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  • A man who set fire to homes linked to Starmer is in jail. His Russian-speaking handler slipped away

    A man who set fire to homes linked to Starmer is in jail. His Russian-speaking handler slipped away

    In a landmark verdict delivered Monday, a 21-year-old Ukrainian national recruited online to carry out a string of arson attacks targeting properties linked to British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has been found guilty of conspiracy, alongside his unidentified accomplice. But the shadowy, Russian-speaking handler who orchestrated the plot — operating under the online pseudonym “El Money” — remains at large, escaping all public accountability and legal punishment, leaving a critical gap in Britain’s effort to counter what counterterrorism experts say fits a pattern of Russian state-backed sabotage across Europe.

    The botched 2025 attack plot laid bare the challenges Western law enforcement faces in countering Moscow’s emerging hybrid warfare tactics, which rely on low-cost, locally recruited proxies to carry out destabilizing acts while leaving little traceable evidence of direct state involvement. Court documents from the six-week trial outline that El Money recruited the attacker, Roman Lavrynovych, via messaging app Telegram, and provided him with step-by-step instructions: specific target locations, guidance on mixing flammable materials from local hardware stores, and a requirement to film each attack to generate publicity. Over several days in May 2025, Lavrynovych carried out three arson attempts: one targeting Starmer’s former personal vehicle, and two striking residential properties previously owned by the prime minister. No one was killed or seriously injured in the attacks, which caused only limited structural damage, but smoke inhalation left Judith Alexander — Starmer’s sister-in-law, who was staying in one of the targeted homes at the time — gasping for air, according to witness testimony.

    Far from being satisfied with the attacks themselves, El Money grew frustrated by the limited media coverage the arsons generated. Poor documentation by Lavrynovych left the handler without usable viral content: one clip purporting to show Starmer’s former car ablaze lasted only seconds, while a second video filmed in near total darkness captured little more than the repeated scratch of striking matches. “It’s all dead quiet so far — not a single article or announcement about the incident on this street,” El Money complained to Lavrynovych in a message sent after the final attack, unaware that the plot had already caught the attention of British counterterrorism detectives.

    Testimony during the trial revealed that Lavrynovych was not initially tasked with arson. El Money first paid him to post anti-Islam posters and spray anti-Muslim graffiti across majority-Muslim neighborhoods in London, an apparent attempt to stoke sectarian unrest ahead of the more high-profile attacks targeting Starmer. When El Money ordered the arsons, Lavrynovych was threatened with harm if he refused, and promised a large cash payment for completing the job. His defense attorney, James Scobie, described Lavrynovych as a “vulnerable, ignorant” puppet manipulated by a far more sophisticated, unseen operator. “It must be a bit of a frustration that no part of this case has really looked into the devil in the background,” Scobie told the court, noting that the attacks were clearly aimed at Starmer over his unwavering support for Ukraine, and amounted to an attack on Britain’s democratic institutions.

    Notably, prosecutors opted not to bring charges under Britain’s 2023 National Security Act, a piece of legislation crafted specifically to counter state-backed threats. That decision meant no evidence of a wider conspiracy linked to Moscow was ever presented to the jury. Presiding Justice Neil Garnham went a step further, directing jurors not to speculate on the identity or affiliations of El Money, calling him the “central figure in the case but a man or group about whom we know very little.” The result is a conviction that holds only the low-level proxy accountable, while leaving the orchestrators untouched.

    Current head of UK counterterrorism police Helen Flanagan emphasized that publicly disclosed police evidence has not confirmed a state-backed plot targeting the prime minister, drawing a clear line between unclassified law enforcement evidence and classified intelligence assessments. That distinction is at the core of the challenge Western governments face in addressing this new wave of Russian hybrid activity, according to Cmdr. Dominic Murphy, the veteran investigator who oversaw the initial probe into the Starmer arson attacks before retiring in March. With more than 20 years of experience investigating Russian state-aligned activities in the UK — including the high-profile 2018 Sergei Skripal poisoning plot — Murphy told the AP that the Starmer plot matches the exact profile of Russian state-backed sabotage.

    “There is a difference between proving something in court — which could raise public awareness — and assessing such attacks in the context of a wider threat, where intelligence is often classified and incomplete,” Murphy explained. Often, critical intelligence gathered by spy agencies cannot be presented in open court, because doing so would expose sensitive intelligence gathering capabilities and tactics, making it impossible to meet the high bar of “beyond a reasonable doubt” required for criminal convictions. Even so, Murphy noted that police evidence confirms El Money spoke Russian and is likely based in Russia, and that his operational tactics are “very similar” to those consistently used by Russian intelligence services operating on British soil, with such plots often requiring “very senior sign-off” from Moscow. That assessment aligns with data compiled by the Associated Press, which has tracked at least 192 attacks across Europe — including arson, cyberattacks, and attempted assassinations — linked to Russian covert activity since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. European officials have repeatedly warned that Russia is exploiting the gap between classified intelligence and admissible court evidence to carry out a sustained sabotage campaign against Western countries that support Ukraine.

    When asked in June about allegations of a Russian covert war against the West, Russian President Vladimir Putin dismissed the claims, asking, “What are the specific facts? What has been proven?” British officials have so far declined to publicly attribute the Starmer plot to Moscow. The UK Home Office called the attacks “abhorrent” in a statement and confirmed that the prosecuted conspirators have been brought to justice, but declined to answer questions about whether the British government blames Russia for the plot. The prime minister’s office referred all questions about attribution to the Home Office, while counterterrorism police declined to comment on intelligence matters.

    Murphy and other security experts argue that public attribution and transparent court cases are critical tools for raising awareness of growing Russian threats, and can justify tougher action including new sanctions and expanded defensive measures. The Skripal attack, for example, was publicly attributed to Moscow by the UK government, leading to the mass expulsion of Russian intelligence officers operating under diplomatic cover across the Western world. Since that 2018 incident, Murphy noted, Russia has shifted its tactics dramatically, moving away from direct operations by Russian intelligence officers to the recruitment of low-level, easily replaced local proxies like Lavrynovych. This shift makes it far harder to trace direct links to the Kremlin. In the end, Scobie told the court, the only winner in the Starmer arson case is the unseen shadow operator who manipulated Lavrynovych and escaped unscathed. Shortly before Lavrynovych’s arrest, El Money reassured the young recruit, “Don’t worry, I won’t set you up.” Lavrynovych never received the payment he was promised.

  • What to know about the demining and escort mission that US allies want for the Strait of Hormuz

    What to know about the demining and escort mission that US allies want for the Strait of Hormuz

    EVIAN-LES-BAINS, France — Against the backdrop of a newly reached tentative ceasefire deal between the U.S. and Iran to end the recent conflict, Western G7 allies have spent months refining a plan for a defensive naval mission in the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global maritime chokepoint that drives much of the world’s energy supply. The proposal is designed to restore confidence among commercial vessel crews and maritime insurance providers, clearing the waterway of explosive ordnance and providing armed escort to guarantee safe passage for global shipping.

    The initiative has been spearheaded by France and the United Kingdom, with French President Emmanuel Macron first publicly floating the framework back in March, when active conflict across the region was still intensifying. At that time, Macron outlined that coalition warships would escort commercial tankers and container ships through the strait once hostilities subsided. The proposal gained the formal backing of Germany, Japan, Italy, and later Canada, all fellow G7 member states, which released a joint statement affirming their commitment to securing unconditional and unrestricted freedom of navigation through the strategic waterway as part of the post-ceasefire transition.

    Speaking to Macron on the sidelines of the Group of Seven summit in France on Monday, U.S. President Donald Trump struck a muted tone. He argued that a large-scale mission was unnecessary, asserting that the strait would soon be fully open to traffic under the terms of the tentative Iran agreement. Still, Trump offered cautious approval of the allied plan, noting that a small contingent of vessels from coalition partners would be a welcome contribution to regional security.

    Macron confirmed that French military assets are already positioned to deploy on short notice if the mission moves forward. France’s flagship nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, the Charles de Gaulle, which was dispatched to the eastern Mediterranean in early March before transiting the Suez Canal to the Arabian Sea, is already operating in the broader region. According to Macron, French fighter jets could begin surveillance flights over the strait as early as the day after his meeting with Trump, with frigates arriving within 48 hours and the Charles de Gaulle joining within two to three days. Other nations with existing military deployments in the region, including the United Kingdom, Italy, and the Netherlands, are also prepared to contribute assets quickly.

    “Of course, all this supposes that it is desired and requested,” Macron noted. “Perhaps it will not be wanted and perhaps it will not be necessary. But in any case, it reflects our willingness to help.”

    A core component of the mission is mine clearance operations. Explosive ordnance placed in the strait ranges from stationary seabed mines triggered by sound, movement or light to rocket-propelled and cabled devices, all of which pose a major lethal hazard to commercial shipping. Trump acknowledged that some mines have already been located, with clearance operations ongoing, and confirmed that the strait is already partially open to traffic. The United Kingdom has already highlighted its specialized mine-clearing expertise, hosting journalists aboard the Royal Fleet Auxiliary vessel RFA Lyme Bay off the coast of Gibraltar last month as the ship stood by for potential deployment.

    Coalition navies already have extensive on-the-ground experience escorting commercial vessels through hostile conditions in the broader Middle East region. Over recent months, French, British, and American warships have fended off repeated attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea carried out by Iran-aligned Houthi rebels based in Yemen. In 2024, the French frigate Alsace intercepted and destroyed three ballistic missiles while escorting a container ship through the Red Sea, its commander later describing continuous engagements as mentally and physically exhausting for crew. Similar high-tension operations have taken a toll on U.S. Navy personnel deployed to the region.

    If the ceasefire holds, analysts and military leaders anticipate the Strait of Hormuz mission will face far lower risks than recent Red Sea operations. Still, military planners are preparing for potential contingencies: Iran is still believed to hold large stockpiles of missiles, drones, and other offensive weaponry, so coalition warships would retain full defensive capabilities to repel attacks if the ceasefire collapses.

    Max Bergmann, an analyst specializing in Middle East security at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, noted that the utility of the mission is tied directly to the success of the ceasefire. “Once there is a ceasefire, the need for a naval mission is significantly reduced,” he explained. While a joint British-French naval presence offers modest security benefits – raising the stakes for Iran to resume hostilities, demonstrating European commitment to Gulf ally states, and reassuring skittish shipping and insurance firms – Bergmann argued that observers should not overstate the mission’s overall impact.

    Planning for the mission has already drawn broad international participation beyond core G7 nations. Joint French-British organizing efforts have included consultations with representatives from more than 30 countries, stretching from Australia and South Korea in the Indo-Pacific to Gulf states Bahrain and Qatar, plus more than a dozen European nations. A planning meeting convened by France and the United Kingdom last month brought together defense officials and senior representatives from 38 countries to coordinate logistics and contribution commitments.

  • G7 leaders open summit talks on Ukraine and the Middle East as Zelenskyy joins in France

    G7 leaders open summit talks on Ukraine and the Middle East as Zelenskyy joins in France

    EVIAN-LES-BAINS, France — The Group of Seven’s annual gathering of the world’s major industrialized democracies opened its first full working day on Tuesday with a packed slate of high-stakes discussions, led by urgent negotiations to advance a resolution to Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine and de-escalate simmering tensions across the Middle East. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy joined the summit in person after receiving an official invitation from France, the event’s host nation.

    The discussions around Ukraine come fresh off a major announcement from U.S. President Donald Trump, who revealed a landmark agreement to end the three-and-a-half-month U.S. military conflict with Iran. In recent weeks, the Iran confrontation pushed the nearly four-year-old Russian invasion of Ukraine out of global media and diplomatic headlines, marking a significant shift in geopolitical priorities. Trump confirmed Sunday that he held constructive separate talks with both Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin, telling reporters during a Monday bilateral meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron that “now that this (Iran) is finished, we’re going to be focusing on that.”

    Macron has publicly outlined his goal to convince Trump to maintain long-standing U.S. military and diplomatic support for Ukraine and ramp up international pressure on Moscow to create conditions for a lasting peace deal. The push for talks comes against a grim backdrop: just hours before the summit’s official working sessions got underway, Russia launched a massive coordinated barrage of hundreds of drones and dozens of missiles targeting Ukraine’s largest urban centers. The attack left 11 civilians dead and destroyed a historic religious landmark, underscoring the ongoing intensity of the conflict even as diplomatic momentum builds.

    Tuesday’s agenda also includes a dedicated working session focused on “ending crises and ensuring stability in the Middle East,” with senior leaders from Egypt, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates joining the G7 delegations for the talks. The Iran ceasefire agreement has already created new divisions between Trump and his European G7 counterparts, who have openly criticized the U.S. leader for failing to consult the alliance before launching military action against Iran. In recent weeks, Trump has even threatened retaliatory measures — including drawing down U.S. troop deployments in France, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Italy, all core NATO members — over their lack of public support for the Iran campaign.

    Despite these frictions, allied leaders have adopted a measured tone in Evian, eager to lock in rapid progress to reverse the economic damage caused by the months-long blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global chokepoint for oil supplies that drove energy prices higher in recent months. Just ahead of the summit, the leaders of France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom released a joint statement — also signed by Canada — congratulating Washington, Tehran, and diplomatic mediators on what they called a “diplomatic breakthrough.” The statement emphasized that detailed follow-on negotiations and swift implementation of the ceasefire deal are essential to reopen the strait to commercial tanker traffic without delay.

    Macron added that France and other Western partners “are ready to take action very quickly” to support a peaceful reopening of the strait. Paris and London have already led planning for an international mission to reestablish maritime security in the waterway once conditions permit, though Trump downplayed the need for a large-scale multilateral military deployment during his meeting with Macron. “I don’t think we’re gonna need much help,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s a bad idea to have a ship or two up here from a few countries. You’d be a great country to do it.”

    Trump also celebrated early signs of economic relief following the ceasefire announcement, telling reporters: “I think a lot of great things are going to happen in the Middle East right now, and very importantly the oil is plummeting down and the stock market is shooting up like a rocket today.”

    On the Ukraine front, Monday brought a key symbolic milestone for Kyiv: the country officially launched European Union membership negotiations, a years-long process that will require sweeping political and institutional reforms even as the war with Russia continues. Ukraine frames EU accession as a core security guarantee for its long-term stability once hostilities end. While Kyiv views full NATO membership as its ultimate security safeguard, the Trump administration has openly ruled out Ukrainian NATO membership, and other Western allies remain wary of extending membership while the active conflict continues.

    Macron laid out his vision for peace talks in comments to French television, saying: “The right negotiation is one in which Ukraine and Russia are at the table, but with Europeans and Americans present as well.” The exchange of phone calls between Trump and both Zelenskyy and Putin — which took place Sunday, on the U.S. president’s 80th birthday — confirms that Washington has not abandoned diplomatic efforts to end the fighting that began with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in early 2022.

    While campaigning to return to the White House, Trump infamously claimed he could end the entire Russia-Ukraine conflict within 24 hours of taking office. He has since acknowledged that reaching a lasting resolution has proven far more complex than his initial projection, and he has publicly voiced frustration at the slow pace of progress toward a ceasefire.

    Beyond the two core geopolitical topics, Tuesday’s schedule sees Trump hold one-on-one meetings with the Emir of Qatar and the President of the United Arab Emirates, before joining other delegations for an evening cultural performance and working dinner. The G7 bloc comprises France, the United States, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom. This year’s summit has also invited guest partner nations including Brazil, India, Kenya, and South Africa to participate in select working sessions.

  • What one country’s experiment says about attempts to boost birth rates

    What one country’s experiment says about attempts to boost birth rates

    On a quiet park bench in Debrecen, eastern Hungary, 33-year-old social worker Barbara Elek refreshes her email inbox with trembling hands. Ten days removed from her third round of in vitro fertilization, she and her 34-year-old chef husband Levi wait for life-changing news: whether their years-long struggle to start a family has finally succeeded. If the treatment fails, Barbara says, the grief of losing a pregnancy will not be their only burden. If they cannot prove an expected child by November 1, the couple stands to lose everything they have built financially.

    Like tens of thousands of other young Hungarian couples, Barbara and Levi accepted a 10 million forint (£25,000) interest-free loan and a linked mortgage subsidy under a landmark pronatalist policy introduced by former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s government in 2010. In exchange for promising to have two children within a set timeline, the pair gained access to unprecedented financial support. But under the policy’s fine print, couples who fail to meet their child-bearing commitment face crippling penalty interest between 1.5 and 3.5 million forint (£3,700-£8,600) – a sum Barbara and Levi say they simply cannot afford.

    Orbán’s 15-year experiment in state-backed fertility promotion stands as one of the most ambitious population policy overhauls in modern history. When Fidesz took power in 2010, Hungary faced a demographic crisis: its fertility rate rested at 1.25 children per woman, far below the 2.1 replacement rate needed to sustain a stable native population, compounded by mass emigration and minimal immigration. Orbán’s approach rejected the Western solution of increased immigration, famously stating: “We don’t need numbers, we need Hungarian children.” Over 15 years, the government rolled out billions in incentives: tax breaks for large families, interest-free home loans, mortgage subsidies, and grants for home renovations and larger vehicle purchases, all restricted to married, heterosexual couples with formal employment.

    For a decade, the policy appeared to deliver on its promises. Hungary’s fertility rate climbed steadily, hitting 1.59 by 2020, earning the program praise from conservative circles around the world, particularly in the United States. But by 2025, that progress had evaporated: the fertility rate fell back to 1.31, barely higher than its 2010 baseline. Demographers now widely classify the initiative as a failure to meet its core goal of reversing population decline. What went wrong with one of the world’s most aggressive pronatalist projects, and what lessons can other nations grappling with falling fertility learn from Hungary’s experience?

    Supporters of the policy argue it still softened the blow of a continent-wide fertility decline. “Without these policies, there would be hundreds of thousands of fewer children,” says Fruzsina Skrabski of pro-family NGO Three Princes, Three Princesses, who notes the program simply did not go far enough to reverse long-term demographic trends. For large families like Maté and Agi Gorondy of suburban Budapest, who have five children under 10 and may have more, the incentives have been life-changing. The couple leveraged generous maternity pay, tax cuts, and subsidies to renovate their home and buy a larger vehicle; as a mother of more than two children, Agi will pay no income tax if she returns to work. Maté says a cultural shift is visible even at the neighborhood level: “Four- or five-child families are no longer rare” in his community, a shift reflected in mid-2010s data that saw a steady rise in families with three or more children, peaking in 2020 before declining again.

    Critics, however, point to deep structural flaws that limited the policy’s impact. The benefits were unevenly distributed, notes János Tóth, a demographic studies professor at the University of Szeged: the incentives worked well for lower-middle-class rural families, but did little to boost fertility in urban areas, where birth rates are lowest and the cost of living has eroded the value of the 10 million forint baby loan amid soaring inflation. Tóth adds that the policy focused too heavily on encouraging additional children from existing parents, rather than removing barriers to first-time parenthood – “the first child is the most important.”

    Other experts argue the temporary rise in fertility simply reflected a timing shift, not a permanent increase in total births. “These policies prompted a cohort of people to have children they would have had anyway, just a little earlier than planned,” explains Eva Fodor, co-director of the Democracy Institute at Central European University. After the initial rush of earlier planned births, rates naturally fell back to trend. A similar pattern has played out across Eastern Europe: the Czech Republic, which did not implement Hungary-scale pronatalist incentives, saw an identical rise and subsequent fall in fertility over the same period.

    For many Hungarian parents, financial support was never the main barrier to having more children. Antonia Miskolczi, a 29-year-old first-time mother in Budapest, says fears over Hungary’s underfunded public healthcare system far outweighed any financial incentive when she and her husband decided to limit their family to two children. After seeing social media warnings of under-resourced public hospitals and hearing horror stories from relatives, Antonia chose to deliver her son at a private clinic. “I don’t think big promises are needed. Just fix the fundamentals and the willingness to have children will increase,” she says. “Improving education and healthcare should be the very first step if people are going to feel comfortable having children.”

    Fodor’s 2019 research with middle-class professional Hungarian women confirms this gap. Most respondents viewed one-time government payments as insufficient, citing a persistent lack of reliable childcare, functional public health infrastructure, and work flexibility as their core barriers to expanding their families. While Hungary expanded childcare access under Orbán, many families still report services are insufficient to meet demand.

    Hungary is far from alone in its struggle to reverse falling fertility. Across the globe, more than half of all countries now have fertility rates below replacement level, a trend that has accelerated since the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic. South Korea, for example, has spent more than £215 billion since 2008 on fertility incentives including £20,000-£30,000 baby bonuses and monthly child benefits, yet its fertility rate fell to 0.8 in 2025. Demographers point to overlapping global crises driving this trend: pandemic uncertainty, the war in Ukraine, soaring global inflation, and widespread political instability have all eroded public confidence in the future, a key driver of decisions to have children. “Fertility tends to decline because people don’t have confidence in the future,” notes Vienna Institute of Demography demographer Tomas Sobotka.

    Looking at global success stories, Nordic countries like Sweden have come closest to sustaining higher fertility through a different model: policies that prioritize work-family balance, including shared parental leave, universal affordable childcare, and support for dual-earner households. While Sweden’s fertility has also fallen in recent years, it remains far higher than most of Europe, and has avoided the extreme decline seen in East Asia. “Countries that make it easier for men and women to share work and care are far better protected against deep fertility decline,” Sobotka explains.

    By contrast, Fodor argues, Orbán’s policy reinforced rigid traditional gender roles that frame women as the primary caregivers, a cultural norm that discourages many women from having children in the modern workforce. “Even state-owned companies are not flexible, they do not take into account the fact that men and women both may have responsibilities outside of the labour market,” Fodor says. This aligns with patterns seen in South Korea, where rigid traditional gender roles and a lack of work-life balance leave women bearing the full burden of childcare, driving many to delay or forgo having children entirely. Only Israel, among OECD nations, sustains a fertility rate above replacement level, a trend experts attribute more to strong cultural norms around family building than high government spending.

    Orbán’s government spent roughly 5% of GDP on its family initiative, and the policy remained popular enough that Hungary’s new prime minister Peter Magyar did not campaign to roll it back after taking office in April 2026. While experts agree that any financial support for families is a net positive, Fodor argues the money could have delivered far more impact if invested in institutional infrastructure and gender equality. “If that money had been spent on social institutions and gender equality and promoting men’s role in domestic work, I think a similar increase in the fertility rate could have been achieved,” she says.

    For Barbara and Levi, the policy’s contradictions have come at a devastating cost. The Hungarian National Bank estimates one in five couples who took out the baby loan five years ago have not had children, many for reasons of infertility entirely outside their control. The new government has said it is reviewing the policy’s penalty terms, but no changes have been announced yet.

    The long-awaited email finally arrived. The implanted embryo had not survived. “It’s horrible, just horrible,” Levi said, holding his crying wife. In a country that brands itself as family-friendly, the couple has been left with neither the child they dreamed of, nor the financial stability the policy promised – caught in a failed experiment that has left millions of families facing uncertainty.

    *This report is published ahead of the June 16 launch of BBC News Magyarul, a new Hungarian-language service from BBC World Service serving Central European audiences.*

  • Cape Verde 40-year-old goalkeeper Vozinha turns in a ‘dream’ performance in his World Cup debut

    Cape Verde 40-year-old goalkeeper Vozinha turns in a ‘dream’ performance in his World Cup debut

    ATLANTA — For four decades, Vozinha carried one singular, burning dream: to step onto the world’s biggest soccer stage and represent the tiny island nation of Cape Verde at the FIFA World Cup. On Monday, that decades-long journey culminated in one of the most stunning upsets the tournament has seen in recent years, as the 40-year-old goalkeeper turned in a masterclass to shut down Spain’s star-studded attack and secure a historic 0-0 draw in Cape Verde’s first-ever World Cup match.

    Despite being completely outpossessed and outshot by the pre-tournament favorites — Spain launched 27 attempts on goal, with seven testing Vozinha directly — the veteran keeper was unbeatable. He intercepted crosses, blocked point-blank shots, and organized his backline with unflappable poise, leaving Spanish forwards and their supporters growing increasingly frustrated as the clock ticked down. Even the much-anticipated second-half introduction of 16-year-old phenom Yamine Lamal, the youngest player to ever feature at a senior World Cup, could not find a way past Vozinha and his determined defensive unit.

    When the final whistle blew, the weight of the moment crashed over the 40-year-old. He bent over just in front of his goal and wept, before being swarmed and embraced by jubilant teammates, who had just secured a share of the points against one of the world’s top-ranked teams. For a nation that had never before qualified for the World Cup, the result was already a win; holding Spain to a draw was nothing short of historic.

    In post-match interviews, Vozinha opened up about the personal emotion of the moment, revealing that many of the people who shaped him could not be there to see his career-defining performance. The goalkeeper was raised by his grandparents, who both passed away in recent years, and his mother was unable to secure a U.S. visa in time to travel to the match due to financial constraints. “When I think about them, I just get overwhelmed with emotion,” he said.

    Vozinha’s path to this World Cup moment was far from conventional. He did not even make his professional debut until he was 25, when he first took the field for Angola’s Progresso. Over the decades that followed, he carved out a nomadic club career, plying his trade in Moldova, Cyprus, Slovakia, and now Portugal, where he plies his trade for Chaves in the country’s second division. He earned his first cap for the Cape Verde national team in 2012, and there were points along the way where he considered stepping away from international soccer. But he never gave up on the dream.

    “I have worked my whole life for this, for this exact moment, for this dream,” he said. “So many generations before us dreamed of this day and never got the chance to achieve it. Now, that dream has come true.”

    Even his unusual nickname, Vozinha — which means “grandmother” in Portuguese — is tied to his roots. As a child, older players bullied him on local soccer fields, taunting him with the name because he would run home crying to his grandmother after rough matches. Years later, the nickname stuck permanently when another teammate at his first professional club shared his birth name, Josimar.

    Teammates say Vozinha’s performance on Monday was the perfect reflection of the leadership he brings to the team every day. Steven Moreira, one of his fellow squad members, joked that the team often teases the keeper about his age, but added that he is immensely proud of the veteran. “He’s a big legend, and that was a crazy game,” Moreira said. “It just goes to show that age doesn’t matter when you have the heart and the will to win.”

    Pico Lopes echoed that sentiment, noting that Vozinha is often the strictest member of the squad in training, constantly pushing his teammates to show up on time and play to their full potential. “He lives and breathes Cape Verde,” Lopes said. “He’s always pushing us to be better, and today he led by example. That’s who he is.”

    The historic performance has already turned Vozinha into a global soccer sensation. In the hours after the final whistle, his Instagram follower count skyrocketed from roughly 50,000 to more than 2.4 million, as fans around the world rushed to follow the 40-year-old underdog who pulled off one of the biggest upsets in World Cup history.

  • Senegal looks to repeat 2002 World Cup upset of France that set off dancing in Dakar’s streets

    Senegal looks to repeat 2002 World Cup upset of France that set off dancing in Dakar’s streets

    EAST RUTHERFORD, N.J. – Ahead of their Group I World Cup clash on Tuesday, two-time World Cup champion France and 2002 Cinderella story Senegal are preparing to write a new chapter in their unique shared football history, a rivalry rooted in Senegal’s former status as a French colony and defined by one of the most shocking upsets in modern tournament history.

    In the opening match of the 2002 World Cup, then-defending champion France fell 1-0 to the unheralded Senegalese side, nicknamed the Lions of Teranga. The historic upset sent waves of celebration across Senegal, where then-President Abdoulaye Wade declared an immediate national holiday to honor the win. Papa Bouba Diop scored the game’s only goal in the 30th minute, and Senegal went on to reach the quarterfinals before bowing out to Turkey, while France left the tournament winless and eliminated in the group stage – a result that remains one of the biggest upsets in World Cup history.

    More than two decades later, the rematch has generated huge global attention, though both sides have downplayed any talk of revenge for the 2002 result. For France, six of its current squad were not even born when the 2002 upset occurred. Midfielder N’Golo Kanté emphasized Monday that the team is focused on progress in the current tournament, not settling old scores.

    “Not for revenge do we want to win, but we want to go as far as possible in this competition,” Kanté said through a translator. “Our main opponent is ourselves. We cannot see ourselves too beautiful or too strong.”

    French head coach Didier Deschamps echoed that sentiment, noting that the 2002 result is history, and Tuesday’s match will be an entirely new contest. The two-time World Cup winner (as a player in 1998 and head coach in 2018) is on the cusp of a major coaching milestone Tuesday: the match will mark his 20th World Cup game at the helm of Les Bleus, just five games short of Helmut Schön’s all-time record for World Cup matches coached, set with West Germany. Deschamps, who will retire from his post this summer after 12 years leading the French national team, is one of only three people in history to win the World Cup as both a player and a coach, alongside Brazil’s Mário Zagallo and Germany’s Franz Beckenbauer. France, currently ranked third in the global FIFA rankings, is aiming to reach its third consecutive World Cup final, having won in 2018 and fallen to Argentina in a penalty shootout in the 2022 final.

    For Senegal, the match carries deep symbolic weight, and current head coach Pape Thiaw brings unique personal context to the contest. Thiaw was a member of the 2002 Senegalese squad, appearing in the team’s round of 16 upset win over Sweden. Ahead of Tuesday’s game, he plans to pass on lessons learned from Bruno Metsu, the legendary late head coach who led the 2002 side to its iconic run.

    “Of course, there is going to be a Bruno effect when I’m going to be talking to my players tomorrow,” Thiaw said through a translator. “I will also add my personal touch and also add what Bruno taught me along the way.”

    Thiaw acknowledged that the match against France has unique meaning beyond football, given the two countries’ shared historical ties. “We know that a game between France and Senegal is a very symbolic game,” he said.

    Off the pitch, a visa issue has prevented many fans traveling directly from Senegal from entering the U.S. for the match, but Thiaw says he still expects a massive show of Senegalese support at MetLife Stadium, thanks to the large expatriate Senegalese community in the country. “Of course we’d like to have our fans. We know what they can do for us. They push us,” Thiaw said. “But we have a major Senegalese community and we know that the Senegalese is very patriotic and they like their national team. You will see this tomorrow. You won’t even believe it that no Senegalese came over from Senegal.”

    Senegal, ranked 16th globally, comes into the match with its own recent continental success: the side won the 2022 Africa Cup of Nations, but its 2024 title defense ended in controversy after a 1-0 final win over Morocco was overturned to a 3-0 forfeit loss when Senegal players left the pitch for 15 minutes during stoppage time to protest a late penalty awarded to Morocco. Senegal has appealed the ruling to the Court of Arbitration for Sport, and Thiaw made clear the team still considers itself the rightful African champion. “For me we are champions of Africa, full stop,” he said.

    Weather conditions are not expected to be a major factor for the contest, which kicks off at 3 p.m. EDT at MetLife Stadium. Forecasters call for sunny skies with a kickoff temperature of roughly 77 degrees Fahrenheit (25 degrees Celsius), a noticeable drop from the extreme heat seen in the region over the previous weekend. France prepared for the conditions during training sessions at Bentley University in Waltham, Massachusetts after arriving in the U.S. last Wednesday, with Kanté noting the team had already adjusted to playing in warm, sunny conditions.

  • Captain of Russian shadow fleet tanker intercepted in Channel charged

    Captain of Russian shadow fleet tanker intercepted in Channel charged

    In a landmark operation marking a new phase of UK enforcement of Russian sanctions, the captain of a Russian shadow fleet oil tanker intercepted by Royal Marine Commandos in the English Channel has been formally charged with sanctions violations, Britain’s National Crime Agency (NCA) has confirmed.

    Thirty-eight-year-old Ajay Pant, an Indian national serving as the vessel’s master, is scheduled to make his first court appearance at Southampton Magistrates’ Court on Tuesday. The 24 other crew members on board the tanker, identified as the MV Smyrtos, remain on the vessel as it is detained in waters off the coast of Weymouth. According to the NCA, Pant faces charges of violating Regulation 46Z9B of the 2019 Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) Regulations, for allegedly transporting prohibited Russian crude oil or petroleum products to a third country via ship, in direct contravention of UK sanctions measures.

    Sunday’s interception unfolded over six hours, with elite commandos fast-roping onto the deck of the tanker from a military helicopter, supported by coverage from the Royal Air Force. UK defense officials confirmed this operation is the first of its magnitude ever conducted by British armed forces to enforce sanctions on Russian shadow fleet vessels. Earlier on Monday, UK Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander issued a formal legal order barring the MV Smyrtos from departing UK territorial waters, cementing the detention of the vessel.

    Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin has relied on a network of hundreds of unregistered or under-documented oil tankers collectively referred to as the ‘shadow fleet’ to continue exporting crude and oil products in violation of Western sanctions. To date, the UK has sanctioned more than 500 of these vessels. In March, newly elected Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer announced a policy shift that formally authorized British armed forces to board sanctioned ships transiting UK territorial waters, clearing the way for Sunday’s operation.

    Addressing the House of Commons on Monday, UK Defence Secretary Dan Jarvis emphasized that the interception sends an unambiguous message to Moscow: the United Kingdom and its Western allies have both the capability and the willingness to take direct action against components of Russia’s war economy. ‘Sanctioned oil is bankrolling Putin’s brutal war in Ukraine. Every barrel sold helps fund the missiles and drones used to kill Ukrainians in their home, destroy their infrastructure and break their will,’ Jarvis told lawmakers.

    The Defence Secretary stressed that while the UK has no intention of provoking unnecessary escalation with Russia, it will consistently take all required measures to uphold its sanctions regime. He also confirmed that the detained crew members, who hold Georgian and Indian citizenship, are currently cooperating with NCA investigations into the vessel’s activities.

  • Cape Verde secures stunning 0-0 draw with Spain in its World Cup debut

    Cape Verde secures stunning 0-0 draw with Spain in its World Cup debut

    In one of the most shocking upsets of the current FIFA World Cup, first-time qualifier Cape Verde held European champion and tournament favorite Spain to a goalless draw in their historic tournament debut, shutting out a star-studded Spanish side that entered the match heavily favored to claim three points. The unlikely stalemate, delivered by a tenacious underdog side representing an island nation of just 500,000 people, already stands as the biggest surprise of the tournament to date.

    The hero of Cape Verde’s defensive masterclass was 40-year-old veteran goalkeeper Vozinha, who turned in a man-of-the-match performance to keep Spain’s high-powered attack off the scoreboard for 90 minutes. Vozinha was in fine form from the opening whistle, turning away a string of Spanish chances in the first half. He denied Barcelona midfield star Pedri, pushed back a late first-half scoring opportunity, and twice stopped shots from Barcelona forward Ferran Torres — including one effort that hit the crossbar before Vozinha claimed the follow-up.

    Cape Verde’s stunning defensive stand even survived the introduction of teenage phenom Lamine Yamal, who came off the Spanish bench in search of a match-winning goal but could not break through the underdog’s stubborn backline to turn the result in Spain’s favor. Shockingly, Cape Verde itself nearly claimed all three points late in the match, only for Spanish keeper Unai Simon to stop a late header from Diney Borges that would have secured a historic victory for the debutants.

    Spain, which claimed its first World Cup title in 2010 and entered this tournament as one of the bookmakers’ top picks to lift the trophy for a second time, entered the match with a roster stacked with global superstars from top European clubs. Even before kickoff, Spanish head coach Luis de la Fuente had warned that Cape Verde carried the potential to upset higher-ranked sides in the tournament — a prediction that proved far more accurate than many expected. For the tiny African island nation, the draw against one of the world’s top soccer powers already cements their place in World Cup history as giant-killers in their first ever appearance on the global tournament stage.

  • Sweden requires public workers to report migrants not authorized to live there

    Sweden requires public workers to report migrants not authorized to live there

    On Monday, Sweden’s national parliament approved a deeply divisive new piece of legislation that requires most public sector employees to alert police to any undocumented migrants they encounter during the course of their work. The policy marks the latest step in Sweden’s broader push to toughen its national migration rules, arriving amid a continent-wide overhaul of the European Union’s migration framework focused on speeding up deportation processes for people denied residency.

    Following widespread public and expert pushback, a small set of professions were carved out as exemptions to the mandate: teachers, primary care doctors, and social workers will not be required to report undocumented individuals they serve. The mandatory reporting rule still applies to staff across a wide range of other public bodies, including tax agencies, employment services, social insurance departments, and prison and probation systems.

    The vote itself exposed deep rifts within Swedish society over the policy, passing by an extremely narrow margin of just two votes: 174 parliamentarians supported the bill, while 172 voted against it. John Stauffer, a representative of Swedish civil rights nonprofit Civil Rights Defenders, emphasized that this razor-thin result makes clear how widespread opposition to the law remains across the country.

    Migration experts and human rights advocates have roundly criticized the new regulation, warning it will have severe social and public health consequences. Jacob Lind, a migration researcher at Malmö University, called the policy the latest addition to a growing slate of problematic migration restrictions in Sweden. He noted that the law carries unique symbolic weight, framing it as a mandate that forces core state institutions to act as informants on the people they serve.

    A coalition of researchers from three leading Swedish universities issued a warning earlier this year that the law directly undermines undocumented migrants’ fundamental human rights and creates systemic incentives for racial profiling, the discriminatory practice of targeting individuals for suspicion based on race or ethnicity rather than concrete evidence. In interviews with public servants ahead of the vote, the research team documented widespread ethical unease among workers who would be required to enforce the rule.

    Louise Bonneau, a policy advisor at Brussels-based migrant advocacy nonprofit PICUM, explained that the reporting mandate will foster a pervasive climate of fear that harms not just undocumented migrants, but any community member that relies on public services. Even with medical professionals exempted, she noted, the cross-agency flow of information still creates dangerous deterrents to accessing care. For example, if an undocumented mother gives birth in a Swedish hospital, the attending midwife is not required to report her. But the birth registration is automatically shared with the tax agency, which is bound by the new law to report the entire family to immigration authorities.

    “This creates a huge deterrence effect to be in contact with a healthcare professional,” Bonneau said. “We’ll see what happens in practice. Will we see people fearing to be in contact with authorities, issues of maternal health, of the children being born?”

    In defense of the policy, the Swedish government has argued that additional enforcement measures are necessary to ensure that all people denied legal residency can be properly deported to their home countries.

    This mandatory reporting requirement remains an unusual policy across the European continent. Only a small handful of EU member states have enacted similar rules. Germany adopted a limited version of the policy in 2005, requiring a narrow set of public bodies including welfare offices to report undocumented migrants, while also exempting schools and hospitals. Even with those exemptions, data and anecdotal evidence show that many undocumented migrants in Germany avoid accessing necessary medical care, because accessing care requires paperwork from welfare offices that exposes them to deportation. To address this gap, grassroots organizations in major German cities like Berlin have set up separate, confidential healthcare services exclusively for undocumented migrants.

    The United Kingdom offers another recent case study of the risks of such policies. In 2018, the British government rolled back a policy that allowed immigration officials to access confidential patient records from the National Health Service, after widespread outcry that the rule deterred sick migrants from seeking care and violated core patient confidentiality protections. Under the revised framework, UK immigration officials are only permitted to access personal information for individuals suspected or convicted of crimes who are actively part of deportation proceedings.

    Contributions to this reporting were provided by Associated Press correspondents Kirsten Grieshaber in Berlin and Brian Melley in London.

  • Greek minister calls criticism of tougher migration policies a ‘badge of honor’

    Greek minister calls criticism of tougher migration policies a ‘badge of honor’

    In a bold public address to private broadcaster Action 24 on Monday, Greek Migration Minister Thanos Plevris framed growing condemnation from international human rights organizations over his government’s restrictive approach to migration as a mark of pride, while vowing to advance what he calls one of the most uncompromising migration frameworks across the entire European continent.

    Plevris’s hardline remarks come as Greece’s ruling conservative administration confronts a sharp uptick in irregular migrant crossings across the Mediterranean from eastern Libya, and pursues deeper bilateral cooperation with eastern Libyan authorities to stem departures. The Greek government has also thrown its full weight behind broader stricter migration regulations being advanced across the European Union.

    “The era when unelected bureaucrats from Brussels or United Nations agencies could arrive in Athens and dictate how we manage our migration crisis is finished,” Plevris stated emphatically. “Every time a United Nations envoy raises concern over my legislation, it only reinforces my pride in that policy. The more groups like Amnesty International, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and UN envoys express irritation with our approach, the more I see that criticism as a badge of honor.”

    Plevris also made clear that human rights organizations and charities that provide support to migrants have no place in shaping Greece’s sovereign migration policy, a stance that puts his government at odds with much of the international human rights community. Currently, Greece and several like-minded EU member states are in negotiations with a number of African nations to establish regional processing centers on the continent for migrants whose asylum applications have been rejected by European authorities. This proposal has already drawn sharp condemnation from global rights groups, who warn it risks exacerbating dangerous conditions for vulnerable migrants.

    The push for closer cooperation with eastern Libya came into sharp focus on Monday, with Saddam Hifter, deputy commander of eastern Libya’s armed forces, visiting Athens for high-level meetings with Greek Foreign Minister George Gerapetritis and Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. To strengthen collaboration on migration control, Athens is offering eastern Libyan authorities specialized coast guard training, alongside support for local employment programs and foreign investment initiatives aimed at cutting off the profit streams of human smuggling networks.

    Just last week, the European Union formally approved a package of stricter EU-wide migration measures, even as overall crossings from North Africa and the Middle East have declined year-over-year. Greece, however, has bucked this broader trend: official data released by Greek authorities on Monday shows that arrivals and interceptions of migrants off the island of Crete, the most common landing point for departures from eastern Libya, have jumped more than 20% to 5,500 in the first five months of 2024 compared to the same period in 2023. The rate of crossings has accelerated even further since the start of June, according to the official figures.

    Libya has emerged as a key transit hub for tens of thousands of migrants from across Africa and the Middle East who aim to reach European shores. More than a decade of political instability following the 2011 overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi has allowed well-organized human trafficking networks to flourish, taking advantage of porous borders with six neighboring countries: Chad, Niger, Sudan, Egypt, Algeria and Tunisia to move migrants toward coastal departure points.

    Jalel Harchaoui, an independent analyst focused on Libyan politics and security, noted that eastern Libyan authorities are actively seeking closer formal diplomatic ties with European nations, alongside much-needed financial assistance to shore up their control over the region – a dynamic that has paved the way for the current migration cooperation agreement with Athens.