标签: Africa

非洲

  • Congo says 2,000 people have died in its Ebola outbreak, the fastest growing on record

    Congo says 2,000 people have died in its Ebola outbreak, the fastest growing on record

    In the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, a rapidly spreading Ebola outbreak that has already become the fastest-growing in recorded history has crossed a devastating mortality threshold, with latest official government data confirming at least 2,000 fatalities among confirmed cases. The grim milestone comes as international and local health response teams face overlapping barriers that slow urgent care delivery to remote, conflict-affected communities, leaving the virus far outpacing containment efforts.

    Data released publicly overnight ahead of Tuesday puts the total cumulative confirmed cases at 4,381, with the death toll reaching 2,011. As of the latest update, 704 patients remain isolated and under care for the virus. The scale of the outbreak’s spread has alarmed global health experts: just under three months have passed since the Congolese government officially declared the outbreak on May 15, but the acceleration of deaths shows an alarming upward trajectory. It took nine weeks to record the first 1,000 fatalities, yet only three additional weeks to push the death toll to 2,000, a pace that responders have struggled to match.

    Already, this outbreak ranks as the second-largest Ebola event in global history. It is only surpassed by the 2014-2016 West African epidemic, which infected more than 28,000 people and killed over 11,000 across Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. For the Democratic Republic of Congo, this is the 17th Ebola outbreak the country has confronted since the virus was first identified in 1976 near the Ebola River within the nation’s borders, and it is already the largest the country has ever faced.

    Multiple overlapping crises have undermined containment efforts, according to response officials and aid workers. Active rebel conflict in affected regions makes access to remote communities dangerous at best, while poorly maintained infrastructure leaves many affected areas cut off from rapid medical support. Compounding these issues, hundreds of frontline health workers have launched work stoppages to protest delayed and missing hazard pay promised when the outbreak was declared.

    Adding to the complexity of the response, this outbreak is caused by the rare Bundibugyo Ebola strain, for which no specific approved vaccines or targeted treatments currently exist. Early-stage clinical trials for candidate vaccines and therapies have been launched in Ituri province, the geographic epicenter of the outbreak, but regulatory and logistical delays mean widespread access to these tools remains months away.

    The World Health Organization revealed new findings on Monday that show the outbreak was circulating undetected far earlier than official detection. WHO officials confirmed the virus likely began spreading in February, three months before the formal declaration, in one of Congo’s most underserved and remote regions. Early cases were misdiagnosed as malaria or typhoid, and initial testing only screened for the more common Zaire strain of Ebola, allowing the virus to establish unmonitored transmission in local communities. Today, most new confirmed cases are found among people not already on contact tracing lists, a clear sign that community transmission remains widespread.

    Speaking at a press briefing, Dr. Mohamed Yakub Janabi, WHO’s Regional Director for Africa, summed up the ongoing challenge facing responders: “We are chasing the virus, and the virus is ahead of us.” Aid groups that have expanded response operations across the five affected provinces acknowledge that the outbreak continues to outpace the incremental growth of containment efforts, leaving global health authorities bracing for further increases in case counts and deaths in the coming weeks.

  • Watch: Huge blaze after attack on petrol tank in Libya

    Watch: Huge blaze after attack on petrol tank in Libya

    A large-scale inferno has broken out at a major petroleum storage tank located west of Libya’s capital city Tripoli, after the facility was struck in an attack by assailants whose identities remain unconfirmed. As emergency response crews work around the clock to bring the blaze under control, local authorities have not yet released details on potential casualties, infrastructure damage, or disruptions to regional fuel supplies that may result from the incident.

    Libya has long grappled with widespread political instability and frequent acts of targeted violence against critical energy infrastructure, which forms the backbone of the North African nation’s economy. Attacks on oil and fuel storage facilities often exacerbate existing challenges around energy access across the country, and can disrupt global energy markets that rely on Libyan crude oil exports. Firefighting teams on the ground have reported facing significant hurdles in their containment efforts, including limited access to heavy firefighting equipment and ongoing security concerns in the area surrounding the storage site.

  • A burial row over Zambia’s late president has turned its election into a hot contest

    A burial row over Zambia’s late president has turned its election into a hot contest

    As Zambia prepares for its general election on 13 August, the Southern African nation faces one of its most unpredictable electoral contests in modern history, shaped by an unresolved political dispute, widespread economic frustration, and sweeping constitutional reforms that have redefined the race.

    At the center of the campaign’s lingering tension is the legacy of former President Edgar Lungu, who died in South Africa over a year ago. More than 12 months after his passing, Lungu’s body remains unburied, trapped in a bitter public standoff between incumbent President Hakainde Hichilema and the Lungu family. The dispute has sharpened deep political divides across the country, reinvigorating opposition momentum in regions that were once strongholds of Lungu’s Patriotic Front (PF).

    When Lungu first passed away, court rulings had already barred him from seeking another term due to term limits, and his death initially appeared to clear a smooth path to re-election for Hichilema, who defeated Lungu by a landslide in the 2021 contest on a platform of systemic economic change. Instead, the PF fractured after Lungu’s passing, with dozens of politicians and loyalists defecting to opposition groups. This fragmentation accelerated the consolidation of a unified opposition bloc behind Brian Mundubile, a 55-year-old lawyer, accountant, and former government chief whip under Lungu.

    Running as the presidential candidate for the opposition National Reconciliation Party for Unity and Prosperity (NRPUP) as part of the broader Tonse-Pamodzi Alliance, Mundubile has seen a meteoric late surge in popularity just months after filing his nomination papers in May. He has tapped into long-held loyalty to Lungu in the country’s northern strongholds and widespread public anger over stagnant living standards to build his campaign. Mundubile’s running mate, Makebi Zulu, is a lawyer closely linked to the Lungu family, and the candidate has publicly pledged to arrange a dignified burial for the former president if he wins office – a promise that has resonated deeply with voters frustrated by the ongoing impasse.

    Mundubile has centered his campaign on generational inclusion, framing his candidacy as a break from the old guard of Zambian politics. “We are moving the women and the youth from the margins to the centre of policy and economic transformation,” he told the BBC. “We believe the youths have solutions to most of their challenges. What they don’t have is a big brother, what they don’t have is a caring government to be able to assist them achieve their objectives and goals. So I’m positioning myself as president as big brother to the youth.”

    For Hichilema, the contest is a fight to defend his administration’s record as he seeks a second five-year term leading his United Party for National Development (UPND). When Hichilema took office in 2021, Zambia was crippled by sovereign debt distress, with the government defaulting on billions in external payments. His administration spearheaded a landmark restructuring of more than $13 billion in foreign debt, unlocking roughly $1.9 billion in annual savings that the president says have been redirected to public investments including free primary and secondary education.

    Under Hichilema’s term, copper production – Zambia’s core economic backbone – has rebounded sharply, foreign currency reserves have climbed to record highs, annual inflation has fallen to 6.6% (its lowest level in eight years), and the kwacha has strengthened against major global currencies. The administration has also hired thousands of new teachers and health workers, sharply increased constituency development funding, and cut the national unemployment rate from 13% to 11% over four years. After a severe 2024-2025 drought slashed hydropower generation and triggered nationwide blackouts lasting up to 20 hours a day, the government ramped up costly electricity imports and accelerated utility-scale solar projects, easing outages in recent months.

    Supporters argue the president has laid solid macroeconomic foundations for long-term growth that will deliver widespread benefits over time. “I think opportunities have been increased, looking at the number of people who have been employed – it has increased amongst civil servants. And, opportunities have just increased,” one young woman hoping to join the teaching profession told reporters.

    Yet for millions of ordinary Zambian voters, these macroeconomic gains have not translated into tangible relief from daily economic pressure. Across Lusaka’s busy city markets, on street corners, and in shared minibus taxis, the dominant conversation remains the crippling cost of living. Global post-pandemic inflation and geopolitical shocks have sent food and energy prices soaring across the continent, and Zambia has not been spared. For example, cooking oil prices have jumped more than 70% over the past five years.

    Given Kangwa, a 27-year-old flour mill worker in Lusaka City Market, explained that his 3,000 kwacha ($157) monthly salary is barely enough to cover basic expenses for his household. “The cost of living, I cannot say is okay,” he said. “Where I work, for example, the money we are getting paid is not enough and we cannot sustain our lives.” Theresa Zulu, a street-food vendor, echoed that frustration, saying bluntly: “Money has become so hard to come by. We are trying to stay strong to survive, but things have become really hard for us.”

    Memories of the months-long blackouts also remain fresh for many voters, even as outages have eased. Critics of Hichilema add that the benefits of economic recovery have yet to reach most working-class families, and civil society groups have raised concerns that the administration has silenced opposition voices, with several opposition figures convicted of hate speech in recent years. Even some voters who reject a return of the old PF government cite ongoing economic hardship as a reason to question backing the incumbent. “Because we gave them a chance to rule the country and we saw what they did,” Edith Muntanga, a voter in her late 30s, said of the previous government, but added that daily costs remained a top concern.

    This 2026 election is also the first to be held under sweeping constitutional reforms enacted in late 2025, designed to increase representation for underrepresented groups in parliament. The amendments created a mixed-member proportional system for the National Assembly, expanding total constituency seats from 156 to 226, and adding 40 additional reserved seats: 20 for women, 15 for youth under 35, and 5 for people with disabilities. Despite the reforms to boost gender representation in national politics, just one of the 14 cleared presidential candidates on the 13 August ballot is a woman: independent candidate Given Katuta.

    With 14 candidates vying for the presidency, political analysts widely predict that no candidate will cross the 50%+1 vote threshold required to win outright in the first round, triggering a second round runoff within 37 days of the initial vote. Civil society organizations have also raised questions about the integrity of the electoral process, with prominent human rights activist and former Law Association of Zambia president Linda Kasonde arguing that multiple electoral commission members have close ties to the ruling UPND, undermining public confidence in the body’s independence. “In terms of the constitution of the electoral commission itself, a number of the members of the commission are actually politically aligned to the incumbent ruling party and are not seen to be independent,” Kasonde said. The electoral commission has repeatedly rejected claims of bias, asserting it operates strictly within its constitutional mandate and upholds core principles of transparency and independence.

    For weeks, the streets of Lusaka have been saturated with campaign energy: the hum of daily market activity is layered over the sound of opposition and ruling party campaign jingles, and candidate posters line lamp posts, shop fronts, and towering billboards across the capital. More than 8.2 million registered voters are eligible to cast their ballots on 13 August, choosing not just a president but a new 266-seat parliament. Zambia has a long, proud history of peaceful elections and democratic transfers of power, a legacy all parties have invoked repeatedly on the campaign trail. But this year, a combination of economic frustration, lingering political tension over Lungu’s unburied remains, and questions about institutional integrity have created a deeply fragmented race with an outcome that remains too close to call. As voters weigh the macroeconomic gains of the last five years against the daily struggles that shape their households, Zambians will deliver their verdict on 13 August.

  • We are chasing Ebola virus – it is ahead of us, WHO warns

    We are chasing Ebola virus – it is ahead of us, WHO warns

    The World Health Organization has issued a stark warning that the ongoing Ebola outbreak in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) began circulating at least three months before it was formally announced by public health officials, leaving response teams struggling to contain a pathogen that has already outpaced containment efforts.

    As of the latest official update from DRC’s Ministry of Health, the outbreak has recorded 4,294 confirmed infections and 1,960 fatalities, making it the second deadliest Ebola outbreak in recorded history. Only the 2014–2016 West African outbreak, which claimed more than 11,000 lives, has had a higher death toll.

    This outbreak is caused by the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola, a variant for which no universally approved vaccine or proven therapeutic treatments currently exist, creating additional barriers for clinical care. Persistent insecurity in the eastern region, the epicenter of the outbreak, has further undermined response work: WHO Africa director Dr Mohamed Janabi told reporters during a press briefing in Bunia, the outbreak’s core hub, that persistent conflict and instability have left response teams only able to reach roughly 30 percent of confirmed cases. The remaining patients are unable to access care and die in their homes.

    New genomic and epidemiological research traces the first community transmission of the virus back to February 2025, months before the outbreak was officially declared on May 15. In those early months, infections were consistently misdiagnosed as more common febrile illnesses including malaria and typhoid, allowing the virus to spread undetected through local communities. Two additional cultural and trust barriers have complicated containment efforts: traditional burial customs that require close physical contact with deceased bodies, a major transmission route for Ebola, and widespread community suspicion of external health authorities have both slowed intervention work.

    Ebola spreads through direct contact with infected bodily fluids, meaning frontline health workers require full personal protective equipment to safely treat patients and conduct containment work. Despite the significant challenges, response officials have noted modest progress: several purpose-built Ebola treatment centers have now been established in eastern DRC, and diagnostic testing capacity has expanded sharply, cutting wait times for confirmatory results.

    Dr Janabi summed up the current state of the response in blunt terms: “We are chasing the virus, the virus is ahead of us.”

  • Kenya bids to host 2029 World Athletics Championships

    Kenya bids to host 2029 World Athletics Championships

    For decades, Kenya has dominated global athletics, collecting medal hauls and breaking world records across middle- and long-distance events. Now, the East African nation is aiming to turn its athletic legacy into a historic milestone, officially submitting a bid to host the 2029 World Athletics Championships – a bid that would make it the first African country to ever host track and field’s flagship global event.

    Nairobi’s proposal is not without competition: it will go up against competing bids from three European cities, London, Rome and Munich. World Athletics, the global governing body for the sport, is scheduled to announce its final selection next month, leaving the bidding race in its final stretch.

    Athletics Kenya, the national governing body, has framed its bid as a robust, well-supported proposal with a strong claim to bring the tournament to the African continent for the first time. In an official statement, the organization confirmed that the Kenyan national government has offered its full backing to the bid, committing to deliver all the required organizational infrastructure, robust security protocols, and modern facilities needed to host a world-class international sporting event.

    Per reporting from BBC Sport Africa, the 48,000-capacity Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi has been selected as the proposed main venue for the championships, should Kenya’s bid succeed.

    Kenya’s deep-rooted history of excellence in global athletics provides a powerful foundation for its bid. To date, Kenyan athletes have claimed 72 gold medals at World Athletics Championships and another 38 Olympic gold medals, with the nation’s dominance especially pronounced in middle- and long-distance running. Seventeen current world records across track and road events are held by Kenyan athletes, including both the men’s and women’s marathon world records. At the 2023 World Athletics Championships held in Tokyo, Kenya placed second in the overall medal table, clinching seven golds among a total of 11 podium finishes.

    This is not Kenya’s first time hosting major international athletics events, nor its first attempt to secure the senior World Athletics Championships. The nation previously hosted the 2007 World Cross Country Championships in Mombasa, the 2017 World Under-18 Championships and 2021 World U20 Championships, both in Nairobi. Nairobi also hosted the 2010 African Athletics Championships at Nyayo National Stadium. Kenya’s bid for the 2025 edition of the senior World Championships was ultimately unsuccessful, but a 2029 win would mark a transformative milestone for the nation’s profile on the global sporting stage.

    Beyond athletics, Kenya is already set to expand its international hosting resume next year, when it co-hosts the Africa Cup of Nations men’s football tournament alongside neighboring Tanzania and Uganda. Just months ago, Botswana made history of its own in African athletics when it became the first African nation to host the World Athletics Relays in Gaborone this past May, laying early groundwork for a potential senior World Championships on the continent.

  • WHO says Congo’s fast-moving Ebola outbreak started months before it was declared

    WHO says Congo’s fast-moving Ebola outbreak started months before it was declared

    In a stark update on the spiraling public health crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed Monday that the fastest-growing Ebola outbreak in recorded history emerged in February, three full months before it was officially declared to the public on May 15. Responders are now scrambling to contain a virus that has consistently outpaced containment efforts, against a backdrop of systemic and security challenges that make effective intervention nearly impossible.

    Dr. Mohamed Yakub Janabi, WHO’s Regional Director for Africa, told reporters that genetic sequencing of virus samples has traced the outbreak’s origin back to February. Early cases of the disease were misdiagnosed as malaria and typhoid, a critical error that allowed the virus to spread undetected through communities for months. Compounding this early delay, initial testing protocols only screened for the more common Zaire strain of Ebola, not the rare Bundibugyo variant driving this outbreak. The Bundibugyo strain has no approved vaccines or targeted treatments currently available, leaving frontline workers with limited tools to slow transmission or improve patient outcomes.

    As of the latest official government count, the outbreak has already recorded 4,200 confirmed cases, with more than 1,900 people dead. This current outbreak has killed people faster than any Ebola event in history, outpacing even the devastating 2014-2016 West Africa outbreak that was long considered the worst on record. That 2014-2016 crisis took eight months to reach 1,000 deaths; this outbreak hit that milestone in a fraction of the time.

    The crisis is unfolding in one of the most difficult operating environments for global health responders. The affected region, which sits near the borders of South Sudan, Uganda, and Rwanda, has been torn apart by decades of rebel conflict that gutted local healthcare infrastructure long before the first Ebola case emerged. Today, responders face multiple overlapping barriers: strikes by unpaid health workers have left critical facilities understaffed, rebel groups threaten aid teams, and long-traumatized communities often distrust intervention efforts, fueled by widespread misinformation that claims Ebola does not exist at all.

    Frontline teams must navigate remote, unpaved roads to reach affected communities and have repeatedly reported critical shortages of personal protective equipment. A large population of displaced people living in informal settlements also lack access to clean water for regular handwashing, one of the most basic measures to slow transmission of the virus, which spreads through contact with infected bodily fluids including blood, vomit, and semen, as well as contaminated surfaces like bedding and clothing. Ebola causes severe organ damage and is fatal in the majority of untreated cases.

    Last week, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus reiterated the urgency of the crisis during a visit to Congolese capital Kinshasa, noting that the virus is spreading faster than response teams can keep up. In some of the worst-affected hot spots, the number of new confirmed cases is doubling at an alarming rate. Health authorities estimate that between 60% and 70% of all new cases are occurring in people who were not on the contact tracing monitoring list, meaning transmission is happening through unrecognized community spread that is nearly impossible to track.

    Already fragile access to routine healthcare in the region has become even worse as the outbreak escalates. Pregnant women and people with other acute medical conditions are now avoiding health centers out of fear of contracting Ebola, putting their own lives at unnecessary risk from treatable conditions.

    Late declarations of Ebola outbreaks are not unprecedented. The 2014-2016 West Africa outbreak, which killed more than 11,000 people across at least 28,000 confirmed cases, was officially declared in March 2014, but retrospective investigation later found the first human infection occurred three months earlier, in December 2013.

  • Battle for Mali base has killed dozens of militants, army says

    Battle for Mali base has killed dozens of militants, army says

    A brazen pre-dawn assault on a key Malian military garrison in the central town of San has left dozens dead and sparked conflicting official and insurgent claims about control of the base, deepening concerns over Mali’s worsening decade-long security crisis. The Sunday attack, which unfolded around 5 a.m. local time, marks another escalation for al-Qaeda-affiliated militant group Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), which has expanded its operational reach far beyond Mali’s northern insurgency heartland in recent years.

    According to local witnesses cited by French broadcaster RFI, attackers infiltrated the base on foot and motorcycles, with a portion of the assault force disguising themselves in Malian army uniforms to slip past perimeter defenses. Malian military officials confirmed that militants deployed drones, heavy machine guns, and armored vehicles to breach the camp’s outer barriers, with clashes stretching on for roughly two hours. Multiple independent sources, including AFP, have reported that at least 10 Malian soldiers were killed in the fighting, with witnesses noting that militants held parts of the base for an extended period before withdrawing. Some surviving attackers fled to nearby forests or hid in local residential areas after the battle, one witness told RFI.

    In an official video statement, Lieutenant Colonel El Oumrani, commander of the 23rd regiment stationed at the San garrison, claimed Malian forces had successfully repelled the assault and killed approximately 40 militant fighters. “The enemy was eliminated and the attack was successfully repelled,” he said, pushing back on claims that the army had lost control of the installation. “The camp of the 23rd is not empty, it is under the custody of the army. My soldiers have not gone anywhere.” The military did acknowledge that troops made a temporary tactical retreat from the site, but rejected JNIM’s assertion that its fighters fully seized and held the base. JNIM had earlier issued a statement claiming responsibility for the attack and stating its fighters had taken full control of the garrison.

    The San assault comes amid a steady deterioration of Mali’s security environment, more than 11 years after a jihadist insurgency first took hold in the country’s northern regions. Since the initial 2012 uprising, large swathes of northern and eastern Mali have remained outside of central government control, and JNIM has steadily expanded its operations to target military and civilian sites in central and southern Mali, proving its ability to penetrate deep into government-held territory despite repeated counterinsurgency campaigns.

    The current military leadership, led by General Assimi Goïta who seized power in a 2020 coup, rose to power partly on promises to reverse the country’s security decline. Since the coup, the junta has rejected long-standing French military counterinsurgency support and turned instead to Russian military assistance, including from the Wagner Group mercenary force. Just four months prior to the San attack, a coordinated nationwide offensive by an alliance of jihadist and separatist rebels calling itself the Azawad Liberation Front targeted government installations across northern Mali. That assault included a suicide truck bombing that killed Defense Minister Sadio Camara at his residence near the capital Bamako.

    Security analysts warn that the brazen attack on a formal military garrison in central Mali underscores the continuing fragility of the junta’s hold on security across the country, even after its strategic shift away from Western partners and toward Russia.

  • Nigeria ‘still have hope’ for 2027 World Cup spot

    Nigeria ‘still have hope’ for 2027 World Cup spot

    Defending and 10-time Women’s Africa Cup of Nations champions Nigeria have been handed a shocking early exit from the 2026 tournament in Morocco, forcing the side into a do-or-die play-off for a shot at extending their unbroken streak at the FIFA Women’s World Cup.

    In a tense last-eight clash in Casablanca on Sunday, Cameroon pulled off one of the biggest upsets of this year’s Wafcon, securing a 1-0 victory over the fancied Super Falcons. The decisive goal came from teenager Myriam Nyadjou, who converted a first-half free-kick to put the Indomitable Lionesses ahead. Cameroon goalkeeper Michaely Bihina then delivered a player-of-the-match performance, pulling off a series of stunning late saves to fend off waves of Nigerian attacks and protect her side’s narrow lead.

    By advancing to the Wafcon semi-finals, Cameroon has secured automatic qualification for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup hosted in Brazil. They join fellow semi-finalists Algeria, Malawi and hosts Morocco in booking their spot at the global tournament. This exit marks Nigeria’s worst ever performance at a Wafcon finals, ending their reign as the continent’s most dominant women’s football side and guaranteeing a new name will be etched onto the trophy when the 2026 tournament concludes this Sunday.

    For Nigeria, the result snaps their automatic qualification streak for the World Cup. The side, which has competed at every edition of the Women’s World Cup dating back to the inaugural tournament in 1991, will now face 2022 Wafcon champions South Africa in a continental play-off this Thursday at 20:00 GMT. The winner of that match will advance to the inter-confederation qualifying stage later this year, where they will compete for one of the final remaining spots at the expanded 32-team 2027 World Cup.

    Nigeria goalkeeper Chiamaka Nnadozie said her side must completely reset their approach ahead of the must-win play-off. “What happened happened, we just have to keep our heads high. There’s still hope – it’s not over yet,” Nnadozie told BBC World Service. She added that head coach Justin Madugu has worked to lift the squad’s morale following the upset, saying: “On Thursday we’ll go out strong, we’ll try to do better than we’ve done [against Cameroon] and hope to get to the next stage of the World Cup. We will go there and make things right.”

    Midfielder Jennifer Echegini echoed that defiant tone, noting that Nigeria dominated possession and created plenty of goal-scoring chances against Cameroon, but was simply unlucky not to find the back of the net. “I think honestly [it was] one of our better games. We created a lot more opportunities. The ball just didn’t go the way we wanted it to. But it’s not over yet. Unfortunately, it is for the Wafcon. But in terms of World Cup qualifiers, there’s still a lot to fight for,” Echegini said.

    For Cameroon, the win marks a long-awaited return to the Women’s World Cup, with the side’s last appearance at the global tournament coming in 2019. Forward Naomi Eto acknowledged that the side adopted a defensive, counter-attacking approach against the more fancied Nigerian side, but said the result was no less deserved. “We can say it was an ugly win because they attacked a lot, but we were very, very strong defensively,” Eto told the BBC. “[It has] always been a dream to play the World Cup. We’ve been waiting for this moment for the longest [time] and it’s finally arrived.”

    In the other Wafcon semi-final fixture, hosts Morocco – who finished as runners-up at the past two tournaments – will face Cameroon on Wednesday, with Algeria and Malawi clashing later the same day to decide the second finalist. In addition to the Nigeria-South Africa play-off, Thursday will also see Ghana face Ivory Coast for the second African spot in the inter-confederation qualifying. The two African play-off winners will join eight other nations from confederations around the world in the inter-confederation tournament, which kicks off with a preliminary stage in November and December this year. A final qualifying round scheduled for February 2027 will decide the last three teams to book their place at the World Cup, which opens in Brazil on June 24, 2027.

  • Ugandan statesman is in the race to become the next secretary-general of the United Nations

    Ugandan statesman is in the race to become the next secretary-general of the United Nations

    The race to succeed António Guterres as United Nations Secretary-General gained a new contender this week, as 75-year-old veteran Ugandan diplomat and statesman Olara Otunnu officially entered the contest, becoming the seventh candidate vying for the top UN post when Guterres’ term concludes at the end of 2024.

    Uganda’s permanent representative to the United Nations, Adonia Ayebare, confirmed that Otunnu has traveled to New York to hold closed-door meetings with member state delegations and participate in mandatory interactive dialogues with both the UN General Assembly and Security Council as part of the nomination process. Ayebare also noted that the candidate required special visa assistance to enter the United States, as Ugandan nationals are currently restricted from entry under U.S. public health measures implemented to curb the spread of Ebola.

    Otunnu is no stranger to the inner workings of the UN system, boasting a decades-long career in global diplomacy that spans senior leadership roles. He previously came within striking distance of the secretary-general post in 1997, when he was widely viewed as a leading contender to replace Egypt’s Boutros Boutros-Ghali. On that occasion, however, the same Ugandan government that now backs his candidacy blocked his bid amid long-running political tensions between Otunnu and current Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. The role ultimately went to Ghana’s Kofi Annan.

    Following Annan’s selection, Annan appointed Otunnu to the senior post of UN Under-Secretary-General and Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, a role Otunnar held from 1997 through 2005. His work protecting vulnerable youth in conflict zones earned him the 2005 Sydney Peace Prize, awarded in recognition of his unwavering advocacy for child protection and efforts to support the healing and social reintegration of children affected by war.

    A highly educated diplomat with degrees from Oxford University and Harvard Law School, Otunnu first served as Uganda’s permanent representative to the UN from 1980 to 1985, including a one-year term as president of the UN Security Council. He also briefly held the position of Uganda’s foreign minister during the 1980s, and remains widely respected as an elder statesman within his home country. Notably, during his time as Security Council president, Otunnu designed the confidential straw balloting system that is still used today for UN secretary-general selections, widely known as the “Otunnu Formula,” which was first deployed to select Peru’s Javier Pérez de Cuéllar in 1981.

    Otunnu has framed global peace and security as the UN’s core mandate, telling reporters last week: “Even though the U.N. is now occupied with a number of issues across the board, the most important single mandate for the U.N. remains the issue of peace and security.”

    Otunnu’s late entry to the race — coming weeks after other candidates began their outreach to member states — has raised questions among analysts about the timing of Uganda’s nomination. He also faces an additional unwritten hurdle: longstanding informal tradition holds that the secretary-general role rotates between global regions, and this cycle is widely expected to be Latin America’s turn to claim the post. Currently, six candidates from across Latin America, Africa and Europe are already in the race, including Senegal’s Macky Sall, Chile’s Michelle Bachelet, Argentina’s Rafael Grossi, Costa Rica’s Rebeca Grynspan, Ecuador’s Maria Fernanda Espinosa and Guyana’s Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. No formal rule bars candidates from other regions, however, and no clear front-runner has emerged so far in the contest.

    Angelo Izama, a Ugandan analyst with the Fanaka Kwawote think tank, described Otunnu as a surprise dark horse contender with strong fallback potential. “He is a safe candidate,” Izama explained. “If the top Latin American candidate is vetoed, he is going to be the fall-back candidate.”

    The selection process is led by the UN Security Council’s 15 member states, with the five permanent veto-wielding members — the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom and France — holding outsized influence over the outcome. The 193-member UN General Assembly must then give final approval to the Security Council’s chosen candidate. The successful nominee is scheduled to take office on January 1, 2025.

  • Evidence that South African special forces murdered top detective shared with BBC

    Evidence that South African special forces murdered top detective shared with BBC

    Three years after the assassination of respected South African elite detective Lieutenant Colonel Frans Mathipa, a bombshell BBC World Service exclusive investigation has laid bare damning evidence linking military special forces to his killing, while raising grave questions about institutional overreach and the rule of law in one of Africa’s longest-standing democracies.

    Mathipa, a 20-year veteran of policing and father of five, was gunned down in August 2023 while driving home on a Pretoria motorway, just two days after authorities finally granted him access to critical evidence he had spent four months fighting to obtain. Weeks before his death, he told his commanding officer he feared his pursuit of the truth would cost him his life.

    At the time of his killing, Mathipa was investigating a high-stakes, sensitive case: the December 2022 abduction and alleged murder of Abdella Abadigga, an Ethiopian man labeled by the United States government as an Islamic State recruiter and fundraiser with close ties to top Somali IS leader Bilal al-Sudani. Court and police documents obtained exclusively by the BBC trace a clear line of connection between Abadigga’s disappearance and South Africa’s special forces.

    Public records and on-the-record interviews with key investigation sources — including the former head of counter-terrorism for the elite police unit The Hawks, Mathipa’s commanding officer, and his surviving family — build a compelling narrative that the special operation targeting Abadigga was not officially authorized, and that Mathipa was killed to cover up the operation’s details.

    The case dates back to 2008, when Abadigga was granted temporary asylum in South Africa. He was arrested abroad in 2017, before being secretly smuggled back into the country in a joint arrangement between the South African military and the Department of Home Affairs to serve as an intelligence asset, according to former Hawks counter-terrorism chief Colonel Tollie Vreugdenburg. The asset went rogue, he added, extorting business owners in Johannesburg’s Ethiopian community to fund IS operations, a claim backed by US government sanctions imposed on Abadigga in early 2022.

    When Abadigga disappeared alongside his bodyguard Kadir Abotese that December, his brother Ameen filed a missing person report. Local investigators obtained Mall of Africa CCTV footage showing the pair being followed by a man who paid for parking just three seconds after them, with all vehicles linked to the incident registered to Peters Communications Trust (PCT), a documented front company for South African special forces. At the time of Abadigga’s disappearance, PCT’s board included Major General Herbert Mashego, then commanding officer of the 5 Special Forces Regiment.

    When the investigating officer pressed military leadership for answers, he was ordered to lie to Ameen and deny any link between PCT and the military. When Ameen took the case to the Johannesburg High Court, special forces finally admitted their soldiers had been at the mall that day, but claimed they were conducting a training exercise. Under South African law, all domestic military operations require formal authorization from the presidency and national government; multiple requests for comment on the training exercise authorization to President Cyril Ramaphosa and former Defence Minister Thandi Modise went unanswered.

    Mathipa was assigned to the case a month after Abadigga’s disappearance, and immediately subpoenaed special forces to release full details of the exercise and all personnel involved. After three months of stonewalling, access to the documents was finally granted. On the day of his death, Mathipa received a phone call from an anonymous source calling himself Tebogo, who claimed to have new information on the case, arranged a meeting at a Pretoria petrol station, and failed to show up. As Mathipa drove back along the highway, he was ambushed and shot dead with high-velocity weapons matching those issued to special forces.

    Toll gantry footage later confirmed that the vehicle tailing Mathipa moments before the shooting was also registered to PCT, and that special forces Major Sunnybooi Wambi — the same man identified as the follower on the Mall of Africa CCTV footage — was in the car. Wambi had already been tied to the alleged 2022 abduction of Abadigga.

    In the wake of Mathipa’s murder, police documents show special forces delivered a menacing threat to The Hawks: “You can appoint 10 investigating officers; we will kill all of them.” To date, eight military personnel — seven special forces soldiers and one military police officer — have been formally charged with Mathipa’s murder, with four additional soldiers charged in connection with the abduction and murder of Abadigga and Abotese. All accused have pleaded not guilty to all charges, ranging from murder to fraud and obstruction of justice.

    What has amplified public outrage and concern over institutional overreach is the fact that three years after Mathipa’s killing, no trial date has ever been scheduled. Six of the accused had their bail revoked by a court order, and were ordered to turn themselves in to custody; three of those six, including Wambi, who face murder charges for Mathipa’s death, have refused to comply. All three remain active-duty special forces personnel, and Wambi has even been promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel since his initial charging. The military has repeatedly refused to detain and hand over the fugitive accused to civilian authorities, with their legal team most recently claiming the men are receiving mental health treatment to justify their absence.

    Multiple requests for comment from the South African military, Department of Home Affairs, President Ramaphosa and the Pentagon went unanswered by the time of publication. For the family of the fallen detective, the delay only deepens their grief. “We need justice. I’m never going to see my dad anymore… Why my dad? Because he was doing his job,” said Mathipa’s daughter Basetsana. Vreugdenburg, the former counter-terrorism chief, says Mathipa knew exactly what he was up against when he took the case: “He was barking up the right tree. He was taking on the right lion.”

    Abadigga’s body has never been recovered, and questions remain unaddressed about the timing of his disappearance: just weeks after he was abducted, al-Sudani was killed in a US special forces raid in Somalia, leading to unconfirmed speculation that Abadigga’s phone intelligence was used to locate the IS leader. President Ramaphosa declined to comment on whether the abduction was carried out at the request of US intelligence.