy in UK education, argued that the Bell review is “sloppy, misleading and inaccurate” and represents part of a broader systemic effort to dismantle space for pro-Palestine advocacy, education and discussion of Palestinian history across the UK education system. He noted that for more than a decade, successive UK education secretaries from both major parties have pressured headteachers to enforce so-called “political impartiality” rules around classroom discussions of Israel-Palestine, following sustained lobbying from major pro-Israel advocacy groups including UK Lawyers for Israel, the Board of Deputies of British Jews and the Community Security Trust. These interventions have had tangible impacts: in 2021, the BBC removed a seven-part educational video series about Palestinian history from its popular GCSE Bitesize learning platform following pressure from pro-Israel legal groups. Spedding pointed out that this regulatory regime creates a clear double standard: “Palestine is framed as a divisive partisan issue that triggers mandatory school neutrality rules, but Zionism and advocacy for the Israeli state are never treated the same way.” He added that dozens of well-funded pro-Israel groups, including StandWithUs UK, the United Jewish Israel Appeal and JNF UK, are regularly granted unchallenged access to UK schools to deliver educational resources, host speakers and arrange subsidized trips to Israel for students and teachers, with no equivalent government scrutiny of their advocacy activities. Teaching staff, meanwhile, report high levels of anxiety about covering Palestinian history or addressing student questions about Israeli state actions, for fear of facing formal complaints of antisemitism. “Protecting the space to openly and vigorously criticize the Israeli state’s appalling human rights abuses is not just a minor priority,” Maugham emphasized. “It is a non-negotiable requirement for any functioning moral, democratic society.”
In response to questions from Middle East Eye about whether the Department for Education had considered the well-documented warnings from the IHRA definition’s own author and free speech experts about its chilling effect on pro-Palestinian expression, a DfE spokesperson defended the policy, stating: “Antisemitism is a growing societal problem that extends into our schools and colleges, and no Jewish child or member of education staff should ever face hatred or prejudice in their learning environment. That is why we have accepted all 27 of Sir David Bell’s recommendations, including encouraging educational institutions to adopt the IHRA working definition of antisemitism. This framework, adopted by 47 nations and countless public bodies across the world, provides a clear, practical tool for teachers to identify and tackle antisemitic prejudice wherever it arises.”
-

Inspired by UK sanctions on Israel, US Democrats want to work with Labour
Fresh off a decisive electoral triumph that handed Democrats full control of the US Congress in Tuesday’s midterm contests, party leaders and progressive lawmakers are openly aligning their upcoming West Bank settlement policy with a groundbreaking recent measure rolled out by the UK’s current progressive Labour government, according to exclusive interviews with Middle East Eye. The sweeping election results marked a sharp rebuke to former President Donald Trump’s political agenda, leaving his allied factions reeling from widespread losses across key battleground districts. Democratic insiders confirmed to MEE that their top legislative priority related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the new congressional session will be drafting targeted sanctions against extremist settler groups operating in the occupied West Bank, directly mirroring punitive measures the UK implemented just one month prior. The shift represents a deliberate break from decades of unwavering Washington alignment with successive Israeli governments, as well as a departure from the late Joe Biden administration’s long-standing unflinching support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s military campaign in Gaza. Multiple high-profile Democratic legislators have already publicly voiced their backing for adopting the UK’s policy framework. Texas Representative Joaquin Castro described the British sanctions announcement as a critical “step in the right direction,” condemning ongoing settlement expansion as a violent, terror-fueled land grab that demands urgent US pushback. Ro Khanna, the California congressman who survived a 2023 incident where he was held at gunpoint by West Bank settlers, praised the UK’s move as a “historic moral stand” that Washington can no longer afford to ignore. Freshman progressive lawmakers sweeping into Congress on Tuesday’s coattails are overwhelmingly supportive of centering Palestinian human rights in US foreign policy, noted Matt Duss, a leading Washington-based Middle East analyst with deep ties to the Democratic Party’s progressive wing. Even before Tuesday’s landslide midterm wins, 19 Senate Democrats had already tabled bipartisan legislation in late September that would impose financial and travel sanctions on any individuals or corporations involved in advancing the Israeli government’s controversial E1 settlement plan. The E1 initiative, which proposes constructing thousands of new residential units on the corridor between Jerusalem and the existing Maale Adumim settlement seven kilometers east of the city, would geographically bisect the West Bank and permanently eliminate the territorial feasibility of a sovereign, contiguous Palestinian state. Pennsylvania Representative Madeleine Dean, a co-sponsor of that bill, emphasized at its unveiling that the US could no longer stand idly by while its closest allies including the UK, France, and Canada took proactive steps to safeguard Palestinian dignity and self-determination, a core prerequisite for any long-term negotiated peace. The policy break from prior transatlantic norms traces back to the recent leadership transition in the UK: after years of successive Conservative Sunak governments and Keir Starmer’s early Labour administration prioritizing automatic alignment with US foreign policy, newly installed progressive Prime Minister Andy Burnham and his Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband orchestrated a landmark split from Trump-era Washington orthodoxy, leading a coalition of mid-sized democratic nations to roll out targeted settlement sanctions earlier this fall. Data from recent public opinion surveys confirms the UK’s policy enjoys broad cross-partisan support, even drawing backing from a narrow majority of traditionally pro-Israel Conservative voters. Democratic strategists say this widespread public approval in the UK has further emboldened their caucus to pursue similar action, particularly as rising progressive stars such as Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed — who secured a high-profile endorsement from former President Barack Obama despite relentless attack ads from the Trump campaign — won decisive midterm victories. Lawmakers are also framing the policy shift as a safeguard against potential unilateral military action against Iran that Trump has threatened to greenlight in partnership with hardline Israeli factions, a move that exit polls confirm a clear majority of American voters reject. Behind closed doors, informal bilateral talks are already underway between Democratic congressional leadership and the Burnham administration to rebuild the historic long-standing progressive political alliance between the US Democratic Party and UK Labour Party, in anticipation of the 2028 US presidential election cycle. Observers have drawn direct parallels to the close collaborative partnerships of past eras, including the close diplomatic alignment between former US President Bill Clinton and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair in the late 1990s, and the working relationship between Lyndon B. Johnson and Harold Wilson in the 1960s. Emily Thornberry, chair of the UK Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Select Committee, told MEE that empowering principled, progressive US legislators such as Khanna, Castro and Greg Casar to shape American Middle East policy could unlock unprecedented tangible progress for the region. “I would hold up our domestic settlement sanctions framework as a proven model, and I am deeply hopeful we can formalize this joint working relationship in the very near future,” Thornberry added.
-

Anthony Zurcher: Midterm carnage weakens Trump but he still wields power for now
In the immediate aftermath of a historic Democratic sweep in the 2026 U.S. midterm elections, as electoral outcomes continued to be finalized, the official White House X account shared a stark, formal photograph of Donald Trump seated behind his Oval Office desk, accompanied by the blunt caption: “Trump is still your president.” The carefully curated message was a deliberate attempt to project an image of unshakable executive resolve, framing the sitting president as fully in command despite a devastating partisan setback at the polls. What the post omitted, however, was the dual reality of Trump’s remaining term: while U.S. chief executives retain sweeping unilateral authority even without congressional majorities, Trump has already established a track record of pushing the outer boundaries of executive power, yet the clock is rapidly winding down on his remaining two years in office, creating growing constraints on his ability to act unilaterally. Over his tenure, the president has relied far more heavily on presidential executive orders than formal legislation passed by the previous Republican-controlled Congress to advance his signature agenda: these actions include sweeping tariffs applied uniformly to both U.S. allies and geopolitical adversaries, unilaterally authorized military operations targeting Venezuela and Iran, and across-the-board cuts to congressionally approved federal agency spending. Even with Democrats now holding majority control of both the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate, Trump retains the legal authority to continue pursuing many of these same unilateral actions, alongside additional unannounced policy moves, for the remainder of his term. Should Democratic legislators attempt to roll back his policies via new bills, the U.S. Constitution grants Trump a powerful defensive tool: the presidential veto, which cannot be overridden by the narrow Democratic majorities projected to take office in the new Congress. Still, formal legal authority alone does not guarantee Trump has the political capital and institutional support to execute his desired agenda. Incoming Democratic lawmakers have run explicitly on a platform of unyielding opposition to every element of his policy agenda, and the most significant barriers to his plans may emerge not from across the partisan aisle, but from within his own Republican ranks. For the first two years of his presidency, Trump maintained an ironclad grip on the Republican Party, keeping congressional Republicans and grassroots partisan supporters fully aligned through a shrewd mix of targeted political rewards and unapologetic, hardball threats. Recent signs, however, indicate that his once-unassailable hold on the party is beginning to fray. A growing number of Republican officials are now openly criticizing his policy decisions, a level of public pushback that was virtually unthinkable just a few months prior. Even Vice President JD Vance publicly published a lengthy social media post explicitly blaming the U.S.-backed Israeli military campaign in Iran, ordered by Trump, for the sweeping Republican electoral losses on midterm Tuesday. “If you’d like to argue it was worth it, that losing the Senate for the next six years was worth it, then do so,” Vance wrote. “But everyone knows why we lost. And any honest conversation about where we go from here must start there.” Unconfirmed reports have also begun circulating that senior members of Trump’s White House staff may face imminent dismissal. Per CBS News, the president has privately consulted close inner-circle advisors about whether to oust Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, one of the primary architects of the Iran military campaign, though Trump has publicly denied these rumors. The scenario bears striking parallels to former President George W. Bush’s 2006 decision to remove Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the central figure behind the Iraq War, in direct response to a sweeping Democratic midterm landslide that handed the party full control of Congress for the first time in over a decade. “Republicans who think that they need to pivot away from Trumpism and from the Make America Great Again movement are going to either try to emphasise different policy issues, or they’re going to try to frame themselves in ways that show some daylight between themselves and Donald Trump,” noted David Miller, an assistant professor of government at American University. On the night of the midterm vote, Trump made a series of conflicting public statements across social media platforms and live media interviews, alternating between pledges of bipartisan cooperation with the incoming Democratic Congress and explicit threats to veto any progressive legislation the new chamber might pass. The following Wednesday, as construction crews installed the final structural beam for the new White House ballroom Trump has overseen building, even amid an ongoing legal lawsuit seeking to halt the project, he addressed reporters briefly about his political path forward. “I’ll get along probably with the Democrats, unless they want to be destructive,” he stated. “But I have the power of the veto.” The situation echoes the 1995 political moment, months after Republicans seized full control of Congress in a wave election that left Democratic President Bill Clinton politically isolated and on the defensive. At the time, Clinton famously insisted, “The president is still relevant here,” as he sought to reassert his political influence. Unlike Clinton, who was in his first term and had sufficient time to rebuild his public standing and win re-election the following year, time is not on Trump’s side. While he will likely attempt to make the same case for his continued relevance to Washington’s political class and the U.S. public, the man who has spent his entire political career dominating the U.S. media spotlight may soon find that both his formal powers, and the political authority required to wield them effectively, are steadily slipping from his grasp.
-

Dapo Akande elected as ICJ judge, restoring British presence inside highest UN court
In a landmark judicial election at the United Nations, renowned British international legal expert Dapo Akande has secured a seat on the International Court of Justice (ICJ), marking the return of British representation to the UN’s highest judicial body after an almost 10-year gap. The Tuesday vote saw Akande elected alongside four other global legal figures: France’s Francois Alabrune, Singapore’s Rena Lee, Jordan’s Mahmoud Daifallah Hmoud, and Kenya’s Phoebe Okowa, with nine total candidates competing for the five open judicial seats. The new cohort will commence their nine-year terms on 6 February 2027; Hmoud and Okowa, who had previously served partial tenures to fill mid-term vacancies, have now earned full, regular terms on the bench.
Akande, currently the Chichele Professor of Public International Law at the University of Oxford and a sitting member of the UN International Law Commission, will be the first British national to serve as an ICJ judge since 2018. A widely respected jurist whose professional portfolio spans armed conflict regulation, international criminal law, human rights frameworks, intergovernmental organization governance, and interstate dispute resolution, he has built a distinguished track record of shaping landmark international legal arguments. His prior work includes developing rigorous legal frameworks for establishing genocide accountability and defining the illegality of de facto and formal annexation of Palestinian territories, positioning him to participate in the ICJ’s ongoing high-profile case brought by South Africa, which alleges Israel has violated the Genocide Convention in its military operations in Gaza.
UK Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband hailed Akande’s election as a resounding endorsement of the United Kingdom’s longstanding commitment to the international rule of law, noting it strengthens the nation’s ability to advocate for its core values on the global diplomatic and legal stage. Janina Dill, Akande’s co-director at the Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law, and Armed Conflict, praised his professional character in a post-election comment to Middle East Eye, describing him as a deliberate, nuanced jurist with exceptional communication skills, and highlighting his consistent even temperament and profound wisdom as qualities that will greatly benefit the court at a critical juncture for global human rights and conflict resolution.
The ICJ election process requires successful candidates to win an absolute majority in concurrent, separate ballots in both the UN General Assembly (97 votes required) and the UN Security Council (8 votes required), with a key procedural safeguard that bars the Security Council’s five permanent members from exercising their veto power over judicial appointments. Per ICJ foundational rules, all elected judges serve entirely independently of their national governments, with no binding obligation to advance their home state’s policy interests. Headquartered in The Hague, the ICJ functions as the primary judicial body for resolving formally submitted disputes between sovereign states and issuing authoritative, non-binding advisory opinions on critical international legal questions; unlike the separate International Criminal Court, it adjudicates state-level legal responsibility rather than prosecuting individual persons for crimes, and its judgments in interstate disputes are legally binding on the parties involved, though enforcement of rulings often depends on collective state action and the often politically divided Security Council.
Akande’s election arrives as the ICJ prepares to deliver its highly anticipated judgment on 19 November in The Gambia’s genocide case against Myanmar, which addresses widespread atrocities perpetrated against the country’s Rohingya Muslim minority. Akande previously served as lead counsel for the UK’s legal team in that case, alongside Alison Macdonald KC and Naomi Hart, when Britain intervened jointly with Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, and the Netherlands to submit coordinated arguments interpreting the Genocide Convention. The coalition of states pushed back against unreasonably high evidentiary thresholds for proving genocidal intent that would make securing genocide convictions functionally unachievable, and emphasized that genocide encompasses a far broader scope of prohibited acts than mass killing, including systematic sexual violence and the imposition of deliberately destructive living conditions that target civilian populations. Their submissions also underscored that the unique vulnerability of child populations must be central to judicial assessments of serious harm, systemic deprivation, and forced population displacement. This high-profile Myanmar genocide case has recently become a target of criticism from U.S. officials, with newly appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz accusing the case’s ad hoc judge, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Navi Pillay, of attempting to lower genocide proof thresholds to enable future legal action against American and allied military personnel. Waltz publicly warned that Washington would closely monitor the ICJ’s handling of the proceedings, explicitly referencing the sweeping U.S. sanctions regime previously imposed against the International Criminal Court to signal potential retaliatory measures.
Akande’s prior ICJ appearances also include representing Japan during the court’s landmark advisory opinion proceedings on the illegality of Israel’s long-running occupation of Palestinian territories. During those hearings, he argued forcefully that a state cannot evade the international legal ban on seizing territory by force simply by declining to issue a formal public declaration of annexation, noting that sustained actions including mass population transfers, systematic land seizures, mass evictions of long-term residents, construction of permanent state infrastructure, and exploitation of shared natural resources such as water can collectively constitute de facto annexation, particularly when state officials explicitly frame those changes as permanent. He further rejected the legal claim that states can retain seized territory under the justification of self-defense, noting that international law frames self-defense as a mechanism to protect already sovereign territory, not to seize additional land, and concluding that “Permanent annexation can never be a proportionate response to an armed attack.”
Notably, Akande has a long track record of challenging the British government’s official legal positions before international judicial bodies, despite the UK’s formal support for his ICJ candidacy. During 2018 ICJ hearings on the Chagos Islands dispute, in which the UK separated the archipelago from Mauritius prior to the latter’s independence, he represented Zambia to directly refute core British legal arguments. The UK had claimed the case was a narrow bilateral territorial dispute between London and Port Louis that fell outside the ICJ’s purview without British government consent, but Akande countered that the proceedings centered on binding international legal obligations related to decolonization, and that the fundamental right of colonized peoples to self-determination was a universal concern for all UN member states, not just the two direct parties to the dispute. He further rejected the UK’s assertion that the principle of self-determination had not yet been enshrined in international law in 1965, when the Chagos Islands were formally severed from Mauritius, citing the UK’s own official public statements from that era that explicitly affirmed the universal right of all colonized peoples to self-governance.
His willingness to challenge official UK legal stances extends to military action as well: in a 2018 formal legal opinion commissioned by then-UK Labour Party deputy leader Tom Watson, Akande dismissed the British government’s legal justification for airstrikes against the Assad regime in Syria as “significantly flawed,” concluding that the military operation violated the UN Charter and established international law. He noted that international law does not recognize the unilateral, uninvoked right to “humanitarian intervention” that the British government had claimed, and that even if such a right were widely accepted, the 2018 airstrikes failed to meet the UK government’s own stated conditions for legitimate action. Akande also publicly challenged the legal basis for the UK’s participation in the 2003 invasion of Iraq: in 2010, he led a cohort of leading international law academics in a formal submission to the official Iraq Inquiry that rejected the UK government’s argument that a 1990 UN Security Council authorization to use force against Iraq following its invasion of Kuwait could be reactivated more than a decade later due to Iraqi breaches of 1991 ceasefire terms, describing that interpretation as “an untenable interpretation of the UN Charter.” The submission further argued that even if that contested legal argument were accepted, a November 2002 Security Council resolution did not meet the required conditions for authorizing military action, meaning then-UK Attorney General Lord Goldsmith’s formal conclusion that the invasion was lawful was legally unsound.
In his formal candidate statement submitted during the ICJ election process, Akande pledged full commitment to legal rigor, collaborative engagement across diverse global legal traditions, and uncompromising judicial independence. “If elected, I will decide cases on the basis of a faithful and impartial application of the law having listened carefully to the arguments of participants in the proceedings,” he stated. The election of Akande adds a widely respected, independently minded legal voice to the ICJ at a moment when the court faces unprecedented global scrutiny over high-stakes cases related to genocide, territorial occupation, and the limits of legitimate military action. -

‘The alternative to diplomacy is war’: Polisario warns of risks after collapse of Western Sahara UN mission
A landmark 35-year UN peacekeeping presence in Western Sahara came to an abrupt end last week, after the UN Security Council collapsed into gridlock and failed to extend the mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), stoking widespread alarm that the long-running territorial dispute could spiral into open military conflict while fading entirely from global diplomatic attention.
First established in 1991, MINURSO was founded with two core mandates: to oversee a formal ceasefire between the Moroccan state and the Algeria-backed Polisario Front, the armed independence movement fighting for self-determination for the Indigenous Sahrawi population, and to lay the administrative groundwork for a long-promised independence referendum for the territory. Neither of those foundational goals was ever fully realized: the fragile 1991 ceasefire completely unraveled in 2020, and the self-determination vote was never scheduled, leaving the mission adrift in a diplomatic no-man’s-land for years.
The final death knell for MINURSO sounded on Sunday, when dueling vetoes from Russia and the United States scuttled competing resolutions aimed at extending the mission’s mandate. The U.S.-backed draft resolution would have stripped the word “referendum” entirely from MINURSO’s official name, rebranding it the United Nations Mission in Western Sahara, and enshrined Morocco’s widely criticized 2007 autonomy proposal as the sole legal framework for all future peace negotiations. That decades-old Moroccan plan offers the territory limited local self-governance while retaining full Moroccan sovereign control over Western Sahara, a framework that has won tentative backing from many UN member states and was described for the first time last year by the Security Council as “a most feasible outcome” for resolving the conflict, but has been repeatedly and categorically rejected by the Polisario Front.
For the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), the Polisario-led governing body that administers five Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and roughly 20 percent of Western Sahara’s territory, the Security Council stalemate was framed as a unexpected win. “The Russian veto saved the legal basis of self-determination,” SADR Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat told Middle East Eye, noting that the longstanding Polisario view of MINURSO was that it was at best ineffective, and at worst actively complicit in advancing Morocco’s occupation of the territory. Beissat added that the now-dead U.S. push to prioritize Morocco’s autonomy plan had been completely neutralized by the veto gridlock, as Russia would block any future attempt to table that framework before the Security Council. “At least in the short to medium term future, they cannot bring it again to the Security Council,” he explained. “Now we are back to square one.”
Western Sahara is widely recognized as Africa’s last remaining formal colony, and remains listed on the UN’s official roster of non-self-governing territories. Morocco seized control of the vast, resource-rich desert territory in 1975 following the withdrawal of former colonial power Spain, triggering a decades-long armed conflict with the Polisario Front that displaced hundreds of thousands of Indigenous Sahrawi people, hundreds of whom still reside in refugee camps in southwestern Algeria. Independence activists living in the 80 percent of Western Sahara controlled by Morocco have long reported systematic state repression, including arbitrary detention and restrictions on peaceful protest.
The 2020 collapse of the 1991 ceasefire followed a U.S. diplomatic deal struck under the Trump administration, in which Washington formally recognized Morocco’s full sovereignty claim over Western Sahara in exchange for Morocco agreeing to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel, a position the Biden administration has retained with no major policy shifts, despite limited hopes for change following recent U.S. midterm elections. Beissat criticized both Washington and European Security Council members that backed the U.S. draft resolution for acting against their own national interests, warning that a return to large-scale conflict in North Africa would trigger widespread instability and refugee flows directly into the European continent. “The alternative to diplomacy is war. That’s the message the UNSC have sent to the world,” he said. “They didn’t care. It’s more important for them to rally with America than defend their own interests in the peace and stability of North Africa.”
The UN has already initiated the formal process of winding down MINURSO’s operations in the Western Sahara coastal city of Laayoune, transferring all remaining mission assets to Moroccan authorities. In a public statement released Wednesday, the Moroccan government insisted it would uphold its “voluntary” commitment to a ceasefire in the territory, while vowing to defend what it calls its national security and territorial integrity. Morocco controls its 80 percent share of Western Sahara behind a massive, 2,700-kilometer sand defensive barrier known as “the Berm,” which it constructed in the 1980s to separate its controlled territory from the smaller Polisario-held zone and the Algerian border.
Since the 2020 ceasefire collapse, low-level skirmishes have persisted across the demarcation line: the Polisario Front has launched repeated attacks on Moroccan military outposts along the Berm, while Moroccan forces have carried out targeted drone strikes against Polisario positions, displacing thousands of local civilians who have fled to safety in either Mauritania or Algeria’s refugee camps. Analysts warn that the total removal of UN monitoring personnel from the long-patrolled buffer zone between the two sides eliminates the last remaining guardrail against wider war. “The risk is that a military incident inside Western Sahara’s buffer zone, no longer monitored by the UN, could ignite a larger military escalation, with Rabat potentially taking over this area and the Polisario attacking Moroccan defence facilities directly from Algerian territory,” Riccardo Fabiani, North Africa project director at the International Crisis Group, explained. “It’s this kind of scenario that the disappearance of the Minurso will make more plausible from now on.”
For decades, the Western Sahara conflict has been largely sidelined in global diplomatic discourse, overshadowed by higher-profile crises including the Israel-Palestine conflict and other armed conflicts across the Middle East and North Africa. Sahrawi human rights activists warn that the full withdrawal of MINURSO will erase the last formal mechanism that kept the long-simmering dispute on the UN Security Council’s regular agenda. “For more than 30 years, Minurso kept Western Sahara on the Security Council’s agenda – it meant that the world’s most powerful states had to address our situation, and that the UN secretary-general had to report regularly on developments,” said Asria Taleb Mohamed, a Sahrawi artist and human rights campaigner. “Without that presence, I fear Western Sahara will become easier for the world to forget.”
-

Police urged to investigate London event advertising settlement-linked Israeli agency
A UK-based legal advocacy group focused on Palestinian justice has formally called on London’s Metropolitan Police to launch an urgent probe into the presence of an Israeli state agency heavily involved in illegal settlement construction at the ongoing World Travel Market (WTM), one of the global travel industry’s largest annual trade shows. The event, which runs through Thursday in London, already drew large-scale pro-Palestine demonstrations on Tuesday, with tensions flaring as event security physically removed two activists from the exhibition floor. The International Centre of Justice for Palestinians (ICJP) submitted an official letter to the Met Police’s dedicated war crimes unit on Tuesday, demanding immediate investigation and the consideration of preventative measures targeting the Jerusalem Development Authority (JDA), which is participating at WTM via its tourism outreach platform iTravelJerusalem. The JDA, a statutory body jointly overseen by the Israeli government and Jerusalem municipal authorities, has been extensively documented as a lead implementer of settlement expansion projects across occupied East Jerusalem and Palestinian territories, in direct violation of international law. Its high-profile ongoing plans include the forced eviction of 40 Palestinian families from the Umm Haroun compound in the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood to build a 320-unit illegal settlement, a 2020-approved Jerusalem cable car project that would displace local critical water, sewage and telecommunications infrastructure while clearing hundreds of native trees, and a major new housing settlement adjacent to the Palestinian community of Beit Safafa. Since 2023, the agency has retained a contract with global marketing firm Finn Partners to promote occupied East Jerusalem as a leisure tourism destination across the UK. The ICJP’s letter raises specific concerns about the financial relationship between the WTM organisers and the JDA, noting that any exhibition fees or direct financial benefits the event may derive from the settlement-linked agency’s participation could constitute a potential criminal offence under UK laws targeting complicity in illegal settlement activity. The Israeli national pavilion at WTM, which hosts dozens of Israeli tourism and commercial entities, prominently features the iTravelJerusalem stand that markets travel experiences across occupied Palestinian land. The Tuesday demonstration organised by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) saw protesters gather directly outside the Israeli stand holding large banners reading “Every settlement is a war crime”, before two attendees were forcibly escorted out by private security staff. PSC Deputy Director Ryvka Barnard condemned the Israeli state’s presence at the event as a “utter disgrace”, pointing out that UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron publicly acknowledged the illegality of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories just months prior, and pledged to ban all promotional activity for illegal Israeli settlements. “This is a critical test for the newly elected Labour government,” Barnard stated. “Voters are watching to see if they will honour their public commitments, move to shut down this stall and launch the requested criminal investigations into its organisers, or if their earlier statements will be exposed as nothing more than empty political rhetoric.” The pressure on authorities comes days after 15 sitting UK Members of Parliament sent an official letter to the British government on Monday, demanding that ministers intervene directly with WTM leadership to remove all exhibitors and promotional materials that facilitate or market illegal Israeli settlements. The UK government formally recognised Israel’s 57-year occupation of Palestinian territories as illegal last month, and announced a sweeping new package of sanctions targeting illegal Israeli settlement operations. Palestinian Ambassador to the UK Hussam Zomlot also released a public statement last Thursday in response to initial reporting on the JDA’s WTM participation, condemning the decision to platform “Israeli companies guilty of ethnic cleansing” at a major London industry event, and calling on the UK government to turn its previously stated commitments into tangible enforcement action to ensure all parties complicit in the illegal occupation and settlement expansion face meaningful legal consequences. Middle East Eye, which first broke the story of the JDA’s scheduled WTM appearance last week, has reached out to both the Metropolitan Police and WTM event organisers for official comment, with no public response issued as of press time.
