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  • Tunisia’s Hervé Renard embraces challenge against Japan in World Cup debut

    Tunisia’s Hervé Renard embraces challenge against Japan in World Cup debut

    Hours after touching down in Monterrey, Mexico, veteran French football manager Hervé Renard stepped onto the training pitch Tuesday to lead his new Tunisia national squad for the first time. The 57-year-old’s appointment comes on the heels of Tunisia’s humiliating 5-1 opening defeat to Sweden, which prompted the immediate firing of former boss Sabri Lamouchi.

    Renard now faces an extremely tight turnaround: just four days to integrate himself into the squad, assess player form, and devise a game plan for Tunisia’s must-win second Group F fixture against Japan this Saturday. A man familiar with last-minute coaching overhauls, this is not the first time Renard has stepped into the role Lamouchi vacated. Back in 2014, the two-time Africa Cup of Nations-winning manager took over as Ivory Coast’s head coach following the team’s early group stage exit from that year’s World Cup, a parallel that makes his latest appointment a striking moment in his managerial career.

    Renard brings a resume packed with high-profile World Cup upsets that make him an intriguing pick for Tunisia’s uphill battle. Most famously, he led Saudi Arabia to a stunning 2-1 victory over eventual tournament champion Argentina at the 2022 Qatar World Cup, one of the biggest upsets in modern World Cup history. Four years prior, at the 2018 Russia World Cup, his Moroccan national side held powerhouse Spain to a surprising draw, even if the team ultimately fell short of qualifying for the knockout round.

    For Renard, the draw of the World Cup’s unique energy was enough to convince him to take on the high-pressure role with little preparation time. “It’s a World Cup. I know the passion around this event. That’s what motivated me to come and it’s a challenge which isn’t easy,” he told reporters on the training ground Tuesday. He added that he has emphasized team focus to his new players, telling the squad, “At the moment we need to be focused on ourselves. We still have a few days to be ready.” He also encouraged the side to stay resilient in the face of their opening defeat, telling players they must keep their heads up as they represent their nation on the global stage.

    The task Renard faces is steep. Tunisia has never advanced past the group stage in its six previous World Cup appearances, and the path to the knockout round looks narrow after the heavy opening loss. The Carthage Eagles now need positive results against both Japan and group-leading Netherlands to secure a spot in the next stage, a feat that would go down as one of Renard’s most impressive career achievements if he pulls it off.

  • Trump to wrap G7 summit facing skepticism at home and jitters overseas over his plan to end Iran war

    Trump to wrap G7 summit facing skepticism at home and jitters overseas over his plan to end Iran war

    EVIAN-LES-BAINS, France — On Wednesday, U.S. President Donald Trump concluded formal working sessions of the Group of Seven summit at the scenic Alpine lakeside resort, capping off days of diplomatic talks dominated by his push to win global backing for a still-unseen tentative nuclear agreement with Iran. Even as allied leaders and domestic stakeholders openly question the pact’s lack of detail, Trump has framed the unsigned deal as a historic breakthrough that will permanently block Iran from developing or acquiring a nuclear weapon.

    The G7 gathering of the world’s leading industrialized nations wrapped up its formal agenda with focused discussions on two pressing global priorities: the long-term governance of artificial intelligence and strategies to stimulate sustained inclusive economic growth across major economies. Before departing for Washington D.C., Trump is set to attend a lavish one-on-one dinner hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron at the Palace of Versailles outside Paris, an honor marking the upcoming 250th anniversary of American independence that Trump has openly welcomed.

    The core controversy overshadowing Trump’s final summit day remains the Iran deal. Neither the White House nor Iranian officials have publicly released the full text of the agreement, which is scheduled for a formal signing ceremony this Friday at a luxury resort on Switzerland’s Lake Lucerne. Despite the lack of transparency, Trump lauded the still-unpublished memorandum to reporters, saying “It’s a great document. Here’s what it says: Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. It won’t have one to buy, to develop — it will not have a nuclear weapon. And I would say that’s about 99.9% of what I wanted.”

    Skepticism runs deep on multiple fronts. Key U.S. ally Israel has openly expressed unease over the terms of the agreement, while Republican lawmakers in Trump’s own party have raised doubts that the deal goes far enough to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. The international community is also waiting for concrete proof that the pact will deliver on a critical secondary promise: reopening and permanently securing the Strait of Hormuz, the vital maritime chokepoint that Iran has effectively closed to commercial oil traffic since the outbreak of the recent conflict. Before the war, roughly 20% of the world’s traded oil and natural gas passed through the strait.

    Complicating the agreement further, U.S. and Iranian officials have publicly offered conflicting interpretations of the deal’s terms. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has stated that Israel’s ongoing military presence in southern Lebanon, where Israeli forces have been targeting Iran-backed Hezbollah militants, would count as a violation of the pact. “Without the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories they occupied during this war, the war has not fully come to an end,” Araghchi said. For his part, Trump acknowledged Tuesday that an Israeli strike on Hezbollah would not automatically derail the deal, but criticized Israel’s prolonged military campaign, noting “Israel’s fighting Hezbollah too long, and too many people are being killed.” Israeli strikes in Lebanon have killed nearly 4,000 people, hundreds of whom are civilians, and forced more than 1 million people to flee their homes since March 2.

    Beyond the Iran nuclear debate, Trump scheduled a series of key bilateral meetings on his final G7 day, including a sit-down with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that comes at a fraught moment for U.S.-India ties. Tensions have risen in recent weeks after three Indian sailors were killed in a U.S. military strike on a commercial tanker in the Gulf of Oman, carried out as part of Washington’s blockade of Iranian oil shipments. New Delhi has formally protested the incident, and relations have already been complicated by Trump’s back-and-forth tariffs on Indian goods over India’s continued purchases of discounted Russian oil, as well as Indian concerns that Trump’s recent trade truce negotiations with China could weaken India’s position as a rival manufacturing hub. The two leaders enjoyed a close relationship during Trump’s first term in office, but the dynamic has shifted significantly since his return to the White House.

    Trump also planned to hold one-on-one talks with Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, one of three Middle Eastern leaders invited to the summit by host Macron. On Tuesday, G7 leaders held a working lunch with el-Sissi, Qatar’s ruling emir, and the president of the United Arab Emirates focused on developing alternative energy supply routes that bypass the Strait of Hormuz. French Foreign Ministry spokesperson Pascal Confavreux explained that discussions centered on planning and financing overland infrastructure to redirect Gulf energy exports away from the closed chokepoint.

    For Trump, the high-profile Versailles dinner is a particularly anticipated stop. The U.S. president openly shared his excitement for the event, saying that the opulent historic venue, the former royal residence of French kings from Louis XIV to Louis XVI, was enough to convince him to extend his post-summit stay in France. “I’m a fan of beautiful places, and I was leaving in the afternoon, and then the French president who happens to be a very nice man, invited me to dinner at Versailles,” Trump said. “And Versailles is not gold leaf — Versailles is the real deal. And I said I’d like to do it.”

    The reporting was contributed by AP correspondents based in Evian-les-Bains, Geneva and Washington, with original reporting from Madhani in Geneva.

  • US refused to share Iran deal text with Israel: Report

    US refused to share Iran deal text with Israel: Report

    Rising diplomatic friction has emerged between long-time allies the United States and Israel after Washington turned down Jerusalem’s formal request to obtain the full text of a newly signed bilateral agreement between the US and Iran, multiple US and Israeli media outlets have confirmed.

    ABC News reported Tuesday that while senior Israeli officials have received a general verbal briefing on the contents of the 60-day ceasefire memorandum of understanding (MOU), the full written document has not been shared with Israeli authorities. The MOU, which was signed digitally by representatives of both Tehran and Washington this past Sunday, mandates a 60-day extension of a fragile ceasefire between the two nations and secures the reopening of the strategic Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for global oil shipments. To date, the full fine print of the agreement remains undisclosed to the public and many key regional stakeholders.

    Top US officials, including Vice President JD Vance, have already appeared on major broadcast networks to defend the new diplomatic deal. During his televised remarks, Vance emphasized that the most promising outcome of this new diplomatic outreach is the reestablishment of direct bilateral dialogue between Washington and Tehran after years of frozen communications.

    This new MOU comes nearly a decade after the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the landmark nuclear deal negotiated between Iran and the US under then-President Barack Obama following months of intensive high-level negotiations. That framework collapsed in 2018, when then-President Donald Trump — who currently holds the Oval Office again — ordered a unilateral US withdrawal from the agreement and rolled out a harsh “maximum pressure” campaign that imposed crippling economic sanctions on Iran.

    Speaking to reporters on the sidelines of the G-7 Summit in France on Tuesday, Trump announced plans to transmit the full text of the new MOU to Congress for review and release it publicly. A formal in-person signing ceremony for the agreement is currently scheduled to take place in Geneva, Switzerland this coming Friday.

    “I never thought about sending it… but I will. I will send it to Congress,” Trump told assembled journalists. He added that he plans to share every detail of the document with the public, saying: “I will probably have a press conference and read it to you word by word so that the press covers it accurately.”

    Despite the president’s promise of transparency, the fact that Israel has been denied full access to the text has reinforced deep existing concerns across the Middle East that the agreement disproportionately benefits Iran and fails to deliver on core war goals shared by both the US and Israel. Leading Israeli outlet Yediot Aharonot already labeled the MOU a “Bad Deal” in its coverage this week.

    Avigdor Liberman, a prominent right-wing Israeli political figure and former defense minister, criticized the agreement during an interview with Israel’s 103FM radio. “This agreement definitely turns Iran into a nuclear power,” Liberman argued. Even so, he acknowledged that Israel has no leverage to reject any deal the US negotiates, noting: “We need to live with this. I have no complaints against the Americans. There are people here who expect the US to act according to Israeli interests, but no. I thank the US for what they have done.”

    Trump has pushed back forcefully against any criticism of the deal from Israeli leaders. During his appearance at the G-7 conference, seated alongside the ruler of Qatar, Trump issued a sharp rebuke: “If it weren’t for the United States of America…Israel would not exist right now. Israel would have been blown off the face of the earth.”

  • New Zealand’s Tyler Bindon and mom Jenny are the first mother-son duo to play in the World Cup

    New Zealand’s Tyler Bindon and mom Jenny are the first mother-son duo to play in the World Cup

    The FIFA Men’s World Cup has witnessed a groundbreaking new milestone this tournament, as 21-year-old New Zealand defender Tyler Bindon etched his name into the record books alongside his mother Jenny, becoming the first mother-son combination to both play at the World Cup in the event’s history.

    Tyler, a young center back who plies his trade with England’s Nottingham Forest in the Premier League, entered the match as a late second-half substitute during the All Whites’ opening Group B clash against Iran on Monday night. The hard-fought fixture ended in a 2-2 draw at the venue in Inglewood, California, where both of Tyler’s parents were on hand in the stands to cheer on their son, watching him make his major tournament debut in person.

    Athleticism runs deep in the Bindon family. Tyler’s mother Jenny is no stranger to elite international football competition: a decorated goalkeeper who represented New Zealand’s women’s national team from 2004 through 2014, she competed at two editions of the FIFA Women’s World Cup in 2007 and 2011, and also earned caps at the 2008 and 2012 Olympic Games. His father Grant, meanwhile, previously served as captain of New Zealand’s men’s national volleyball team.

    More than a decade ago, when Tyler was 12 years old, the Bindon family relocated to Southern California after Jenny accepted an assistant coaching position with UCLA’s women’s soccer team. The move set Tyler on a path through the youth development system of Major League Soccer side Los Angeles FC, where he honed the skills that earned him his move to the Premier League and ultimately his spot on New Zealand’s World Cup roster.

    Jenny has long opened up about the rush of emotions she experiences watching her son compete at the highest level. In a social media post last year, she shared that watching Tyler play was far more nerve-wracking than lacing up her own cleats for matches. “I get more nervous, but he is an absolute joy — an amazing human being,” she wrote.

    While the mother-son milestone is a first for World Cup history, it is not the first time a parent-child pair has competed at the tournament. Men’s World Cup records already include more than two dozen father-son combinations who have both graced the World Cup pitch. Prominent recent examples include Claudio Reyna, a former United States men’s national team captain, and his son Gio, who scored for the U.S. in their opening win over Paraguay last Friday. Another well-known pairing is Alf-Inge Haaland, who featured for Norway at the 1994 World Cup, and his son Erling Haaland, one of the top strikers in the world today.

    Looking ahead, New Zealand will face their second group stage match against Egypt this coming Sunday in Vancouver, British Columbia. Egypt opened their tournament campaign with a 1-1 draw against Belgium on Monday, setting the stage for a competitive second round of group fixtures.

    (This story is part of AP’s ongoing full coverage of the 202X FIFA World Cup, available at https://apnews.com/fifa-world-cup)

  • Iran: Israeli refusal to leave Lebanon would violate peace deal

    Iran: Israeli refusal to leave Lebanon would violate peace deal

    U.S. President Donald Trump currently confronts an unenviable strategic dilemma: he can either advance a long-sought end to the ongoing war with Iran — a conflict that has dragged down his public approval ratings and put increasing strain on the U.S. economy — or continue his longstanding pattern of deferring to Israeli policy priorities. On Tuesday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi made clear that Washington cannot have both outcomes.

    Araghchi’s statement came one day after senior Israeli leaders publicly rejected any requirement to withdraw from occupied Lebanese territory as part of a U.S.-Iran agreement. Reiterating the explicit terms of the virtual memorandum of understanding (MoU) signed by U.S. and Iranian negotiators, Araghchi emphasized the deal requires an immediate end to all hostilities across every front, including Lebanon.

    “The conflicts in Lebanon, driven by Israeli aggression against southern Lebanon, and the wider war on Iran are inextricably linked,” Araghchi explained. “An end to the war requires an end to the occupation. Without a full retreat and withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories, there can be no end to hostilities.”

    He added: “Any new military attack by the Zionist entity against Lebanon will never be accepted, and the continued Israeli occupation of Lebanese territories constitutes a direct violation of the memorandum of understanding.”

    The Iranian foreign minister’s remarks marked a clear warning to Washington, coming after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu insisted Monday that Israeli forces would remain in occupied Lebanese territory “for as long as necessary,” regardless of the terms of any U.S.-Iran deal. Netanyahu has overseen Israel’s occupation of roughly 230 square miles of southern Lebanese territory, where Israeli forces have forcibly expelled more than 1 million Lebanese civilians and systematically destroyed dozens of villages. “We established deep security zones around the state of Israel,” Netanyahu said. “I want to make it clear: We will remain in these security zones … to protect our country.”

    Other senior Israeli officials went even further in rejecting U.S. authority over the agreement. “Trump’s agreement does not bind us. Israel is not subordinate to the United States. We are an independent and sovereign country,” Israeli Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir stated flatly. Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed the sentiment, confirming the occupation would continue “without any time limit,” that villages would remain “cleared of local residents,” and that Israel would refuse to withdraw “despite all the existing pressures” from the U.S. “We are committed only to our citizens and to the security of the state of Israel,” Katz added.

    Trump has a long track record of aligning with Israeli preferences and backing Netanyahu, even when the Israeli prime minister derailed previous ceasefire negotiations with Iran. But during a Tuesday press conference at the Group of Seven summit held in France, the U.S. president struck a noticeably harsher tone toward his once-closely allied partner.

    Trump said he “didn’t like” a recent attack Netanyahu ordered against the southern suburbs of Beirut Sunday, where Israeli warplanes bombed a five-story residential apartment building, killing three civilian people. “I saw that attack. I saw where that bomb went,” Trump said, describing the strike as “vicious” and “too much.”

    “You don’t need to knock down an apartment every time you’re looking for somebody,” he said, in what marked one of the most forceful public criticisms any U.S. president has leveled at Israel’s repeated targeting of civilian infrastructure. He went on to suggest that if Israel cannot carry out its operations without mass civilian casualties, “Syria should do the job” of countering Hezbollah.

    “Without the United States, there would be no Israel,” Trump asserted. “Without me, there would be no Israel, because no other president was willing to do what I did.”

    Acknowledging his longstanding positive relationship with Netanyahu, Trump added: “I’ve had a great relationship with Bibi, but now Bibi has to be more responsible with respect to Lebanon. The ongoing invasion throws a negative light on the big deal, and that’s the deal with Iran.”

    Despite the unusually sharp public criticism, policy analysts note that public friction between U.S. presidents and Netanyahu is not new, and rarely results in tangible changes to U.S. policy toward Israel. Kenneth Roth, former executive director of Human Rights Watch, pointed to Trump’s previous description of Netanyahu as a “very difficult guy” after the Israeli leader attempted to derail ceasefire talks just days earlier. “The question is: why does Trump facilitate this obstruction by continuing to provide Israel with arms and military aid?” Roth asked.

    Mehdi Hasan, editor of Zeteo News, argued that Trump’s shifting rhetoric reflects the president’s well-documented erratic approach to foreign policy. “Such is the madly erratic nature of Trump, that he can go from sounding like the most hawkish, pro-Israel president one day, to the most dovish, anti-Israel president the next day,” Hasan said. “Which is why listening to Trump is pointless; what matters is paying attention to what he does.”

  • University research at China speed brings sea changes to science

    University research at China speed brings sea changes to science

    ### 2026 Nature Index Shakes Global Academia: Chinese Universities Surpass the US, Harvard Dethroned

    The 2026 iteration of the Nature Index, one of the most respected objective metrics for high-impact scientific research output, has delivered a historic shift to global higher education. For the first time since the ranking launched in 2015, Harvard University – the long-standing top-ranked institution – has been knocked from the number one spot, with China’s Zhejiang University (ZJU) claiming the leading position. Even more striking, nine of the world’s top 10 research universities in this year’s index are based in China, and China’s total share of research papers published across the 178 leading journals tracked by the index now exceeds twice that of the United States.

    This milestone is the culmination of more than a decade of steady, explosive growth. When the Nature Index first launched in 2015, China’s total share of top-journal publications stood at just 37% of the U.S. share. China first claimed the overall global lead in 2023, and by 2025 it had fully doubled the U.S. output. In 2025 alone, China’s research share grew 22.4% year-over-year, compared to just 4.2% growth for the U.S. With total global output in the index growing 10.8% annually, all other top 20 countries recorded single-digit growth or outright decline, leaving China as the clear outlier in scientific expansion.

    The shift has prompted leading mainstream outlets including *The Economist* and *The New York Times* to reframe their analysis of global higher education, increasingly turning to objective metrics like the Nature Index and the Leiden Rankings (which focus on citation impact rather than subjective reputation) over long-standing legacy rankings such as Times Higher Education, U.S. News, and QS. Critics argue these legacy rankings suffer from fundamental flaws: they arbitrarily weight subjective factors like academic reputation, employer perception, and “learning environment,” alongside idiosyncratic metrics such as international student enrollment and counts of Nobel and Fields Medal winners. For decades, these rankings have preserved the same set of elite Western institutions at the top, even as China’s scientific and economic output has transformed the global order.

    The disconnect between legacy rankings and real-world performance is stark: Times Higher Education has kept the same top 10 universities unchanged from 2004 to 2026, with Oxford and Cambridge holding top five spots despite decades of economic stagnation in the United Kingdom, which has recorded just a 0.6% annual real per capita GDP growth over 20 years, compared to China’s 7.4% over the same period. Unlike legacy rankings, the Nature Index does not claim to measure undergraduate experience, institutional prestige, or student experience. It focuses narrowly on high-impact research output, meaning it does not seek to guide undergraduate college choices – but it offers a clear, data-driven picture of global research leadership. While ZJU claimed the top spot with a PhD student body three times the size of Harvard’s, the index’s core finding of China’s dominant research output is unambiguous: for nations aiming to build world-class research powerhouses, China’s model offers a replicable blueprint.

    China’s surge up the Nature Index rankings is not a stroke of luck, but a predictable outcome of massive investment in tertiary STEM education. Since 2000, the annual number of STEM graduates in China has increased nearly tenfold, creating a massive pipeline of research talent that has driven exponential growth in output. By 2025, China produced 831,600 Science Citation Index (SCI) papers, a 27-fold increase from 2000. China’s share of global fractional collaborative SCI output rose from just 2.96% in 2000 to roughly 26% in 2025. The nation also hosts more than 5,300 domestic Chinese-language scientific and technical journals indexed by the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI), with total output growing 500% between 2000 and 2025, covering research areas of domestic importance that often do not appear in international journals.

    ### Academic Fraud Reckoning Unfolds Amid Growth

    China’s rapid expansion has not come without challenges, and the past year has brought a high-profile reckoning over academic integrity. In May 2026, a PhD dropout and Bilibili influencer known as Classmate Geng rocked Chinese academia with widespread accusations of research fraud against leading Chinese academic figures, including Changjiang scholars and National Science Foundation of China (NSFC) distinguished young researchers.

    Using a combination of AI-powered statistical analysis and simple visual checks for duplicated data, Geng exposed misconduct by star researchers at multiple top Chinese institutions, including Sun Yat-sen University, Nankai University, and Tongji University – which rank 11th, 20th, and 21st respectively in the 2026 Nature Index. The fallout has been severe: four professors have been demoted (three lost their dean positions), and multiple postdoctoral researchers have been terminated. Notably, Geng’s work received official backing from state media Xinhua News, and prominent retired Peking University neurobiologist Rao Yi publicly supported Geng, going so far as to argue that China has both the world’s highest total volume of scientific output and the highest proportion of research fraud. Rao Yi described the existing research culture as “rotten to the core,” citing a pervasive culture of cronyism where researchers avoid rocking the boat, exchange favors, and share awards, funding, and promotions among closed networks.

    Geng has taken a pragmatic approach, proposing concrete procedural changes to prevent future fraud, most notably mandatory independent replication of key experiments. In response to the scandal, Chinese academic journals have introduced new requirements that all co-authors certify full accountability for research data and verify all raw results. Chinese universities have rolled out mandatory training on data integrity and research reproducibility, and regulatory bodies have increased random data audits for high-profile research projects led by elite researchers.

    The roots of the fraud crisis trace back to China’s decades-long “publish or perish” incentive system, which prioritized output volume to drive rapid expansion. While that system worked extraordinarily well to deliver exponential growth in research output, it also created incentives for cutting corners. In recent years, Chinese regulators have already been shifting incentives away from raw paper count metrics toward high-impact outcomes, prioritizing publication in top domestic journals such as *National Science Review* and *Cell Research*, shifting PhD program requirements away from rigid quotas for SCI papers to focus on dissertation quality, originality, and real-world problem solving, and reframing bibliometric metrics around high-impact outcomes like top 1% citations, Nature Index contributions, and commercial patents.

    Geng’s estimates suggest roughly one in 10 papers by top distinguished Chinese scholars contains fraudulent data, a figure that aligns with the “thick foam” of low-quality output generated by decades of volume-focused growth. Even so, observers note that the official response to the scandal has been swift and decisive, with visible accountability for wrongdoers that has empowered early-career researchers to question misconduct. A sword of Damocles now hangs over researchers tempted to cut corners, and the long-term impact of the reform process remains to be seen.

    ### U.S. Research Funding Cuts Threaten Long-Term Leadership

    While China addresses growing pains and consolidates its research expansion, the United States is moving in the opposite direction, with deep proposed cuts to federal scientific funding that threaten to erode the long-standing dominance of U.S. research universities. The Trump administration first proposed extreme budget cuts to the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and National Science Foundation (NSF) of 39.3% and 56.9% respectively. While Congress rejected those deep cuts, the administration has used administrative workarounds, including grant freezes and executive actions, to disrupt funding flows. The impact has already been felt at elite institutions: MIT faces an expected $300 million budget shortfall, forcing it to cut graduate student intake by 500, roughly 20% of its usual incoming class, and Harvard has also reported significant reductions to PhD admissions.

    After failing to secure the requested deep cuts for 2026, the Trump administration has proposed even more dramatic cuts for the 2027 fiscal year: a 55% cut to the NSF budget, a 23% cut to NASA, a 15% cut to the Department of Energy Office of Science, and a 12% cut to the NIH. To compound the shift, the administration is proposing to give political appointees at the Office of Management and Budget direct decision-making power over federal science funding, a move widely seen as a deliberate effort to punish elite universities that have drawn Trump’s criticism. The Nature Index projects that without course correction, Harvard will fall out of the global top five and MIT will drop below 20th place in the coming years. In the long term, the cuts risk pushing the U.S. to cede its position as the top destination for the world’s brightest research talent, cementing China’s position as the global leader in scientific research.

    Even with the ongoing academic fraud reckoning, analysts note that China’s achievement in surpassing the U.S. in the Nature Index in just one generation is an extraordinary accomplishment. While rapid growth created avoidable quality issues, the real-world impact of China’s research expansion is visible across global industry, where China now leads in sectors ranging from electric vehicles to clean energy, and competes head-to-head with the U.S. in artificial intelligence, drug discovery, quantum computing, and nuclear fusion. As the U.S. cuts funding and China reforms its academic system to address fraud while maintaining research growth, the global balance of scientific power is set to shift even further in the coming decades.

  • Qatar looks to rapidly restart LNG exports once Hormuz reopens: Report

    Qatar looks to rapidly restart LNG exports once Hormuz reopens: Report

    Global energy markets are bracing for a gradual but faster-than-expected rebound in Qatari liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies after a week that saw diplomatic breakthroughs aimed at de-escalating tensions in the Persian Gulf. In reports published Tuesday, two leading global news outlets outlined QatarEnergy’s accelerated recovery timeline for its export infrastructure, damaged in March Iranian missile strikes that disrupted roughly one-fifth of the world’s total LNG supply.

    Multiple sources familiar with QatarEnergy’s plans told Bloomberg the state-owned energy giant expects to restore nearly 80 percent of its full LNG export capacity within two months of the Strait of Hormuz reopening to safe commercial transit. The company will ramp up output incrementally, hitting 50 percent of total capacity within the first month, a recovery pace that outpaces earlier projections from market analysts and energy traders. The remaining 20 percent of capacity, which sustained severe damage in the March strikes, will require years of complex repairs, Bloomberg’s sources confirmed.
    Reuters, citing its own anonymous source familiar with logistics operations, added that shipping and transport coordination remain the primary near-term bottleneck: the company will need to rapidly coordinate vessel arrivals, inspections, and loading operations as soon as the strait is reopened to unimpeded traffic.

    This planned recovery comes ahead of a landmark diplomatic breakthrough set to take place Friday, when U.S. and Iranian officials will sign a formal memorandum of understanding (MoU) in Switzerland aimed at ending ongoing hostilities across the region. While full terms of the agreement have not been publicly released, former U.S. President Donald Trump gave public assurances Tuesday that the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical energy chokepoint through which roughly a fifth of global oil and LNG trade passes, will be “completely open” to commercial traffic by Friday.
    Qatari Foreign Ministry officials expressed cautious optimism that the deal will clear the way for LNG exports to resume, but cautioned that deep-rooted disagreements between Washington and Tehran will not be resolved in a matter of days. European allies of the U.S. share similar reservations about the timeline for a full return to normal trade. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, a right-wing leader, added that her government’s support for the diplomatic process is conditional on a full ceasefire to Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Lebanon.

    The damage to Qatari LNG infrastructure dates back to March 19, when Iran launched retaliatory missile strikes following joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iranian territory that have killed more than 1,265 people in Tehran since the outbreak of the wider regional conflict. Nearly all of Qatar’s LNG output is processed at the Ras Laffan industrial complex, the site that sustained the majority of the damage. Immediately after the strikes, QatarEnergy CEO Saad al-Kaabi told Reuters the attack wiped out 17 percent of the complex’s operating capacity, with full repairs expected to take up to five years and cost an estimated $26 billion. The company shuttered the entire facility shortly after the attack and notified long-term buyers it may be forced to invoke force majeure clauses, waiving liability for missed deliveries while reconstruction work proceeded.

    As the world’s second-largest LNG exporter, Qatar accounts for roughly 20 percent of global supplies. With no immediate alternative sources available to replace the disrupted volumes, energy analysts have warned that sustained supply cuts would hit consumer energy prices hardest in import-dependent markets across Asia and Europe.
    Shortly after the strikes, Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani became the only major Gulf energy producer to call for an immediate, unconditional end to the U.S.-Israeli military campaign in Iran, breaking with other regional nations that only issued condemnations of Iran’s retaliatory strike. “Everyone knows who the main beneficiary of this war is, and dragging the whole region into this conflict is,” the prime minister stated at the time.
    Despite the ongoing damage and diplomatic uncertainty, Bloomberg reported in April that QatarEnergy has already taken preliminary steps to prepare for a resumption of full operations, running several production trains at reduced capacity to deliver small shipments to neighboring states while positioning the facility to ramp up output as soon as transit through the strait is restored.

  • Trump told Israel to let Syria attack Hezbollah in Lebanon

    Trump told Israel to let Syria attack Hezbollah in Lebanon

    On the sidelines of the G7 Summit held in Evian, France, former U.S. President Donald Trump made a striking and controversial proposal alongside Qatar’s ruling monarch, telling reporters that he believes Syria, under the leadership of Ahmed al-Sharaa, should invade Lebanon to eliminate the Iran-aligned Shia political and paramilitary group Hezbollah. Trump argued that Damascus could carry out the mission far more effectively than Israel, which has been locked in a prolonged, high-casualty conflict with Hezbollah along the Lebanon-Israel border.

    “Israel’s fighting Hezbollah too long and too many people are being killed,” Trump told reporters. “I suggested to Israel to let Syria take care of Hezbollah. He’s very capable. If Israel can’t do the job, without killing everyone else, he’ll do the job. Syria will do the job,” he added, referring directly to al-Sharaa.

    This is not the first time Trump has floated this provocative idea this month. He first raised the prospect of Syrian intervention in Lebanon in comments on June 7, when he claimed al-Sharaa “would love to help” with the operation against Hezbollah. Trump has repeatedly praised the Syrian leader in recent public remarks, framing him as “a very strong leader…a tough guy” who is firmly opposed to the group. “He is very good with Hezbollah; he does not like them,” Trump said of al-Sharaa during the G7 gathering.

    Experts and regional analysts warn that any Syrian military deployment into Lebanon would reignite a decades-old historical tinderbox. Syria first invaded Lebanon in 1976 at the start of the Lebanese Civil War, and maintained a partial military occupation of the country for nearly 30 years before withdrawing all forces in 2005. The proposal also carries major risks of escalating sectarian conflict across the region. Al-Sharaa’s core support base draws heavily from Salafist fighters, an ultra-conservative Sunni Islamist movement that adheres to a literalist interpretation of early Islamic tradition. By contrast, Hezbollah is Lebanon’s largest Shia political and military organization, backed by Iran, and fought alongside former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad throughout Syria’s 13-year civil war.

    Al-Sharaa, who is 43 years old, has a well-documented militant background: he spent roughly five years in a U.S. prison after traveling to Iraq to fight against the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, before going on to found al-Nusra Front, al-Qaeda’s official Syrian affiliate. His Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham coalition toppled Assad’s government in December 2024, bringing him to power in Damascus. Despite Trump’s claims, al-Sharaa’s transitional government has publicly stated it has no plans to deploy military forces into Lebanon. Syria remains economically and physically decimated after more than a decade of civil war, and is only in the earliest stages of reconstruction, backed by financial and political support from Gulf states including Saudi Arabia and Qatar.

    Al-Sharaa also faces pressing security challenges on his own country’s southern border. After Assad’s government collapsed, Israel seized control of a UN-monitored buffer zone in southern Syria, and carried out large-scale air strikes that reached as far as central Damascus last summer. Israeli forces have also fortified their position on Mount Hermon, the region’s highest peak, and regional security experts report that Israel has provided arms to local Druze leader Sheikh Hikmat Salaman al-Hajri in a bid to position itself as a protector of Syria’s Druze minority community. Al-Sharaa’s government has also expressed concern that any incursion into Lebanon could trigger retaliatory Iranian missile strikes and spark sectarian unrest among Syria’s own Shia minority; the country has already seen scattered outbreaks of sectarian violence targeting Alawites, Druze, and Christian communities in recent months.

    Trump’s latest remarks stand in direct contradiction to statements from his own senior diplomatic appointee. Tom Barrack, Trump’s ambassador to Turkey and special envoy to Syria, denied a March media report that claimed the Trump administration was lobbying Syria to invade eastern Lebanon to disarm Hezbollah. The original report, first published by Reuters, claimed the U.S. had approved a Syrian incursion into eastern Lebanon, and that Damascus was “cautiously considering” the proposed operation, despite the regime’s wariness of potential Iranian retaliation and domestic sectarian unrest.

    Regional security analysts have already warned that any Syrian military move into Lebanon would worsen already simmering sectarian tensions in the country, which have been significantly inflamed by months of sustained Israeli air and ground attacks on Hezbollah targets across Lebanon.

  • The bikers battling extreme heat and armed conflict to smuggle Iranian fuel to Pakistan

    The bikers battling extreme heat and armed conflict to smuggle Iranian fuel to Pakistan

    In the sweltering, dust-scoured badlands of Pakistan’s Balochistan province – the country’s largest, poorest and most sparsely populated region – 38-year-old Mazaar (a pseudonym used to protect his identity) prepares for another deadly 350-kilometer journey across one of the hottest landscapes on Earth. His small, worn motorbike groans under the weight of five 70-liter plastic canisters holding 272 kilograms of petrol, tied precariously to its frame with frayed rope, leaving barely any space for him to sit. This is the dangerous daily reality for thousands of ordinary Baloch people who have turned to smuggling subsidized Iranian fuel into Pakistan, a trade that has surged dramatically in recent months amid escalating regional conflict tied to US-Israeli tensions with Iran.

    For decades, cross-border fuel smuggling has been a quiet undercurrent of life along the 900-kilometer Iran-Pakistan border, but shifting geopolitics and economic chaos have supercharged the illicit trade. Rising tensions have disrupted oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, sending global fuel prices skyrocketing. That has driven explosive demand in Pakistan for far cheaper smuggled Iranian petrol and diesel, which benefits from heavy Iranian government subsidies for domestic consumers. Today, an estimated 2.4 million of Balochistan’s 15 million residents rely on the trade for their primary income, according to a leaked Pakistani intelligence report reviewed by Nikkei Asia in 2024 – a statistic that underscores how deeply the illicit business is woven into the province’s fragile economy.

    Mazaar is no organized crime kingpin; he is a former farmer driven into smuggling by crippling drought that destroyed his ability to earn a living tending crops. As the main breadwinner for his extended family, which includes his young child and several brothers, he has no other viable option for work. Temperatures in Balochistan regularly climb to 50 degrees Celsius during the hot season, turning the plastic fuel canisters soft and swollen, raising the constant risk of ruptures, leaks, catastrophic fire or even explosion. Dozens of smugglers die this way every year. Beyond the environmental and mechanical risks, the journey takes Mazaar through conflict-ridden territory where clashes between Pakistani security forces and separatist insurgents demanding greater regional autonomy have persisted for decades, with thousands of local residents having disappeared amid the violence. Even with these threats, Mazaar says he has no other choice: “We do this because we don’t have any other option. The weather is hot, the prices are high and we spend day and night on the road.”

    His story is not unique. Irfan, another smuggler whose name has also been changed for his safety, turned to the trade after a childhood polio infection left him with permanent mobility impairment in one leg and one hand. Unable to access most formal work, he transports diesel instead of petrol, saying the lower risk of ignition is the only small safety concession he can make: “I can’t carry petrol because what if it catches fire? If I can’t stand up, I’ll get badly burned.”

    Local economic leaders say deep-rooted systemic failure has left ordinary Baloch people with no alternative to the smuggling trade. Fida Hussain Dashti, former president of the Quetta Chamber of Commerce and Industry, notes that despite Balochistan’s vast territory and abundant mineral reserves, decades of underdevelopment have left it with poverty rates matching some of the world’s poorest regions. “Even a student who graduates with an MA degree ends up joining this oil business,” Dashti says. “People are helpless and have no other way. The Pakistani government should have done more to create employment opportunities in the region.”

    The impact of the booming smuggling trade is now being felt across Pakistan’s formal economy. In May 2025, Pakistan’s five largest oil refineries sent a formal letter to the federal government warning that cross-border smuggling was accelerating and urging official intervention. Earlier this month, the Oil Companies Advisory Council, which represents Pakistan’s domestic oil industry, confirmed that official domestic fuel sales have dropped to a 27-year low for this time of year, a decline directly tied in large part to the rise of cheaper smuggled Iranian fuel. An intelligence estimate cited by Nikkei Asia puts the annual value of smuggled fuel at nearly $1 billion, a staggering hit to formal industry and government revenue.

    Geopolitics has amplified the smuggling surge, according to analysts tracking illicit global markets. Paddy Ginn, a researcher with the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime, says large-scale smuggling is not just driven by desperate local workers – it is also enabled by powerful actors with ties to the Iranian government. “The main traffickers, we believe, are either part of or closely linked to IRGC [Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps],” Ginn says, noting that the trade helps Iranian actors avoid US economic sanctions and capitalize on price hikes driven by regional conflict. The BBC requested comment from the Iranian government on these allegations but received no response.

    For Pakistan, the issue presents a complicated policy dilemma. The country currently serves as a mediator between Iran and the United States, working toward a permanent end to hostilities, and the large-scale smuggling trade creates awkward diplomatic and political pressures. Islamabad has periodically launched crackdowns on the illicit trade, but efforts to fully eliminate it have always stalled. The remote, rugged terrain of the border region makes comprehensive policing almost impossible, and many within Pakistan’s government recognize that the trade is a critical lifeline for millions of impoverished Baloch residents who have no other source of income. Multiple smugglers told the BBC that Pakistani security officials often turn a blind eye to the trade in exchange for small bribes – a claim the Pakistani government denies, noting that Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has ordered law enforcement to intensify crackdowns, with authorities seizing roughly $5 million worth of smuggled fuel over the past year.

    Even for the smugglers who rely on the trade, the recent regional conflict has eroded already meager profits. Mazaar says the price he pays for smuggled petrol has jumped sharply amid the tensions, but the price he can charge to downstream sellers has remained flat. After covering fuel for his bike, food, and motorbike lease costs, his daily income has fallen from 5,000 Pakistani rupees ($13) to 3,000 rupees ($7.80) – still roughly double Pakistan’s official minimum wage, but barely enough to support his large family. “The war started and we were ruined,” he says.

    As Mazaar and a group of 11 fellow motorbike smugglers set out from the Mastung open-air fuel market toward Sindh province, they are immediately hit by a brutal heat storm: a prolonged heatwave paired with blinding dust storms. When asked about the constant risk of deadly injury or death, Mazaar shrugs off the danger with a fatalism forged by poverty and lack of choice: “I don’t worry about it. I have to die one day anyway. I could die now. Who knows? That is Allah’s decision, whether he lets me live or takes my life.”

  • World Cup 2026: Iraq’s long-awaited return sparks pride at home and abroad

    World Cup 2026: Iraq’s long-awaited return sparks pride at home and abroad

    Decades of conflict and sectarian division have fractured Iraq along religious, ethnic and regional lines, but one shared passion cuts across every dividing line: football. For Iraqis, the beautiful game has long been far more than 90 minutes of competition on grass — it is the rare space where a fragmented people can come together as one, bound by national pride. That unifying magic last captured global attention in 2007, when Iraq defied all odds to claim the Asian Cup title at the height of the country’s bloodiest post-invasion violence. Now, 40 years after the national team made its first and only World Cup appearance, the Lions of Mesopotamia are back on football’s biggest global stage, set to kick off their campaign against Norway in Boston this Tuesday.

    The long-awaited return has reignited a wave of euphoria stretching from the neighborhoods of Baghdad and Basra to Iraqi diaspora communities across the globe, thousands of whose members have traveled to the United States to cheer on their side. While some pundits have labeled Iraq’s Group I — which also includes football powerhouse France and African contender Senegal — the tournament’s notorious “group of death”, head coach Graham Arnold, an Australian leading the national side, has rebranded it the “group of excitement”. For Arnold, the tournament represents a rare chance to demonstrate how far Iraqi football has come, pitting his side against some of the world’s top-ranked teams with nothing to lose and everything to gain.

    In downtown Boston, the vibrant blue and red of the Iraqi flag and national team jerseys have become a ubiquitous sight, as supporters from every corner of the world converge to cheer on their team. Among them is Sajjad Ismail, a 33-year-old Iraqi fan and social media vlogger who traveled thousands of miles to document Iraq’s historic return to the World Cup. Speaking to Middle East Eye, Ismail called the team’s qualification the fulfillment of a lifelong dream shared by every Iraqi. “Being here in this global gathering confirms that the love of Iraq unites its people wherever they are,” he said.

    Ismail remains optimistic about Iraq’s chances against the group’s formidable opponents, pointing to the skill and experience of the team’s professional roster. “There is no doubt that the group is tough, but Iraq possesses a distinguished group of professional players capable of making a difference at any moment,” he noted. What has moved him most, he added, is the sight of thousands of Iraqi fans gathering in celebration, singing, dancing and chanting in unified support of their nation. “That really brought pride to me,” he said. For Ismail, documenting the team’s journey is far more than routine sports content: “It’s a historic moment that Iraqis experience with all their emotions.”

    For another traveling fan, 38-year-old Salim al-Subaihawi, the journey to Boston was almost derailed by severe storms that disrupted flight schedules across the United States, leaving him stranded in Texas days before the opening match. Even that setback, however, has not dimmed his determination to make it to the stadium. “Alhamdulillah – Iraq has qualified for the World Cup. This is a huge event, something we are immensely proud of,” he said. In a rousing statement that sums up the mood of the entire Iraqi fanbase, al-Subaihawi declared: “Forty years we waited. Storms can’t stop us, flights can’t stop us. And in Boston, the world will hear one voice: ours.” Like Ismail, he is confident Iraq can hold its own against the group’s star-studded opponents: “Yes, we will face strong teams, squads packed with big-name stars. But Iraq has always thrived against the best. We know how to turn the game around and pull off massive results.”

    Back in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, the celebration of the national team’s historic achievement has taken on a creative new form. Local graffiti artist Ibrahim Kareem teamed up with a collective of volunteer artists to paint a massive 150-meter-long, 4.5-meter-high mural honoring the national team in Sadr City, one of Baghdad’s most densely populated neighborhoods. It is one of the largest public artworks dedicated to Iraqi football produced in the country in recent years.

    Kareem said the project was inspired by street art tributes to national teams he saw from fans around the world, and he wanted to bring that same energy to Baghdad. “This mural is our gift to the Iraqi national team on the occasion of their World Cup qualification,” he explained. “The idea came to me after I saw how fans in other countries were decorating their streets and alleyways with artwork in support of their teams. I was inspired, and I knew we could do the same here in Baghdad. We are a people of art, creativity, and passion.”

    What began as a solo project quickly grew into a community-wide effort, as designers, calligraphers and muralists volunteered their skills to bring the tribute to life. Kareem said the outpouring of public support exceeded all his expectations: “The response from the public has been incredible – far beyond what we expected. We never imagined we would complete a piece of this scale without the encouragement and motivation we received from the community and from social media. People kept urging us to keep going, to expand the work, and to give even more.”

    The excitement surrounding Iraq’s World Cup run extends far beyond the capital, resonating deeply with Iraqis across the country. In the southern city of Basra, 33-year-old Aqeel Jawad framed the national team’s appearance as a landmark moment of national pride after decades of hardship. “Iraq’s participation in the World Cup is more than just a sporting event or an ordinary appearance – it is a moment of pride for every Iraqi after so many years of waiting to see the Iraqi flag present among the world’s top teams and inside international stadiums,” he said. “It reflects Iraq’s ability, and the national team’s capability, to achieve great things despite the challenges our people have endured.”

    Like fans across the country, Jawad acknowledges the magnitude of the challenge Iraq faces in Group I, but he holds unshakable confidence in the team. “Iraq’s group is by no means an easy one, but football recognises nothing except what you give on the pitch,” he said. “Our confidence in the Lions is immense, they will surprise everyone. My prediction is that Iraq will advance to the second round and finish second in the group, behind France.” For a nation that has waited 40 years to return to the World Cup, the match results are only part of the story: the tournament has already proven once again that football’s unifying power can transcend even the deepest divisions, bringing Iraqis together at home and around the world.