标签: Africa

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  • How a former ‘street kid’ is key to South Africa’s police corruption inquiry

    How a former ‘street kid’ is key to South Africa’s police corruption inquiry

    After a year of dominating the headlines around South Africa’s landmark public inquiry into systemic police corruption, controversial businessman Vusimusi ‘Cat’ Matlala is finally scheduled to give his long-awaited testimony before the Madlanga Commission on Wednesday. The 49-year-old, who has remained in police custody for over 12 months pending an unrelated attempted murder charge, will face questions from the commission’s panel led by retired Constitutional Court judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga, answering to a sweeping set of corruption and criminal allegations that have shaken the country’s law enforcement establishment to its core.

    Matlala first entered the public spotlight just three years ago, when his name was linked to reported tender irregularities at a state-run hospital — a connection he has consistently denied. What is known of his early life comes almost entirely from testimony he gave to a parallel parliamentary corruption inquiry last November, where he detailed a harsh childhood growing up in a township east of Pretoria during the final decades of apartheid. Raised for much of his youth by a single mother who eventually left him, Matlala told lawmakers he grew up as a street child, only reuniting with his mother in 2002 as she battled terminal illness. After her death, he learned she had been sexually assaulted because of her albinism, a condition targeted by harmful myths that claim intercourse with an albino person can cure disease.

    After leaving school, Matlala built up an informal small business to survive, a path that brought him repeated run-ins with the law. In 2001, he was convicted and served prison time for possession of stolen property. Over subsequent decades, he was arrested on charges ranging from house robbery and cash-in-transit heist to assault; he has denied all involvement in these allegations, and in every case, he was either acquitted or saw the charges withdrawn. Contrary to popular speculation that his nickname ‘Cat’ refers to an ability to escape legal trouble like a cat with nine lives, Matlala has explained the moniker comes from his large family: he and his wife share nine children.

    According to Matlala’s own account, he turned his life around in 2017, when he registered his first formal security services company. He later expanded into healthcare service provision, eventually landing lucrative government contracts first with a public hospital and then with the South African Police Service — a remarkable feat he admitted to parliament, given he had no prior track record in the healthcare sector. His current legal troubles began in May 2025, when he and his wife Tsakane were arrested and charged with attempted murder, a charge both vehemently deny. While his wife was granted bail, Matlala has remained in custody ever since. He was later hit with additional corruption charges tied to his police healthcare contracts; he initially pleaded guilty as part of a plea deal with prosecutors last month, but withdrew the plea after the agreement collapsed.

    The allegations against Matlala that will be front and center at Wednesday’s testimony are wide-ranging. Prosecutors and commission witnesses claim Matlala secured influence and won police contracts by peddling lavish gifts to senior law enforcement and political figures. These gifts include 20 impalas, doses of the popular weight-loss drug Ozempic, and thousands of dollars in unsecured personal loans. Most seriously, Matlala has not yet been forced to address claims that he was a core member of a major drug trafficking syndicate known locally as the Big Five.

    In his November 2024 parliamentary testimony, Matlala pushed back against early accusations, saying he had no personal connections to senior police officers or leading politicians, and denied all core corruption claims. He did admit to making donations to activities affiliated with the African National Congress, South Africa’s ruling coalition party.

    Over the 10 months the Madlanga Commission has held public hearings, a string of explosive testimonies has tied Matlala to some of the most senior figures in South African law enforcement and politics. Witnesses have claimed Matlala provided indirect campaign funding to suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu to support his political activities, a claim Mchunu has outright denied. Matlala has also been linked to Mchunu’s predecessor, Bheki Cele. During his parliamentary testimony, Matlala claimed he paid Cele a 500,000 rand (equivalent to roughly $31,000) facilitation fee after police returned firearms that had been seized from him, and that Cele additionally asked for help funding a home purchase and his son’s university tuition — requests Matlala says he refused. Cele has acknowledged knowing Matlala and staying twice at his rented Pretoria penthouse, but denies ever receiving any payments from the businessman.

    The commission has also scrutinized Matlala’s relationship with suspended deputy police chief Major-General Shadrack Sibiya. Both men have repeatedly claimed their interactions were strictly professional, but commission testimony has contradicted this account. Witnesses allege Sibiya received 20 impalas from Matlala around the same time the businessman was awarded his major police contract; Sibiya has denied this, saying he would never accept gifts from a government service provider. One witness also told the commission that after his May 2025 arrest, Matlala openly bragged about his close connections to top-tier police leadership, including Sibiya.

    Multiple other senior police officers have been implicated in the alleged corrupt network tied to Matlala, and two have already been fired from the force. Brigadier Rachel Matjeng, the senior officer who oversaw the awarding of the controversial police contract to Matlala, told the commission she had an on-again off-again romantic relationship with the businessman, who showered her with expensive gifts including Ozempic injections. Major-General Richard Shibiri, head of the police’s organized crime unit, admitted to accepting a $4,000 personal loan from Matlala to cover repairs for his son’s car, which he has since repaid. Shibiri, who oversees anti-gang, narcotics and illegal mining investigations, denies having any close personal connection to Matlala or knowing he was allegedly part of a criminal cartel. Both Matjeng and Shibiri have been dismissed from the police service.

    Further allegations have emerged tied to suspended Ekurhuleni acting police chief Julius Mkhwanazi, who is accused of arranging to have blue lights and sirens installed on Matlala’s personal vehicles — a privilege reserved only for official security use. Mkhwanazi has denied this specific claim, but admitted to receiving money from Matlala, whom he described as a ‘blood brother’ during his commission testimony.

    After 10 months of shocking revelations that have gripped public attention across South Africa, expectations are high for Matlala’s Wednesday testimony. Many South Africans, who have followed the commission’s proceedings closely, believe Matlala holds key information that could unpack the full scale of systemic corruption within the national police force, and are eager to hear his response to the full scope of allegations against him.

  • Villa warned over sportswashing after Visit Rwanda deal

    Villa warned over sportswashing after Visit Rwanda deal

    English Premier League side Aston Villa has landed the largest sponsorship agreement in its century-long history, a multi-year £20 million-per-year deal with Rwandan tourism board Visit Rwanda that has quickly reignited global debate over alleged “sportswashing” of Rwanda’s alleged human rights abuses and military interference in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    The deal will see Visit Rwanda replace betting brand Betano on the front of matchday kits for Aston Villa’s men’s senior team, women’s senior team, and youth academy squads. The partnership marks the first major major commercial agreement negotiated by Francesco Calvo, who took over as the club’s president of business operations last year following the departure of Chris Heck. In a formal statement announcing the partnership, Calvo framed the deal as a milestone in the club’s global growth strategy, saying it unlocks cross-sector opportunities across tourism, foreign investment, and grassroots sports development.

    “This is a very exciting partnership for Aston Villa and a symbol of the club’s continuing expansion and growth into international markets,” Calvo said. “There is a great range and depth of opportunities for collaboration, learning and innovation and we are looking forward to working with Visit Rwanda to deliver meaningful activations through tourism, investment and sporting development.”

    But the agreement has drawn immediate condemnation from human rights advocates and political leaders, who accuse Rwanda of using high-profile football partnerships to distract the global public from systemic human rights violations at home and its role in fueling ongoing deadly conflict in eastern DRC. Felix Jakens, head of campaigns for Amnesty International UK, said the pattern of Rwanda leveraging elite football sponsorships for positive public relations is nothing new, and that Aston Villa and the Premier League have a responsibility to address the allegations.

    “It’s not new that Rwanda is using sportswashing to deflect attention from its terrible human rights record,” Jakens said in a statement to BBC Sport. “Aston Villa should be well aware that Rwanda is seeking to leverage this partnership to create positive PR. The country is prolific in arbitrary detention, torture and the repression of free speech – these are abuses at home. We are seeing bloodshed right before our eyes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Rwanda is playing a significant role in fuelling that conflict – both through its support to the M23 rebels and the direct actions of its military in Eastern Congo. Rwanda’s sportswashing needs to be called out, and we’d like Aston Villa and the Premier League to play their part in this.”

    The criticisms come amid a long-running international dispute between DRC and Rwanda. Just last month, DRC formally filed a case against Rwanda at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the neighboring country of violating multiple international treaties by deploying military forces and arming rebel groups to carry out illegal operations on DRC territory. The allegations stretch back decades, rooted in regional instability that followed the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Rwanda has repeatedly denied all claims that it supports armed groups in eastern DRC, but independent United Nations experts and several Western governments have verified that Rwanda provides backing for the M23, one of the most active and violent insurgent groups in the region.

    Aston Villa’s deal marks the latest high-profile Rwandan tourism sponsorship in global football that has faced public scrutiny. Visit Rwanda already holds partnerships with clubs across Europe’s top leagues, including Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), Atletico Madrid, and previously Arsenal and Bayern Munich, and each of these deals has sparked protests and campaigns from fans and human rights groups.

    Last year, amid a worsening humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC tied to the M23 insurgency, DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner openly called on Arsenal, Bayern, and PSG to end what she labeled “blood-stained” sponsorship deals, questioning the moral standing of accepting revenue from a nation she accuses of military aggression. “It is time Arsenal ended its blood-stained sponsorship deals with this oppressor nation. If not for your own consciences, then the clubs should do it for the victims of Rwandan aggression,” Wagner wrote in open letters to the clubs’ leadership.

    Fan campaigns have also pressured clubs to cut ties: PSG supporters launched a national petition demanding an end to the partnership in 2024, while Arsenal’s fan-led group Gunners for Peace ran a public campaign urging the club not to renew its Visit Rwanda sleeve sponsorship, even suggesting rival Tottenham Hotspur would be a more ethical alternative.

    In response to past criticisms, the Rwanda Development Board has repeatedly rejected the accusations as misinformation, saying the Visit Rwanda initiative is designed to showcase the country’s progress toward peace, stability, and inclusive economic growth, and that DRC has attempted to undermine the partnerships through unfair political pressure.

    In recent months, a handful of high-profile clubs have moved to end their commercial sponsorship deals with Visit Rwanda. Arsenal announced last November that its eight-year sleeve sponsorship agreement would conclude at the end of the 2025-26 season, a deal that was reportedly worth more than £10 million annually at its peak. Bayern Munich announced last August that it would transition away from commercial branding to focus solely on expanding its existing youth academy partnership in Kigali with Rwanda’s Ministry of Sports. However, other clubs have expanded their ties: just two months ago in April 2025, PSG extended its Visit Rwanda sponsorship until 2028, while La Liga side Atletico Madrid signed a new three-year deal to feature the Visit Rwanda logo on both its men’s and women’s senior team kits.

    Aston Villa’s need for a new front-of-shirt sponsor arose after all Premier League clubs agreed to remove all gambling industry sponsorship from the front of matchday kits by the end of the 2024-25 season, requiring the club to find a replacement for outgoing sponsor Betano. The BBC has reached out to Aston Villa for additional comment on the new sponsorship following the human rights criticisms, and the club has not yet issued a further response.

  • Diamond giant De Beers halts work at flagship South African mine as demand plummets

    Diamond giant De Beers halts work at flagship South African mine as demand plummets

    The global diamond industry is facing unprecedented market upheaval, forcing mining giant De Beers to take drastic action: a two-year production suspension at Venetia Mine, South Africa’s largest diamond-producing operation. The shutdown comes as shifting consumer demand and rising competition from affordable lab-grown alternatives have sent industry profits and prices into a steep decline.

    Industry data underscores the severity of the downturn: the International Diamond Consultants rough diamond price index has nearly halved since 2022, driven by flagging consumer demand – particularly in key Chinese markets – and the growing market share of lower-cost lab-grown gems. In justifying the decision, De Beers noted that the depressed state of the global diamond market makes immediate cost-cutting and operational streamlining a necessary priority.

    Located in the far northern region of South Africa, Venetia Mine contributes over 40% of the country’s total national diamond output and provides direct employment for more than 4,000 workers. The shutdown casts a shadow over South Africa’s broader mining sector, which supports nearly 500,000 jobs nationwide and contributes more than 4% of the country’s gross domestic product. Local workers’ unions have long warned of the devastating economic ripple effects of widespread layoffs in the industry.

    De Beers, which is majority-owned by mining conglomerate Anglo American, has already announced plans to use the two-year shutdown to upgrade infrastructure, boost production efficiency and increase total output capacity, positioning the mine to resume operations once market conditions rebound. Reports have also indicated that Anglo American is actively seeking to sell its stake in De Beers as part of a strategic shift toward expanding copper production, a commodity in surging demand driven by the global artificial intelligence boom.

    The rise of lab-grown diamonds as a disruptive competitor stems from more than just lower price points. Many modern consumers have embraced the synthetic stones over ethical concerns linked to traditional diamond mining, including poor working conditions, unfair miner compensation, and extensive environmental damage from mining operations. Ironically, many established natural diamond producers including De Beers have adapted to the shift by launching their own lines of affordable lab-grown diamonds, turning market disruption into an additional revenue stream.

    While other large diamond producers have scaled back operations in recent years, De Beers’ decision carries unique symbolic weight due to the company’s 150-year history rooted in the colonial era of southern Africa. Founded in 1871 by British colonist Cecil Rhodes, the company grew out of a colonial project that saw Rhodes’ forces dispossess indigenous African communities of their land and deny them basic political and economic rights, amassing enormous personal wealth in the process. Today, Rhodes’ legacy remains one of the most contentious flashpoints for global conversations about decolonizing institutions that continue to honor his name, from statues to the prestigious Rhodes Scholarship at the University of Oxford, whose past recipients include former U.S. President Bill Clinton and former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull.

    For more coverage of economic and political developments across the African continent, visit BBCAfrica.com or follow BBC Africa on social media platforms including Twitter, Facebook and Instagram.

  • Majority of new Ebola cases are ‘from unknown chains of transmission,’ WHO official says

    Majority of new Ebola cases are ‘from unknown chains of transmission,’ WHO official says

    GENEVA — The World Health Organization’s top emergencies official issued a stark warning Tuesday, stating that the ongoing Ebola outbreak in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is still moving faster than international and local response teams can contain, following a firsthand assessment trip to one of the crisis’s hardest-hit areas. Chikwe Ihekweazu, WHO’s emergencies chief, returned this week from Bunia, located in Ituri province, the epicenter of the current outbreak, where he uncovered deeply troubling trends driving the virus’s spread.

    According to Ihekweazu, the most worrying observation from his visit is that a large share of newly reported fatalities are people who never accessed formal medical care, passing away in their home communities before they could reach a treatment facility. As of this week, he added, roughly 80 percent of all new confirmed cases are not linked to existing contact tracing lists, meaning they originate from unknown transmission chains that response teams have not been able to track or pre-empt.

    The DRC has been fighting this outbreak of the rare Bundibugyo Ebola variant since undetected community transmission began in early May, with no approved vaccine or specific antiviral treatment currently available for this strain. The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention labeled the event the fastest-expanding Ebola outbreak the African continent has ever seen last week.

    Congolese health authorities released updated figures Monday showing at least 1,926 confirmed and probable infections across three affected provinces, with a total of 702 recorded deaths. The outbreak has already spilled across national borders, with confirmed cases detected in neighboring Uganda, raising concerns of a wider regional spread. Last week, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced that a U.S. citizen working for a humanitarian organization in the DRC had tested positive for the virus, though no additional details about the patient’s condition or location were released.

    Ihekweazu noted that his trip to Bunia revealed mixed progress: while response capacity has expanded significantly in recent weeks, systemic barriers continue to prevent teams from getting ahead of the virus. Local treatment capacity now stands at nearly 800 beds, with new spaces added every week, and laboratory testing capacity has jumped dramatically from just one operational lab at the start of the outbreak to 14 fully functional facilities. Other core response operations have also seen incremental improvements.

    Still, Ihekweazu emphasized that even with these gains, response teams have not managed to overtake the virus’s spread. “Despite our best efforts … we have not caught up in the race,” he told reporters in Geneva.

    The response effort has been held back by a range of interconnected challenges, including a critical shortfall in funding, repeated violent attacks on health facilities operating in the region, ongoing armed conflict that makes large parts of eastern DRC inaccessible to response teams, and widespread mistrust of medical authorities among local communities. These barriers compounded this week, when dozens of staff members at an Ebola treatment center in northeastern DRC launched a strike Monday over months of unpaid salaries and performance bonuses, further disrupting care delivery.

    The Congolese government only officially declared the outbreak on May 15, after the virus had been spreading undetected through local communities for multiple weeks, the WHO confirmed. Last week, researchers finally launched long-awaited clinical trials for experimental treatments, marking the first formal effort to test targeted interventions against the current circulating strain.

  • EU bans gold imports from Sudan to curb money financing conflict

    EU bans gold imports from Sudan to curb money financing conflict

    More than two years after Sudan’s devastating civil war erupted between the country’s regular military and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023, the European Union has enacted sweeping new restrictive measures targeting the gold trade that has emerged as a core revenue stream for both warring factions. The new rules, formally approved by EU foreign ministers, ban all EU-based individuals and companies from purchasing, importing, or transferring any gold originating in Sudan, alongside an export prohibition on two chemicals critical to artisanal and industrial gold processing: mercury and cyanide. Exemptions are in place for mercury and cyanide intended strictly for humanitarian and public health uses, the bloc clarified.

    As one of Africa’s top gold producing nations, Sudan’s extensive untapped gold reserves have become a lifeline for financing military operations on both sides of the conflict, according to global human rights and monitoring groups. Territorial control of the country’s gold resources is split along front lines: the RSF holds sway over most major goldfields in the western Darfur region and central Kordofan, while the Sudanese Armed Forces manages production in northern and eastern parts of the country. UN analysts and independent experts estimate that between 50% and 70% of Sudan’s annual gold output is smuggled out of the country illegally, with most trafficked through neighboring states including Egypt, Chad and Libya before reaching the United Arab Emirates’ Dubai, one of the world’s largest centers for gold refining and global trade.

    In an official statement following the approval of the sanctions, the EU Council emphasized that gold has become a foundational source of funding that allows the conflict to continue. “The measures are designed to curb sources of financing for the conflict and further increase pressure on those fuelling the war,” the council said, noting that the new restrictions expand an existing EU sanctions regime that already targets dozens of individuals and entities accused of prolonging violence across Sudan.

    The war in Sudan has already spawned one of the worst global humanitarian catastrophes of the 21st century. To date, the conflict has forced more than 14 million Sudanese people to flee their homes, and aid organizations estimate that more than 28 million people across the country now face acute food insecurity. International pressure has been mounting on external backers of both warring parties to cut support for the conflict, but independent sanctions experts warn that the EU’s new measures alone will not be enough to halt the illicit gold trade. For the ban to have a meaningful impact, major global gold trading hubs and regional transit countries must also strengthen enforcement efforts to block entry for smuggled Sudanese gold, experts say.

  • More than 53,000 immigrants have been deported or repatriated by South Africa in a crackdown

    More than 53,000 immigrants have been deported or repatriated by South Africa in a crackdown

    JOHANNESBURG – In a sweeping month-long government crackdown on undocumented migration that has unfolded alongside a wave of violent anti-immigrant demonstrations across the country, South Africa has expelled or repatriated more than 53,000 African migrants, officials have confirmed. In a public briefing Sunday, Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi disclosed that over 80 percent of the migrants returned to their home countries originated from Malawi, though officials have not yet published a breakdown separating forced deportations from cases of voluntary repatriation.

    The operation comes amid a sharp rise in anti-immigrant sentiment across South Africa that has erupted in targeted attacks on foreign-born residents, leaving multiple communities on high alert. Several African nations have deployed aircraft and ground transportation to retrieve their citizens from South Africa amid the unrest.

    Local law enforcement reports that 350 people have been taken into custody on charges linked to public violence, intimidation, and extrajudicial immigration checks – a dangerous practice where civilian vigilante groups stop migrants to demand proof of legal residency. Investigations are currently underway into the deaths of at least three migrants: two from Mozambique and one from Malawi. Nigerian officials have said two of their citizens were killed during anti-immigrant demonstrations, a claim that South African authorities reject, saying there is no evidence linking the deaths to the protests.

    Officials confirmed that while the vast majority of repatriated and deported migrants were from Malawi, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique, the group also included citizens of Nigeria, Uganda, Kenya, and other African nations.

    The current crackdown and unrest follow an announcement last month by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa of new plans to bolster border security and enforce existing immigration laws in Africa’s most industrialized economy. Ramaphosa openly acknowledged growing public tensions around migration, caving to political pressure from anti-migrant groups that have spread unsubstantiated claims that undocumented immigrants are responsible for South Africa’s persistently high unemployment rate and widespread violent crime. The president has publicly warned South African citizens against engaging in vigilante justice following reports of targeted attacks on migrant communities.

    The most recent large-scale anti-immigrant protest was held on June 30, a date the groups framed as a self-imposed deadline for all undocumented migrants to leave South Africa. The national government rejected the unofficial deadline, but the threat still drove thousands of Malawian migrants to gather at a temporary immigration processing site in the eastern coastal city of Durban to request voluntary repatriation. South African officials note that while some migrants chose to leave voluntarily, many others were formally deported after being found to lack valid residency documentation. Separately, more than 20,000 migrants have been expelled or repatriated from another temporary processing center set up in the northern border town of Musina, according to government data.

    South Africa has long drawn migrants from across the African continent, drawn by the country’s relative economic prosperity compared to many neighboring nations. This steady inflow of migration has been a recurring source of social tension for decades. In 2008, a major outbreak of xenophobic violence left more than 60 foreign-born residents dead, and smaller waves of anti-immigrant violence have erupted periodically in the years since.

    Immigrant rights advocates say the current climate of fear has pushed even legally residing migrants to flee the country. Sabina Tadera, who works with the Southern Africa Network for Immigrants and Refugees, a regional organization that defends migrant rights, told the Associated Press that many Malawian migrants who recently gathered at temporary repatriation camps actually held valid documentation to stay in South Africa, but left out of fear of becoming targets of violence. “There is a widespread misconception that every person moving across borders in the region is undocumented,” Tadera explained.

    The crackdown and accompanying violence have also sparked diplomatic friction with several origin countries, which have publicly condemned South Africa for allowing what they describe as a growing culture of xenophobia to take root. Laura Freeman, an independent human rights and migration consultant based in the region, noted that for generations, South Africa has been viewed as a land of opportunity for migrants from poorer neighboring countries who cannot find stable work at home. “However, repeated waves of xenophobic violence, including this current outbreak, have shifted that reputation dramatically, and South Africa is increasingly seen as an unwelcome place for foreign-born workers,” Freeman said.

  • Why the fastest-growing Ebola outbreak in history is becoming more challenging

    Why the fastest-growing Ebola outbreak in history is becoming more challenging

    What is already the fastest-expanding Ebola outbreak in recorded history is pushing response teams to their breaking point in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, where overlapping security, logistical and social crises have collided just as researchers launch the first clinical trial for life-saving treatments targeting this rare, untreatable strain of the virus.

    The outbreak, driven by the little-studied Bundibugyo Ebola virus, a subtype with no licensed vaccines or proven treatments, has already reached a grim milestone: the DRC Ministry of Health has confirmed nearly 2,000 cases and 702 deaths to date. Worse, suspected cases have now been detected in two additional provinces, including Kisangani, one of the country’s largest urban centers, leaving responders scrambling to map the full scope of the outbreak. Experts now confirm the initial spread went undetected for weeks, as health teams initially tested for more common Ebola subtypes, and the outbreak’s zoonotic origin remains a mystery.

    Unlike better-documented Ebola strains, Bundibugyo is a rare variant that spreads through direct contact with infected bodily fluids—including blood, vomit, and semen—or contact with contaminated materials such as bedding and clothing. Like other Ebola variants, it causes severe, often fatal symptoms ranging from high fever, muscle pain, vomiting and diarrhea to internal and external bleeding. Outbreaks of this strain have historically been limited to remote Central African villages near tropical rainforests, and public health guidance has restricted traditional local funeral practices that involve close contact with deceased loved ones—a measure that has sparked significant anger among local communities.

    Compounding every challenge of this outbreak is the volatile, conflict-ravaged landscape where it is unfolding. Decades of violence by armed rebel groups have left local populations traumatized and deeply distrustful of outside authorities, leading to widespread misinformation that claims the Ebola outbreak is a hoax. Community outreach workers have faced threats and abuse while trying to spread prevention information, and attacks on health facilities have repeatedly disrupted response work. A portion of the outbreak is centered in Goma, a major humanitarian hub and key city that was seized by Rwanda-backed rebel forces more than a year ago, creating further barriers to coordinated relief efforts.

    The latest and most urgent threat to containment efforts came this week, when unpaid frontline workers at the outbreak’s epicenter Ituri province walked off the job. The strike shuttered a core treatment center, with workers blocking access to the facility and burning tires to protest weeks of unfulfilled pay from the Congolese government, after weeks of high-risk work. Striking staff include epidemiologists, contact tracers, drivers, and gravediggers—all critical roles in stopping transmission. Congolese health officials have confirmed they are currently negotiating with workers to resolve the dispute, but public health experts warn that if the strike spreads to other overstretched, underfunded facilities across the region, it could deliver a catastrophic blow to already strained containment efforts. Infrastructure across the affected area is already extremely limited, leaving even fully staffed facilities struggling to operate.

    This unrest has erupted at an exceptionally vulnerable moment for the response. Just weeks before the strike, researchers officially launched the first clinical trial for two promising experimental treatments targeting Bundibugyo Ebola, and have already begun enrolling the first participants.

    The two candidate therapies are remdesivir, a broad-spectrum antiviral developed by Gilead Sciences that is already approved for COVID-19 treatment and has shown preliminary antiviral activity against Bundibugyo in laboratory testing, and MBP134, an experimental monoclonal antibody therapy developed by Mapp Biopharmaceutical that is specifically engineered to target multiple Ebola strains, including Bundibugyo.

    Under the trial protocol overseen by the World Health Organization, patients will be randomly assigned to receive either the current standard of care alone, standard care plus remdesivir, standard care plus MBP134, or standard care plus both investigational treatments. The WHO has cautioned that it could take months of data collection and up to 1,000 trial participants before researchers can confirm whether either treatment is effective. Currently, the trial is only being run at one Ituri province treatment center—an unaffected facility separate from the strike site—and officials plan to expand the trial to additional sites only once security and staffing conditions allow.

  • Dozens at an Ebola treatment center in northeast Congo strike over unpaid salaries and bonuses

    Dozens at an Ebola treatment center in northeast Congo strike over unpaid salaries and bonuses

    In the northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, a critical Ebola response effort has been thrown into chaos by industrial action, as dozens of frontline workers walked off the job Monday to demand months of unpaid salaries and performance bonuses. The walkout, which has closed the Rwampara General Hospital’s Ebola treatment center in Ituri Province, includes every tier of outbreak response staff: epidemiologists tracking virus spread, contact tracers investigating new cases, ambulance drivers, and gravediggers tasked with safe burials, all of whom confirm Congolese government authorities have failed to disburse their pay.

    Protesting staff not only shut down the treatment facility but also blocked the main access road leading to the site, amplifying their demands. Discontent has been building for days, with a small group of workers launching an initial strike last week, claiming wages have been withheld since the outbreak was officially declared in mid-May.

    Bahati Claude, a frontline health worker assigned to the Rwampara health zone, shared his team’s frustration in an interview with the Associated Press. “We cannot understand how we have gone two full months without pay,” he said, adding that the striking staff remain committed to their public health mission: “We do not want to abandon our posts.”

    The current Ebola outbreak in the DRC, caused by the rare Bundibugyo virus strain, carries uniquely high risks: no licensed vaccine or targeted antiviral treatment exists for this variant. Congolese authorities only declared the outbreak on May 15, after the virus had spread undetected through local communities for several weeks, World Health Organization officials confirmed. As of the latest official update, the outbreak has recorded 1,926 confirmed cases and 702 deaths across the country. Last week, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention labeled this outbreak the fastest-growing Ebola event ever documented on the African continent.

    During an official visit to Ituri last week, Congolese Health Minister Roger Kamba acknowledged the payment delays, blaming inaccurate payrolls that have included names of people not working on the outbreak response. “We must guarantee that these funds reach the people who are actually doing the work,” Kamba said. “We have encountered several hurdles, particularly constant revisions to staff lists, which have left legitimate workers out of pay cycles and sparking these complaints. We have the resources to resolve this issue.”

    Parallel to the strike, international updates on the outbreak emerged Monday: WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus announced via social media platform X that a second U.S. citizen, a humanitarian worker based in eastern Congo who contracted Ebola, has been evacuated to Germany for specialized care. The first American infected during this outbreak was a physician working in the DRC in the early weeks of virus spread.

  • Blow to South African corruption case as key suspect pulls out of plea deal

    Blow to South African corruption case as key suspect pulls out of plea deal

    South Africa’s high-profile national police corruption investigation has suffered a major setback after influential business figure Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala pulled out of a controversial plea agreement that would have seen him testify against top law enforcement officials. The unexpected reversal comes after a local magistrate rejected the pre-negotiated eight-year prison term included in the deal, calling the proposed sentence a serious miscarriage of justice and recommending a harsher 12-year custodial sentence instead.

    Matlala, a wealthy tycoon who heads the healthcare firm Medicare24, was first arrested in connection with a multi-million-rand tender corruption scheme dating back to 2024. Prosecutors alleged he paid substantial bribes to senior police officials to secure a 360-million rand (approximately $22 million) state contract for his company. Last month, as part of the negotiated arrangement with the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), Matlala entered guilty pleas to three separate charges: corruption, fraud, and money laundering. In exchange for the reduced sentence (down from the statutory minimum 15-year term), he had agreed to cooperate fully as a state witness and provide incriminating testimony in upcoming trials for 12 co-accused suspects, including national police chief General Fannie Masemola, who has repeatedly denied all allegations of wrongdoing.

    Within days of the magistrate’s revised sentencing recommendation, Matlala’s legal team formally notified the Johannesburg Specialised Commercial Crime Court of their client’s decision to withdraw from the entire plea agreement. NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago confirmed to reporters on Monday that the withdrawal means prosecutors will no longer be permitted to use the detailed incriminating affidavit Matlala submitted as part of the deal, which reportedly implicated multiple high-ranking police officers. Despite the significant setback, Kganyago emphasized that the state remains confident in its case, asserting that prosecutors still hold a “strong and winnable” legal position against the remaining defendants.

    The original plea deal drew sharp public criticism long before the magistrate’s ruling, even from within the current governing coalition. The Democratic Alliance (DA), the coalition’s junior partner, publicly condemned the arrangement as a “betrayal of accountability,” arguing that the reduced sentence failed to deliver adequate justice for systemic corruption.

    Moving forward, the corruption case will reconvene in court on September 11, and Matlala will be formally reinstated as the lead suspect in the prosecution’s case. The drama around the plea deal withdrawal adds another layer of tension to an already high-stakes national investigation into police infiltration by organized criminal networks.

    Beyond the tender corruption charges, Matlala faces a separate, unrelated murder charge he has repeatedly denied, and has been named by a witness before the ongoing Madlanga Commission inquiry as a member of a drug-trafficking cartel that has successfully embedded operatives within South Africa’s police service. Matlala has never publicly commented on the cartel allegation, but during testimony at a parallel parliamentary corruption inquiry last year, he denied having any personal connections to senior police leadership or national politicians. He is scheduled to appear in person before the Madlanga Commission for questioning this coming Wednesday.

    The Madlanga Commission, launched in September 2024 following allegations by Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi that organized crime groups had infiltrated multiple branches of South Africa’s government, has captured national public attention for its steady stream of explosive revelations about collusion between criminal underworld leaders and top law enforcement officials.

  • Sudan’s paramilitary RSF chief sentenced to death over war crimes

    Sudan’s paramilitary RSF chief sentenced to death over war crimes

    More than two years after Sudan’s brutal civil war erupted between the country’s two most powerful military factions, a Sudanese court operating out of army-controlled Port Sudan has issued a landmark ruling: paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo — widely known as Hemedti — has been sentenced to death in absentia on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide tied to systemic atrocities in West Darfur.

    Fifteen other high-ranking RSF commanders received identical death sentences in the ruling, including Hemedti’s brother and deputy Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo, a second brother Al-Qoni Hamdan Dagalo, and Abdul Rahman Juma Barkallah, the RSF’s top military commander for West Darfur. The court’s conviction centers on atrocities allegedly carried out in el-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, most notably the 2023 assassination of West Darfur state governor Khamis Abbakar.

    Judges also found all 16 defendants guilty of coordinating broad attacks on civilian populations, large-scale destruction of communities, widespread looting of private and public property, and deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure including schools, houses of worship, and residential neighborhoods. Beyond the sentences, Special Judge Mohamed Al-Amin ordered the full confiscation of all RSF assets across territory controlled by the Sudanese Army, and formally directed national authorities to request Interpol Red Notices to facilitate the arrest and extradition of all convicted leaders.

    As of this ruling, Hemedti’s current location has not been disclosed to the public, and the RSF has not issued any official response to the verdict. The group has repeatedly rejected all claims of war crimes since the conflict began in April 2023.

    This conviction marks the first time the RSF’s top leadership has been found criminally liable by a domestic Sudanese court since the civil war began, though the practical impact of the ruling remains highly uncertain. The RSF continues to hold de facto control over large swathes of western Sudan, and its top leadership remains outside the reach of the Sudanese Army and the Port Sudan-based government.

    The charges brought against the RSF echo longstanding findings from international investigators and human rights groups. UN investigators and independent watchdog organizations have long accused the RSF and its allied Arab militias of carrying out systematic ethnically targeted violence against the Masalit community, a majority non-Arab group native to Darfur. Earlier in July 2026, the International Criminal Court’s deputy chief prosecutor confirmed the body holds “concrete evidence” directly tying RSF leadership to perpetrated war crimes in the region.

    A May 2024 report from Human Rights Watch documented that the RSF’s military campaign in and around el-Geneina between April and November 2023 killed thousands of civilians and forced hundreds of thousands more to flee their homes. The organization concluded that the patterns of abuse documented amounted to war crimes and crimes against humanity carried out as part of a deliberate ethnic cleansing campaign targeting the Masalit and other non-Arab communities across Darfur.

    Notably, human rights monitors have confirmed that both factions in Sudan’s conflict have been responsible for widespread human rights abuses and violations of international war law. In a 2025 finding, United Nations investigators concluded that both the Sudanese Army led by Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the RSF have deliberately targeted civilian populations and critical civilian infrastructure, including medical facilities, in large-scale coordinated attacks.

    Sudan’s current civil war erupted in April 2023, triggered by a violent power struggle between army leader al-Burhan and Hemedti, who once shared control of a transitional military government following the 2019 ousting of longtime dictator Omar al-Bashir. The conflict has since become one of the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophes: official estimates place the death toll at more than 150,000, with 12 million people displaced from their homes. International aid organizations warn that 28 million Sudanese currently face acute food insecurity, with millions on the brink of famine.