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On a Saturday in the occupied West Bank, a violent attack by Israeli settlers upended the life of a 26-year-old Palestinian nurse, leaving him partially paralyzed and deepening longstanding fears among local communities that face escalating settler encroachment and violence.

Muhammad Mutoor, a nurse at Dura Governmental Hospital who had recently finished building a home in Sa’ir, the northeast Hebron town where the attack unfolded, had rushed to the al-Adisa neighborhood after word of ongoing settler violence spread. Like all healthcare workers, his first instinct was to aid any injured people in the area. But when he arrived, a settler opened fire, striking him in the back. The bullet severed his spinal cord, leaving Mutoor paralyzed from the waist down. A second Palestinian man was also shot and wounded in the shoulder during the same incident.

Khalil Mutoor, Muhammad’s uncle, shared details of the attack with Middle East Eye, confirming that settlers had flooded the area, firing live ammunition indiscriminately at local residents to terrorize them. “They aimed to kill, and they didn’t care about anything,” Khalil said. “They were firing live ammunition randomly and had climbed onto the hill adjacent to the houses, aiming their weapons at the residents. One of their bullets struck Muhammad in the back. They intended to kill him.”

What followed the shooting was a deadly delay that worsened Mutoor’s outcome: settlers had blocked all access routes to the neighborhood after establishing a new unauthorized outpost on seized Palestinian land, designed to force local residents to abandon their homes. Ambulances could not reach the wounded nurse immediately, forcing residents to transport him themselves to the nearby town of Bani Na’im, where he was eventually transferred to a hospital for care.

“Like any Palestinian patient or injured person, Muhammad faced difficulty reaching the hospital. When he arrived, it was discovered that the bullet had severed his spinal cord,” Khalil added. “He knew immediately after being shot that he was paralysed, given his work as a nurse.”

Mutoor is set to be transferred to Jerusalem’s Al-Makassed Hospital for further specialist evaluation, but clinicians have already offered little hope that he will ever regain movement in his lower limbs. What was once a promising future filled with long-held plans has been destroyed: Mutoor had just built his new home and was preparing to marry and settle down in the area. Those life plans are now in tatters, and his long-term future remains deeply uncertain.

“Now he only hopes for treatment and to adapt to his new reality. He knows perfectly well that his injury is serious and will affect him for the rest of his life,” Khalil said.

This devastating attack is not an isolated incident. It comes amid a dramatic escalation in state-protected settler violence targeting Palestinian communities across the occupied West Bank, with the Hebron region emerging as one of the primary hotspots for aggression.

The al-Adisa neighborhood, where Mutoor was shot, is home to roughly 1,800 Palestinian residents and sits on the frontline of ongoing Israeli settlement expansion. The area lies east of Route 60, a settler bypass road that has already seized large portions of land belonging to Sa’ir, Hebron and adjacent Palestinian towns. To the west of al-Adisa sit two established Israeli settlements, Kiryat Arba and Kharsina. For decades, Palestinian residents of the area have faced systematic restrictions on construction and development, alongside repeated attacks on their agricultural land and olive groves, a core source of livelihood for many local families.

What began as efforts to block Palestinian expansion has evolved into the gradual seizure of Palestinian-held land. As far back as 2012, Israeli settlers protected by the Israeli military planted trees on roughly 500 dunams (50 hectares) of land belonging to al-Adisa and the nearby al-Buq’a area. That land has since been the site of repeated attacks on Palestinian property and trees, as settlers push to expand their control.

Yousef Tarwa, a local activist from Sa’ir, told Middle East Eye that settlers have established eight new unauthorized outposts on town land since May 2025, spreading across the region and seizing thousands of dunams of Palestinian property. The ongoing encroachment has made daily life nearly unmanageable for local residents.

Tarwa explained that al-Adisa is repeatedly targeted by settlers who use intimidation and violence to force residents to leave, even though many local homes date back to the 1940s. “A month ago, they entered the area and carried out extensive bulldozing operations on Palestinian lands under the protection of the Israeli army. They burned an entire hill, erected caravans, assaulted the residents and then began blocking the roads,” Tarwa said.

With the main access road blocked by settlers, residents have been forced to travel along rough, unpaved back trails to reach their homes, turning short trips that once took minutes into hours of dangerous, grueling travel. Critically, Tarwa confirmed that on the day Mutoor was shot, Israeli military personnel were present alongside the attacking settlers and made no effort to intervene to stop the violence. “It has become clear to us that the settler, the soldier and the Israeli policeman are all the same,” he added.

The attack on Mutoor was just one of multiple violent incidents targeting Palestinians in the region that day. Just hours after the shooting in al-Adisa, Palestinian media reported a second settler attack in Hebron’s al-Ja’bari neighborhood that left 10 Palestinians wounded, two of them hit by live ammunition. Israeli forces subsequently arrested one of the wounded Palestinian men.

Official data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) underscores the scale of the escalating crisis. As of July 20, 2026, OCHA has documented more than 1,330 settler attacks across 250 Palestinian communities since the start of the year that have resulted in either casualties or property damage – an average of more than six attacks per day. So far in 2026, at least 18 Palestinians have been killed and 880 more wounded in settler attacks. These figures mark a sharp increase from 2025, when Ocha recorded just 830 Palestinian wounded by settlers across the entire 12-month period. OCHA’s data also shows that more than 2,300 Palestinians have been displaced from their homes in 2026 as a direct result of settler violence and related access restrictions that make remaining in their communities impossible.

Currently, roughly 700,000 Israeli settlers live in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank across approximately 300 formal settlements and unauthorized outposts. The International Court of Justice has repeatedly affirmed that all Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal under international law.

Nestled along Yemen’s southwestern Red Sea coast in the Taiz governorate, the centuries-old trading port of Mocha once built its global reputation as the premier exporter of the world-renowned Yemeni coffee. For generations, the quiet coastal community’s daily rhythm was shaped by native fishermen who cast their nets into the Red Sea and spoke the soft coastal dialect of their ancestors. Today, that cultural landscape has been irrevocably reshaped by Yemen’s nearly decade-long civil war, as the city’s dominant language has become the northern dialect of fighters and displaced families fleeing Houthi-controlled territories.

The war between the Houthi movement and Yemen’s internationally recognized government upended Mocha’s fate in 2015, when the strategic port was forced to close amid active fighting. It remained shuttered until 2021, when it underwent rehabilitation and reopened under the control of the Republican Guard, a faction of Yemen’s former elite military units led by Tareq Saleh — a one-time Houthi ally who split from the group after his uncle, former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh, was killed by Houthi fighters in a 2017 power struggle. After fleeing the Houthi-held capital Sanaa, Saleh established the Republican Guard’s headquarters in Mocha, drawing thousands of displaced Yemenis with the promise of steady salaries paid in Saudi Riyals, far higher than average incomes available in Houthi-held regions.

Mocha, which sits just 60 kilometers from the strategically critical Bab al-Mandab Strait, has long held significant geostrategic value for all warring parties in Yemen’s conflict. Over the past two weeks, that strategic importance has made it the target of near-constant Houthi attacks, with more than 25 strikes hitting the port and surrounding areas in the seven-day period ending in mid-this month. While Houthi forces claim they only target military positions and reinforcements, Yemeni government officials confirm that civilian casualties have been severe: 16 civilians were killed and 22 more wounded in a single day of strikes on Friday alone.

The spike in attacks has forced hundreds of Republican Guard fighters to relocate their families to safer rural villages further inland in the Taiz and Lahj governorates, creating a new wave of displacement for families who already fled Houthi control just months or years earlier. For 41-year-old Ibrahim Salem, who arrived in Mocha seven months ago after defecting from the Houthi forces in his native Dhamar governorate, 300 kilometers north of the city, the choice to move his family was an obvious one. “The Houthis don’t differentiate between military targets and civilians, so it is better not to keep our families in Mocha,” Salem explained in an interview with Middle East Eye, standing outside a village grocery store with his three children. The village, located 100 kilometers east of Mocha in Taiz’s al-Maafer district, has welcomed displaced families warmly, Salem said, and he has adapted easily to rural life after growing up in a farming community in Dhamar. “When I walk through Mocha, I sometimes feel like I’m still in Dhamar because I run into so many familiar faces. It makes me forget how far I am from home – though families still need to stay safe, which means staying out of Mocha,” he added.

Other fighters made the choice to keep their families inland from the very start, anticipating the ongoing escalation. Ramez, a 38-year-old Republican Guard fighter with 15 years of military experience, moved his family to a rural village outside Mocha immediately after joining the faction two years ago. He noted that Mocha’s reputation as a major military hub made it an inevitable target for Houthi attacks. “Villages or cities far from Mocha are safe for families, but we prefer villages because the rent is cheaper than in the cities,” Ramez explained. “Nowadays, most of those who have their families in Mocha are scrambling to find homes in villages all at once, as they didn’t anticipate the situation becoming so dangerous earlier on.” The mass influx of displaced fighter families has already put significant upward pressure on local housing rents across rural Taiz, as correspondents observed during on-the-ground visits to affected villages. Ramez argues that pre-positioning soldiers’ families in safe zones should be a core security policy for all military factions operating in active conflict zones. “Not only in Mocha, but anywhere there is a war, soldiers’ families shouldn’t stay in the same city or area as military camps; they should remain far away in safe areas,” he said.

For Mocha’s original native population, the ongoing violence and military occupation has come at a devastating cost to their traditional livelihoods. Local fishermen, who once formed the backbone of Mocha’s economy, are now barred from sailing into the Red Sea due to active combat, leaving thousands without work. Many blame the presence of the Republican Guard headquarters for bringing daily Houthi attacks to their once peaceful community. “Since the beginning of this war in 2015, we have been going from one crisis to another, and fishermen are always the most vulnerable victims,” said Akram, a 40-something fisherman who asked to be identified only by his first name. “The truth is that these fighters have ruined our town, and they are the main reason we lost our jobs. The Houthis know that Mocha is full of fighters, and that is why they are targeting us every day. Before the war, most residents here worked as fishermen and enjoyed a peaceful life. Since those fighters arrived in the city promising us a better life, we haven’t seen anything improve; instead, we just miss the life we used to have.”

Some fishermen have abandoned their trade to join the Republican Guard, drawn by salaries that can reach four times the average income from fishing. But Akram says he rejects that path, clinging to the hope that peace will allow him to return to the sea. “I only believe in peace and civilian jobs. What we need is peace, but there are some who only care about money and don’t think about the future of our area or the next generation,” he said. “The sea used to be our primary source of income, but today it feels more like a battlefield.” Akram’s greatest wish is for the current escalation to end, so local fishermen can resume sailing freely, catch fish to sell in local markets and export to neighboring countries.

Other local residents acknowledge that the arrival of fighters and military activity has brought some modest economic growth to Mocha, with new humanitarian operations and small investments entering the city after the port reopened in 2021. Still, even those who benefit from the new activity say persistent insecurity overshadows any progress. Zaher, a 46-year-old Mocha resident who works as a driver for an international humanitarian organization, asked to withhold his full name for security reasons. “While I am glad to see Mocha growing every day, attracting aid groups and new investments… Anyone would be happy to see new opportunities coming to their city, but our biggest challenge today is that we don’t feel safe,” he said. “All we need is security, and I hope the Houthis avoid targeting civilian infrastructure because we just want to live.”

As Houthi attacks continue without pause, all operations at the Port of Mocha have ground to a complete halt, leaving more than 1,500 port workers out of a job and deepening the city’s humanitarian crisis. The ongoing violence in Mocha follows a broader pattern of renewed conflict across Yemen: the UN-mediated April 2022 ceasefire that brought months of relative calm across the country has collapsed in recent weeks, with Houthi forces resuming large-scale attacks against government positions and critical infrastructure across five governorates: Hadhramaut, Marib, Taiz, Al-Dhalea and Hodeidah.

A dramatic escalation in regional geopolitical tensions across the Middle East took shape on Monday, as a top Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) official announced Iran is preparing to shift its long-held military posture from defensive to offensive, warning global adversaries to prepare for unexpected strategic moves.

Yadollah Javani, head of the IRGC’s political bureau, stated in an interview with Iranian state media Monday morning that Iran will never be caught off-guard by enemy aggression. “Instead, it is the enemy that must anticipate strategic surprises,” Javani emphasized. He added that all necessary measures to defend Iran’s territorial integrity, maintain national security, and neutralize hostile threats will be carried out at the moment Iran deems appropriate.

Javani’s stark warning coincided with a dramatic, unforeseen slowdown in commercial shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical energy chokepoint that carries roughly one-fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas supplies. New ship tracking data compiled by analytics firm Kpler shows that just five commodity-carrying vessels passed through the strait on Saturday, with zero recorded transits on Sunday. This marks a massive drop from the previous weekend, when 31 vessels completed transits through the waterway.

Amid the shipping disruptions, Iran continued joint negotiations with Oman on Monday to design a new secure maritime transit corridor through the strait. Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei pinned the recent security complications and delays on aggressive military activity by the United States and Israel, noting that talks have stretched longer than initially anticipated due to ongoing geopolitical unrest. “The issue is inherently complex,” Baghaei added. The proposed new mechanism is designed to protect the sovereign rights and economic interests of both Iran and Oman, while upholding guaranteed safe passage for all commercial shipping traffic transiting the strait. According to Baghaei, this framework marks the first initiative that simultaneously safeguards the sovereignty of the two coastal nations and ensures unimpeded movement for global commercial vessels. Intensive negotiations are still underway to finalize a joint official statement, he confirmed.

Baghaei also used Monday’s press briefing to formally disavow a 60-day timeline outlined in a June 17 memorandum of understanding between Tehran and Washington, accusing the U.S. of violating the terms of the agreement within weeks of it being signed. “There is no provision in the memorandum of understanding referring to a ‘60-day deadline’, and the Islamic Republic of Iran never formulates its policies under pressure, ultimatums or time limits,” Baghaei stated. He clarified that the original text only referenced a 60-day window for talks on U.S. sanctions relief and the Iranian nuclear program, with an option to extend the period if no breakthrough was reached. However, he said “gross and widespread” U.S. violations of the agreement prevented talks from ever launching, making the 60-day timeline “entirely moot.”

In a separate development overnight Sunday, two Iranian drones targeted the office of Iraq’s Kurdistan regional Prime Minister Masrour Barzani and the private residence of the autonomous region’s intelligence chief, local authorities confirmed Monday. Barzani confirmed the attack in a post on the social platform X, noting that counterterrorism investigators had verified that his personal office and the intelligence chief’s home were struck. “This is a dangerous escalation and a direct threat to the security and stability of the Kurdistan region,” Barzani wrote. The regional counterterrorism directorate added that no casualties were reported in the strikes. This attack is part of a broader pattern of aggression: since February 2024, when cross-border hostilities intensified, the Kurdistan region— which hosts U.S. military personnel, international energy companies, and exiled Iranian opposition groups— has faced more than 1,000 attacks from Tehran and Iran-aligned armed groups operating inside Iraq.

On the environmental front, Baghaei blamed decades of U.S. military intervention and warfare in the region for widespread pollution in Persian Gulf waters, following recent reports of multiple large oil spills. “This environmental damage stems from the US military presence and the wars it has waged in the region over the past five decades,” Baghaei said Monday, adding that harm to the marine ecosystems of the Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman is not limited to current ongoing conflicts. He called for the U.S. to be held legally and financially accountable, estimating total environmental damage at trillions of dollars. The comments come one week after Iran demanded compensation for an oil slick that reached protected beaches and a sensitive mangrove forest on Qeshm Island. Initial investigations pointed to a foreign bulk carrier as the source of the spill, which Iranian officials have confirmed is now completely cleaned up.

In a final diplomatic standoff, Baghaei confirmed that Iran will continue to classify three missing Iranian pilots as prisoners held by Qatar, despite repeated denials from Doha, until full clarity is provided on their fate. Tehran claims the pilots went missing during a March 2 operation targeting the U.S. Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar. On Saturday, Iranian authorities publicly alleged for the first time that the three had been captured by Qatari forces, after months of stating that one pilot had been killed and three others remained unaccounted for. “Until the pilots’ situation is clarified, we consider them prisoners and will spare no effort to shed light on their fate,” Baghaei said. Qatar denies holding the airmen, and says it extended an invitation to Iranian officials in April to receive a full briefing on search and rescue operations, which Tehran has not yet accepted. Last month, Iran’s military announced it had recovered the body of pilot Majid Kazemi, who it confirms was killed in the attack on Al Udeid, the largest U.S. military base in the Middle East that hosts forward command for U.S. Central Command and American air and special operations units. In early March, Qatar’s defense ministry announced it had shot down two Iranian Su-24 bombers, though it has not confirmed these were the same aircraft involved in the March 2 operation.