分类: world

  • Couple charged over Sydney ketamine raid face new gang charges

    Couple charged over Sydney ketamine raid face new gang charges

    A pair of British nationals from Edinburgh have been hit with fresh criminal charges linked to an international drug trafficking operation, after Australian law enforcement seized more than 100 kilograms of ketamine in a series of raids across Sydney earlier this year.

    23-year-old Demi McDaid and her 30-year-old partner Jack Farrelly were first taken into custody at a North Sydney hotel in late June, when officers uncovered 105 kilograms of the class-B drug stashed inside a vehicle parked at the accommodation. Prior to that hotel arrest, investigators had already seized an additional 2 kilograms of ketamine, along with drug processing equipment including weighing scales, protective gloves and other paraphernalia, from a short-term rental unit in Artarmon, a suburb on Sydney’s Lower North Shore.

    Alongside the large ketamine haul, New South Wales Police also confiscated multiple mobile phones, AU$2,000 (equal to roughly £1,060) in untraceable cash, and handwritten documents that investigators have characterized as detailed drug ledgers tracking the trafficking network’s transactions.

    The pair already faced two serious drug charges: one count of supplying a prohibited controlled substance, and a second count of supplying that substance in large commercial quantities. At a recent hearing at Sydney’s Downing Centre Local Court, prosecutors added a third charge for both defendants: participating in an organized criminal group and contributing to ongoing criminal activity.

    To date, neither McDaid nor Farrelly has entered a plea on any of the charges brought against them. Law enforcement officials have alleged that the Edinburgh-based couple travelled to Australia with one explicit goal: to coordinate the distribution and sale of large commercial volumes of illicit controlled drugs for a transnational criminal network.

    The UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office has confirmed it is providing consular support to the two detained British citizens, and remains in ongoing communication with Australian local law enforcement and judicial authorities regarding the case.

  • Remembering 9/11 from the still-screaming streets of New York

    Remembering 9/11 from the still-screaming streets of New York

    It has been 10 days since the catastrophic September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, and Ground Zero remains a smoldering, jagged ruin encasing the bodies of nearly 3,000 victims. On that 10th day, for the first time, a fully costumed clown in traditional red-nose regalia stepped into the site, attempting to lift the spirits of gas-masked emergency crews and the thousands of visitors already streaming past the still-smoking wreckage.

    What was once the site of the world’s most iconic twin skyscrapers has quickly become both a massive open-air urban funeral and a chaotic gathering place where grief, opportunism, faith, and political fury collide. Thousands of dazed, mournful people travel to the perimeter of the obliterated site, where armed National Guard troops and police have allowed public access within just a few blocks, despite the lingering acrid stench that still requires responders to wear protective gas masks. Surrounding skyscrapers stand deserted, their infrastructure knocked out by the attack, creating a walled, hollow corridor for wandering visitors who move through the area in solemn silence.

    Crowds jostle for the perfect view and photograph, most aiming to capture three specific elements in their frame: the smoking wreckage, an American flag in the background, and uniformed U.S. Army troops in the foreground. The entire site is bathed in the constant strobing flicker of camera flashes. Many visitors wear newly printed souvenir T-shirts emblazoned with the twin towers and the American flag, while others bear more aggressive slogans: one young man’s shirt threatens Osama bin Laden, the identified mastermind of the attack, while another declares “America Under Attack. I Can’t Believe I Survived.”

    Even as the nation reels from the surprise atrocity, commerce has already reemerged in unexpected, often jarring forms. Mass-produced pre-attack World Trade Center memorabilia—keychains, refrigerator magnets, paperweights, desk decorations, and spoons—are being bought and sold by private vendors, the once-cheerful trinkets now transformed into macabre, commercially priced tokens of the disaster. Near the site, sidewalk vendors hurriedly sell hastily printed postcards and posters showing the towers in flames, while online sellers list charred shrapnel purportedly recovered from the wreckage, including damaged stop signs and other fire-scared debris. Visitors themselves comb through the scattered rubble: one man hesitates over whether to take a handful of broken glass and plaster from the collapsed towers, while a woman bends to pick up small sharp chunks of concrete from the tangled, crushed wreckage. Even lower Manhattan shop displays, coated in a thick layer of ash from the collapse, are photographed as if they are surreal 21st-century Pompeii artifacts.

    Raw grief and anger paint the scene as well. Countless visitors scrawl revenge-filled slogans and the names of lost loved ones across the ash-caked walls and windows of surrounding buildings. One Irish visitor, who traveled to the site just for the day, can barely process the horror of what she sees, noting “Up there, they were jumping out of the windows. It’s too horrible to even think about.” One anecdote shared among visitors encapsulates the scale of personal loss: when a reporter asked a woman wiping ash off a car if it belonged to her, she simply pointed to the ash and said, “No. These are my friends.”

    Alongside grief, competing social and religious forces have also converged on Lower Manhattan. Black Christian evangelists bang tambourines and preach salvation near the site, while a group of Missionaries of Charity nuns from India, clad in their signature white-and-blue saris, distribute prayer cards for the upcoming canonization of Mother Teresa, who died in 1997. Pundits in the immediate aftermath have already predicted the end of “frivolous” pop culture obsessions like celebrity gossip, arguing the attack has permanently shifted American priorities.

    Beyond Ground Zero, the attack has already upended American society and exposed deep political divides over how the nation should respond. In New York’s Times Square, just 10 days after the attack, nearly 2,000 anti-war activists gathered for the first major post-9/11 protest, holding signs challenging planned military action in Afghanistan and questioning political and corporate motives for war. Their demonstration was met with hostility from counter-protesters, who taunted marchers with claims the event amounted to martial law. Above the crowd, giant outdoor screens looped a tribute to first responders killed in the attack, while electronic headlines scrolled below updating the public on plans for a U.S. assault on Afghanistan.

    Protesters challenged the emerging pro-war consensus, with voices ranging from anti-globalization activists to communist organizers to anarchists. Many warned that the attack would be used to justify expanded domestic surveillance, roll back civil liberties, and profit wealthy defense contractors while working-class people paid the price in blood. “This alleged war that is going to start, is going to make a lot of billionaires into multi-billionaires, and a lot of body bags,” Daniel O’Connor, a member of the anti-globalization Direct Action Network, told a reporter over a battery-powered loudspeaker. Even within the protest, tensions boiled over: a blonde activist got into a shouting match with a Palestinian mother over fears that U.S. bombing would kill Afghan children, yelling “Why not? They are only going to grow up to be adult Talibans and attack us!” before the woman left in anger.

    Critics also decry the rapid commercialization of the tragedy, with vendors selling revenge-themed T-shirts calling for bin Laden’s death for profit. “I think it’s revolting that they’re making money off of a tragedy. It’s like a novelty for us,” observed Charlotte Bormann, an accessories designer who attended the Times Square protest. Media figures have also split along pro- and anti-war lines: the New York Post published a column attacking veteran CNN correspondent Christiane Amanpour for anti-U.S. bias in her coverage, while respected human rights writer Nat Hentoff warned that new repressive measures would target any American who spoke out against the coming war on terror.

    In the wider country, the attack has left minority communities fearful of backlash. Narinder Singh, a Sikh man from Lenexa, Kansas, wrote that he planned to wear clothing matching the U.S. national colors out in public, because he feared neighbors would mistakenly blame him and other Sikhs for the attacks carried out by Arab suicide hijackers. “Am I ashamed of myself, my ethnicity or my faith? Am I afraid of my fellow Americans? Did I commit a crime of some sort?” he asked in an open letter, pushing back against the unfair targeting. At the same time, conservative supporters of President George W. Bush pushed back against anti-administration criticism: one Dallas woman wrote to the Village Voice snapping that any critic of Bush should move to Afghanistan, a letter the paper headlined “A Load of Kabul.”

    Across every corner of public life, the attack has already reshaped American culture: advertisers have rushed to add American flags to their branding and publish heartfelt messages about unity and national endurance, while posters calling for Osama bin Laden “dead or alive” for mass murder line shop windows across the city. As New Yorkers grapple with their loss, they also disagree sharply on what comes next—with some optimistic that the nation will rebuild like Japan after World War II, and others bracing for more deadly attacks at home, spurring thousands to buy $85 gas masks out of fear of chemical or biological assaults, even as officials downplay their effectiveness.

  • Buddhist monk arrested in suspected $3m embezzlement scandal

    Buddhist monk arrested in suspected $3m embezzlement scandal

    Thai law enforcement has taken into custody a former senior Buddhist monk and his female alleged accomplice, uncovering a two-year scheme that siphoned more than 100 million baht ($3 million) from one of the country’s historic temples – the latest high-profile scandal to roil the nation’s long-troubled Buddhist monastic establishment. The suspect, Phra Wachirayan Wi, once served as abbot of Wat Phutthaisawan, a prominent 14th-century temple located in Ayutthaya, Thailand’s ancient former capital. Investigators allege that over 24 months, he diverted donations intended for the temple on more than 20 separate occasions, hoarding the funds for personal use rather than directing them to the institution. In line with Thai Buddhist tradition, all monks are required to take solemn vows of celibacy and renounce personal material wealth. Immediately following his arrest, Phra Wachirayan was formally defrocked, and he has not yet issued any public response to the allegations against him. This arrest comes just 12 months after a separate sex and blackmail ring involving high-ranking monks triggered widespread public outrage and shook the credibility of Thailand’s monastic community. Prior to his removal from office, Phra Wachirayan gained widespread recognition for producing coveted coin amulets – sacred objects that draw significant interest from collectors across Thailand. Reports even confirm that Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul owns several amulets created by the former abbot. For decades, allegations of widespread misconduct have plagued Thailand’s official Buddhist institution, with repeated reports of monks breaking celibacy vows, participating in drug trafficking, and committing various forms of financial fraud. In July of last year, authorities launched a public tip hotline for reporting misbehaving monks, after a criminal scheme was uncovered where at least nine monks were blackmailed for nearly $12 million using secretly recorded photos and videos of their sexual encounters with a woman. Speaking at a press conference this week, lead investigating officer Pattanasak Bupphasuwan confirmed that investigators traced two distinct streams of funds collected under the temple’s official name by Phra Wachirayan. One pool of donations was marked for temple renovation projects, while the other was collected as payment for amulets and other religious artifacts created by the former abbot. “But the money from both streams did not enter the temple’s account. Not a single baht,” Pattanasak stated, according to local media reports. When officers raided Phra Wachirayan’s private residence on Thursday, they uncovered stashes of cash and gold bars valued at more than 100 million baht, with counting operations continuing late into the night, according to Thai national newspaper The Nation. During a review of closed-circuit footage stored at the property, investigators stumbled on an explicit video recording showing Phra Wachirayan engaged in sexual activity with a woman on his personal dining table. The woman was identified as 47-year-old Punyavee Rungrueang, who has since been arrested on charges of aiding and abetting a state official in criminal activity. Like the former abbot, she has not yet issued any public comment on the allegations. In Thailand, most clergy receive government stipends, so monks are officially classified as state employees, elevating the legal severity of financial crimes committed by monastic leaders. Authorities have also seized evidence from Punyavee’s home, including 35 gold amulets, 1.5 kilograms of gold bars, and assorted jewelry, with a total estimated value of 6.04 million baht. Local newspaper the Bangkok Post reports that investigators believe Punyavee played a key role in managing the embezzled funds, noting that tens of millions of baht moved through her personal bank accounts annually. The investigation into Phra Wachirayan was launched in mid-July, after authorities received an anonymous tip outlining allegations of misconduct and misuse of temple funds. Investigators added that two to three additional individuals are suspected of involvement in the scheme, and further arrests are expected as the inquiry progresses.

  • Six Nigerians accused of romance scams to be extradited to the US

    Six Nigerians accused of romance scams to be extradited to the US

    In a landmark cross-border law enforcement milestone, South African police are set to transfer six Nigerian suspects linked to an infamous global organised crime syndicate to FBI agents on Friday. The six men, who were first taken into custody back in 2021, stand accused of orchestrating a large-scale online romance fraud scheme that stole more than $6 million (equivalent to roughly £5 million or 100 million South African rand) from over 100 American women.

    According to South Africa’s elite specialised crime-fighting unit, the Hawks, the vulnerable victims targeted by the group included retirees and working business professionals. The syndicate used carefully crafted, deceptive fake online romantic relationships to gain victims’ trust before manipulating them into sending large sums of money, in a common and destructive version of modern digital fraud.

    Hawks spokesperson Colonel Katlego Mogale confirmed in an official statement that the suspects will be moved from a Cape Town correctional facility on Friday morning, before being formally handed over to representatives from both the FBI and the United States Secret Service at the city’s international airport. Following their extradition to the United States, the six suspects will face formal charges of wire fraud and money laundering in U.S. courts.

    The suspects are believed to be core members of Black Axe, a shadowy, mafia-style Nigerian organised crime network that has been linked to a wide range of global criminal activity including human trafficking, internet fraud, and violent murder. A 2021 investigative report from BBC Eye identified the syndicate as one of the most expansive and dangerous transnational organised crime groups operating globally, with a presence stretching across Africa, Europe, and North America.
    Unlike stereotypes of organised crime, Black Axe draws most of its new recruits from Nigerian universities, with many of its members holding university degrees and being initiated into the network while they are still enrolled in higher education. The group has been a high-priority target for international law enforcement agencies for more than a decade.

    U.S. law enforcement launched major targeted operations against Black Axe in November 2019 and again in September 2021, resulting in fraud and money laundering charges against more than 35 individual members connected to multi-million dollar digital fraud schemes. Since those initial U.S. operations, global policing body Interpol has coordinated multiple joint crackdowns on the syndicate across dozens of countries.
    Just last month, Interpol released the results of its most recent coordinated operation, which ran from November 2025 through June 2026. During that action, law enforcement teams raided seven properties across South Africa tied to Black Axe networks running romance and investment scams. The operation led to 39 new arrests, the seizure of undisclosed sums of criminal proceeds, and the freezing of more than 250 bank accounts used by the syndicate to launder stolen funds.

  • Trump shadow looms large over Brics as Modi hosts Putin and Xi in Delhi

    Trump shadow looms large over Brics as Modi hosts Putin and Xi in Delhi

    As leaders from 11 full BRICS member states and invited guest Saudi Arabia gather in New Delhi this weekend for the bloc’s annual summit, one notable non-member will cast an outsized shadow over every discussion: former U.S. President Donald Trump. Against a backdrop of ongoing conflict in Iran, sweeping tariff threats that have roiled global energy and financial markets, and rising tensions over de-dollarization efforts, the expanded bloc faces a defining test: can it bridge stark internal geopolitical divides to deliver a cohesive agenda, even as it avoids open confrontation with Washington?

    BRICS, which has grown exponentially in global clout over the last decade, now counts 49% of the world’s population, 40% of global GDP, and 26% of total international trade within its ranks, per analysis from BBC Monitoring. Its most tangible institutional successes to date include the New Development Bank, which has approved billions in infrastructure and development financing across the Global South, and a $100 billion contingency reserve fund designed to buffer member states against financial crises—though the fund has yet to be put to a major test. This year’s summit comes on the heels of the bloc’s largest expansion, which brought major emerging economies including the UAE and Iran into the fold, expanding its geopolitical reach but also deepening internal disagreements.

    The core tension shaping this year’s gathering stems from conflicting positions toward Trump’s policies. Trump has repeatedly singled out BRICS for criticism, particularly its ongoing efforts to reduce global trade reliance on the U.S. dollar. In a November 2024 threat, he pledged to impose 100% tariffs on all BRICS nations if the bloc moved forward with launching an alternative reserve currency to challenge the dollar’s global dominance. Today, the ripple effects of Trump’s policy agenda are already felt across the global economy: the ongoing conflict in Iran, amplified by U.S. foreign policy shifts, has destabilized global energy markets, while the constant threat of new tariffs on allies and adversaries alike has created widespread uncertainty for businesses and governments worldwide.

    Yet despite calls from some members—most notably Russia and Iran—for a clear, public rebuke of Trump’s agenda, analysts agree the bloc is highly unlikely to produce a consensus statement that openly confronts Washington. Deep internal divisions have made a unified, hardline stance all but impossible. As Michael Kugelman, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, explained to the BBC, New Delhi simply cannot afford to back a statement that openly attacks Washington, particularly as it enters the final stages of negotiating a bilateral trade deal with the U.S. China, too, has remained wary of being seen as using BRICS as a platform to target American interests. Even the UAE, which has suffered Iranian attacks amid Tehran’s retaliation against U.S. and Israeli strikes, is unlikely to back language that aligns with Iran’s position: the Gulf state hosts major U.S. military bases and has long prioritized stable diplomatic ties with Washington.

    “BRICS has become more significant through its expansion, but that has also made consensus harder,” Kugelman noted. “You’ve added a number of members that don’t get along, which leaves host India with the enormous challenge of uniting countries that hold a wide array of views and positions on the global order.”

    While open confrontation with the U.S. is off the table, the bloc is still expected to advance a substantive agenda focused on its core priorities as a leading voice for Global South nations. Leaders are set to explore reforms to streamline cross-border payments using local currencies—a measure of particular urgency for Russia and Iran, both of which face crippling U.S. sanctions that limit their access to dollar-denominated financial systems. BRICS leaders are also expected to reiterate their collective call for reforms to multilateral institutions including the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank, arguing that these bodies fail to reflect the shifting balance of power in the modern global economy.

    For host India, the summit carries uniquely high stakes. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has made leading the Global South a central pillar of its foreign policy, and the gathering offers a critical opportunity to cement that claim, even as it navigates China’s longstanding influence across developing economies. “India’s efforts to gain deeper inroads in Africa and Latin America have had limited success, where China has been more successful,” Kugelman noted, adding that the expanded BRICS bloc gives New Delhi a chance to deepen ties with emerging economies across both regions and build a stronger global profile. Recent months have also seen New Delhi’s global profile overshadowed by Pakistan’s high-profile mediation efforts in the Middle East around the Iran war, making this summit a key moment to reassert India’s diplomatic relevance.

    The challenge of forging consensus was already previewed in May, when BRICS foreign ministers failed to agree on a joint statement after their meeting due to intractable differences over the Iran war, forcing New Delhi to release a chair’s summary instead. India is drawing on its 2023 experience hosting the G20, where it managed to broker a joint declaration despite deep divisions over the war in Ukraine, but analysts caution the gaps are wider this time around. New Delhi is keen to avoid having BRICS dismissed as a mere “talk shop,” and is pushing for substantive announcements on financial cooperation that can showcase the bloc’s progress.

    Beyond plenary discussions, the summit will host a series of high-stakes bilateral meetings that are drawing global attention. A Saturday meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi is widely watched, as the two neighboring powers continue gradual, cautious efforts to repair and rebuild bilateral ties that have been strained for years. Modi is also set to hold talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin, where the war in Ukraine and India’s growing trade deficit with Russia will top the agenda. When the two leaders met last month on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek, Modi issued a highly public appeal for peace in Ukraine—a move some outside observers framed as a rebuke of Moscow, though Russian officials publicly welcomed the outreach and did not interpret it as criticism. Trade imbalances with both China and Russia are also expected to feature prominently in Modi’s bilateral discussions.

    In the end, all sides agree that any language addressing U.S. policy will be carefully crafted to avoid unnecessary confrontation, even as the bloc advances its own priorities of deeper financial integration and greater representation for Global South nations. For India, a successful summit that delivers a unified, if muted, outcome would mark a major diplomatic win that reinforces New Delhi’s rising influence on the global stage. And for BRICS as a whole, the gathering will test whether the expanded bloc can turn its growing economic heft into cohesive, impactful global action—all while navigating the unpredictable landscape shaped by U.S. policy.

  • Houthis eye ‘full control’ of Bab el-Mandeb, as Saudi-backed forces reel from offensive

    Houthis eye ‘full control’ of Bab el-Mandeb, as Saudi-backed forces reel from offensive

    A stunning, rapid military push by Yemen’s Houthi movement along the country’s Red Sea coastline has placed the strategically vital Bab el-Mandeb Strait within the group’s full control, shifting regional power dynamics and strengthening Iran’s strategic leverage against the United States, regional and security experts told Middle East Eye in a new analysis of the battlefield shifts.

    “The Houthis have pulled off a decisive military victory that brings them within one major step of controlling the entire Bab el-Mandeb waterway,” Corey Ranslem, chief executive officer of maritime security firm Dryad Global, explained to Middle East Eye. Ranslem added that the Houthis will face far fewer barriers to exerting influence over Bab el-Mandeb than Iran does in the Strait of Hormuz, because the U.S. maintains no substantial, permanent military presence in the Bab el-Mandeb area to counter their moves.

    The breakthrough came after days of intense combat across the narrow Tihama coastal plain, where Houthi forces defeated Saudi-aligned Yemeni troops on Thursday and seized the historic, strategically critical Red Sea port of Mocha. Regional Arab media outlets confirmed that Houthi gains expanded across the region through the rest of the day: the group has already deployed military personnel to the Hanish Islands, located in the central Red Sea opposite Eritrea, and continues to push south toward the Bab el-Mandeb Strait itself and the key island of Perim.

    The sweeping Houthi advance has also exposed deep coordination rifts within the Saudi-backed anti-Houthi coalition operating in Yemen. In a surprising development, Houthi troops moving across open, exposed coastal terrain encountered almost no significant air resistance from Saudi Arabia or its Yemeni allied factions.

    Mocha was previously held by the National Resistance Forces (NRF), a well-armed anti-Houthi faction led by Tarek Saleh, nephew of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Ali Abdullah Saleh was killed by the Houthis a decade ago, just months after he split from a short-lived alliance with the movement. The NRF was long backed by the United Arab Emirates, but the group shifted its formal allegiance to Saudi Arabia earlier this year, after the UAE announced its full military withdrawal from Yemen. Saudi Arabia subsequently took over responsibility for funding and supporting UAE-aligned armed groups in the country.

    Rifts between the two leading Gulf coalition partners have widened in recent months, with disagreements over the war in Sudan, the Israel-Hamas conflict, and Yemeni separatist movements stalling cooperation. The Houthi offensive is unfolding against ongoing, stalled talks between Saudi Arabia and the UAE over a potential UAE return to Yemen to cover military operational costs, a Western diplomat confirmed to Middle East Eye, noting the negotiations remain at an impasse.

    The latest Houthi gains build on months of escalating tensions between the movement and Saudi Arabia. Over the past year, the Houthis have launched repeated drone and missile strikes on Saudi energy infrastructure and commercial shipping, while Saudi-led coalition forces have carried out retaliatory air strikes on Houthi positions. Saudi-backed Yemeni forces also attempted their own counter-offensive to retake the Houthi-held major port of Hodeida earlier this year, which failed to gain meaningful ground.

    Arab and Western officials tracking the resurgence of fighting told Middle East Eye the Houthi offensive—the largest large-scale military operation launched since a 2022 ceasefire collapsed—stems from two core strategic motivations. First, establishing full military control along the Bab el-Mandeb coastline will allow the Houthis to enforce a blockade against Saudi Arabia with far greater accuracy, while also asserting authority over all international shipping passing through the chokepoint.

    Before the current Yemeni civil war, roughly 12% of global seaborne oil trade already transited the Red Sea. The waterway’s strategic importance grew dramatically after Iran increased its control over shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, pushing Saudi Arabia to shift a larger share of its oil exports through the Red Sea route. Diplomats note the Houthis have directly drawn inspiration from Iran’s model of charging tolls for commercial shipping passing through the Strait of Hormuz, and aim to replicate that system in Bab el-Mandeb.

    “The Houthis essentially want to collect their own tolls on Red Sea shipping, and Saudi Arabia has been completely firm that it will never accept paying a Houthi toll,” a diplomat based in Riyadh explained.

    The Houthi movement has also spent months rebuilding its military capacity after sustaining heavy losses during extensive U.S. air strikes carried out between January and May 2025. As Middle East Eye exclusively reported in July, military experts specializing in drone and missile technology from Lebanon, Iran, Syria and Iraq have already been deployed to Yemen to support the Houthis, and Iran has continued to supply the group with advanced military equipment.

    Beyond the Houthis’ own strategic goals, the capture of the Red Sea coastline also advances Iran’s regional agenda amid escalating tensions in the Strait of Hormuz, where both U.S. and Iranian forces have targeted commercial shipping in recent months.

    “This move aligns completely with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ long-term goal of controlling both major maritime trade chokepoints surrounding the Arabian Peninsula,” said Ibrahim Jalal, a Yemeni researcher and regional policy adviser. Jalal added that the advance also serves the Houthis’ own core priority of extracting economic concessions from Saudi Arabia.

    “The Houthis now control the highest mountain peaks overlooking the entire Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which makes targeting and surveillance of passing shipping far easier,” Jalal noted. “They will also be able to strike targets in the Gulf of Aden with much greater ease than before.”

  • Romania’s secret CIA prison: Two decades of denial and unanswered questions

    Romania’s secret CIA prison: Two decades of denial and unanswered questions

    Decades after the 9/11 attacks launched the United States’ global “war on terror”, newly declassified court filings and confirmed evidence have pulled back the curtain on one of the Central Intelligence Agency’s most secretive overseas black sites: a downtown Bucharest detention facility where scores of detainees were held and systematically tortured between 2003 and 2005. Among the men held at the site, codenamed Detention Site Black, is Ammar al-Baluchi, nephew of self-proclaimed 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, whose firsthand account of cruelty paints a damning portrait of life inside the secret prison.

    Baluchi, who was detained at the facility for nearly two years, says the most searing memory of his captivity is the unrelenting cold. Held nearly naked in cells illuminated 24 hours a day by harsh fluorescent bulbs, he described his imprisonment as “living inside a refrigerator”. Court documents detail a consistent pattern of abuse at the site: prolonged solitary confinement under constant artificial light, deliberate sleep deprivation that sometimes kept detainees shackled in a standing position for days on end, repeated dousing with ice-cold water, and degrading forced procedures that interrogators labeled with euphemisms such as “attention grasps” and “facial holds”. Earlier this year, Baluchi’s legal team released the first ever publicly circulated photograph of a CIA black site detainee: an image of Baluchi stripped naked and photographed by intelligence personnel, one of tens of thousands of similar images secretly held by the U.S. government.

    More than 23 years after the 9/11 attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people and prompted the U.S. to launch deadly invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq that have killed at least 940,000 people directly, a U.S. military judge has finally scheduled a long-delayed trial for Baluchi and four other co-defendants in the 9/11 case. Proceedings are set to open on June 5, 2028, more than a decade after the case was first brought. The decades-long delay stems from a core legal dispute: whether confessions and statements coerced through torture at CIA black sites before the detainees were transferred to Guantanamo Bay can be used as admissible evidence in court. In a landmark 2025 ruling, a Guantanamo military judge found that statements Baluchi gave to the FBI in 2007 were involuntary and inadmissible, ruling they were permanently tainted by the torture and cruel, inhuman treatment he endured in CIA custody, including at the Bucharest site. The judge ruled that even the slightly improved conditions of detention at Guantanamo could not erase the “lingering taint” of abuse he suffered in the black site network.

    The Bucharest black site was part of a sprawling network of secret CIA prisons spread across three continents in the years after 9/11, part of the agency’s controversial rendition, detention and interrogation program that was formally shut down by the Obama administration in 2009. Declassified records and independent research from the Rendition Project, an NGO that has spent years tracking the CIA’s secret detention network, reveal that Romanian senior state officials agreed to host the site as a goodwill gesture ahead of Romania’s 2004 accession to NATO, in exchange for a total payment of at least $8 million plus additional millions in ongoing funding.

    The agreement to build the site was finalized in mid-October 2002, and the first group of five detainees arrived at the facility in autumn 2003. Former Romanian president Ion Iliescu confirmed the broad outlines of the deal in a 2015 interview, acknowledging that U.S. allies requested a site for detention operations “around the turn of the year 2002 and 2003”, which he approved in principle without asking for details. “We did not interfere with the activities of the USA on this site,” Iliescu said, framing the decision as “a gesture of courtesy ahead of our accession to Nato”. The deal was handled by then-national security advisor Ioan Talpes, who admitted in a 2014 interview that he personally approved the lease of a government-owned building to the CIA, and that Romanian officials deliberately chose not to investigate what the agency was doing at the site in order to prove Romania’s reliability to Washington.

    Independent investigators have confirmed that top Romanian officials, including former president Traian Basescu, who took office in 2004, were fully aware of the site’s existence and purpose. A 2019 Rendition Project report added a previously undisclosed detail: after September 2004, senior U.S. diplomats and CIA officials formally briefed Romanian authorities on the full scope of the program, including clear descriptions of the torture techniques used on detainees. “It’s definitively the case – the allegations of torture, the money, the people who were held there – it’s definitively the case that that’s Romania in the court files,” said Crofton Black, a former Rendition Project investigator who spent nearly a decade tracing the black site network through flight logs and declassified documents. Black told reporters that Romania made the deliberate choice to host the site because it aligned with the country’s geopolitical goals, and officials believed the U.S. would shield them from accountability.

    Unlike black sites in Poland and Lithuania that were built in remote, isolated areas, Detention Site Black was located in central Bucharest, in a government building housing the National Registry Office for Classified Information (Orniss) on a quiet residential street in northern Bucharest, according to a 2011 joint investigation by the Associated Press and ARD Panorama. Orniss has “categorically denied” any connection to the prison. Despite disputes over the exact location, overlapping court testimonies from multiple detainees confirm consistent details of the facility’s harsh conditions: six prefabricated, white-painted cells tiled with impact-resistant glass, mounted on springs designed to keep detainees constantly off-balance and disoriented, with unbroken fluorescent lighting that gave the site the unofficial nickname “Bright Light”.

    Another high-profile detainee held at Detention Site Black is Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, the accused mastermind of the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole that killed 17 U.S. sailors. Nashiri was held at the Bucharest site between April 2004 and November 2005, and his case reached the European Court of Human Rights, which issued a landmark 2018 ruling that found Romania had violated international human rights law by enabling the CIA’s torture program. The court confirmed Nashiri endured “extremely harsh” conditions including permanent blindfolding, total solitary confinement, constant exposure to loud noise and unbroken lighting, permanent leg shackles during movement, sleep deprivation, painful stress positions, physical assault, and forced rectal feeding.

    A 2014 U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee report confirmed what independent investigators have long alleged: the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” program never produced unique, life-saving intelligence that could not have been obtained through legal interrogation methods. The report found that the CIA held at least 119 detainees across the black site network, 39 of whom were subjected to the brutal unauthorized interrogation techniques, and that the agency deliberately misled Congress and the public about the program’s brutality. To date, almost no U.S. or foreign officials have faced criminal accountability for the abuses.

    For more than two decades, successive Romanian governments have officially denied any involvement in hosting the black site. When contacted by Middle East Eye for this report, the Romanian foreign intelligence service said the matter had already been fully investigated by national and international judicial bodies and declined further comment. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Justice and former president Basescu did not respond to requests for comment, while the domestic intelligence service SRI said it lacked legal standing to address public claims about the site.

    Despite Romania’s official denial, the 2018 European Court of Human Rights ruling formally confirmed that the country violated Nashiri’s human rights by enabling his torture and failing to launch a credible investigation into the abuses. A domestic criminal investigation into the allegations, opened in 2012 after a complaint from Nashiri’s legal team, was deliberately stalled for years, and by 2016 the statute of limitations for all alleged crimes had expired, with no suspects ever formally identified. The case was officially closed in March 2021, with prosecutors labeling the perpetrator “unknown” despite access to international evidence sharing. In 2021, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers expressed “profound regret” that Romania had failed to use all available means to investigate and establish the full facts of the case, as required by the Strasbourg court ruling.

    Ben Keith, a British barrister who represents Baluchi outside the U.S., said senior Romanian officials intentionally enabled the CIA’s torture program. “We know from the ruling in al-Nashiri the Romanians knew about it; they might have not known exactly what was happening, but they facilitated the CIA to create a black site to torture these men,” Keith said. “Our contention is that Romania not only facilitated the CIA black site but knew they were being used to torture individuals.”

    With the 9/11 trial now scheduled for 2028, the role of Romania and other host countries in the CIA’s black site network, and the torture inflicted at Detention Site Black, will take center stage in the legal proceedings. For independent investigators, Romania’s ongoing refusal to acknowledge its role despite overwhelming evidence is indefensible. “There’s been years of compelling evidence that Romania hosted a black site, and the more the evidence has grown, the government continued to deny it was involved,” Black said. “It’s ridiculous, it’s nonsense.”

  • Ukraine’s fortress cities under fire as Russia bids to seize rest of Donbas

    Ukraine’s fortress cities under fire as Russia bids to seize rest of Donbas

    As Russian military pressure escalates in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region, Ukrainian authorities have ordered mandatory evacuation orders for remaining civilians in the strategically critical cities of Slovyansk and Kramatorsk, where daily bombardment has turned urban life into a lethal nightmare. These two adjacent settlements are the largest population centers still fully under Ukrainian control in Donbas, a territory that forms the core of Moscow’s stated war aims more than two years into its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

    Pavlo Dyachenko, a senior official with Donetsk region’s police force, confirmed that forced evacuations are already underway for households with children in the hardest-hit districts, describing the evacuation order as the only viable path to saving civilian lives amid a catastrophic collapse in local security. “The frequency of attacks has spiked dramatically,” Dyachenko explained, noting that where Slovyansk once faced roughly one glide bomb strike per week, it now endages deadly bombardments on a near-daily basis.

    Slovyansk, Kramatorsk, and the nearby southern city of Kostyantynivka form a critical segment of Ukraine’s eastern “fortress belt” — a layered network of heavily fortified defensive lines designed to halt Russian advances deeper into Ukrainian-controlled territory. But recent frontline reports indicate only a limited Ukrainian troop presence remains in Kostyantynivka, while Russian officials have claimed full control of the city, a development that would leave the two larger northern cities even more exposed to offensive operations.

    Capturing the entirety of Donbas, which encompasses the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts, has been one of the Kremlin’s most prominent stated objectives since it launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022. Moscow has repeatedly framed its military campaign in the region as a “liberation” and “protection” of ethnic Russian-speaking communities, a justification that has been widely rejected by the international community as a baseless pretext for territorial aggression. Russia already controls nearly the entire Luhansk region, and currently holds approximately 80% of Donetsk — the oblast where all three fortress belt cities are located. For months, Russian ground forces have concentrated their offensive operations around the Kramatorsk-Slovyansk axis, and a full Russian seizure of the two cities would open a clear path for Moscow to push further west into Ukraine.

    Civilians still residing in the two cities face constant threat from Russian drone and artillery strikes. Viktor Makurin, a London-based volunteer working on the ground in the region, described daily life as saturated with violence: key city thoroughfares are now draped in protective anti-drone netting, and FPV (first-person-view) attack drones routinely patrol roadways in search of moving targets. “Driving anywhere in the city is a death sentence,” Makurin told the BBC. “You can hear the constant buzz of drones through your window, explosions never stop ringing out in the distance, and Ukrainian air defense teams are constantly engaging incoming unmanned aerial vehicles.”

    Data compiled by Ukrainian police, analyzed by the BBC, lays bare the rapidly worsening human cost of the intensified bombardment. Over the summer months, the number of civilian wounded jumped from 70 in June to 212 in August. Monthly civilian fatalities have held steady in double digits: 16 people were killed in June, 20 in July, and 15 in August. Residential apartment blocks are as frequently targeted as critical infrastructure, leaving widespread destruction across residential neighborhoods. The number of Russian glide bombs — widely considered one of the most lethal weapons in Moscow’s current arsenal — has surged from 40 in June to 109 in July and 92 in August.

    Unlike unguided free-fall munitions, Russian glide bombs are fitted with wing kits that let them navigate precisely to their targets from long range, putting most of Kramatorsk and Slovyansk within strike range from Russian-held positions. They typically weigh between 250 and 500 kilograms, though Russian forces have been documented deploying 1,500-kilogram variants capable of leveling entire city blocks. “The destruction they leave behind is unimaginable,” Dyachenko said. John Auckland Abbey, another British volunteer working in the region, described the weapons as silent killers that have shattered civilian morale. “They come without warning, and after the first explosion you know more are on the way,” Abbey wrote on social media. “As you lie motionless in the dark, the only question is: will the next one land on me?”

    One of the deadliest recent strikes hit Kramatorsk on August 25, when nine glide bombs targeted the city. Seven of the munitions hit civilian apartment buildings, wounding 24 people including a two-month-old infant. A second major strike followed just two days later, when seven glide bombs hit Kramatorsk and another five struck Slovyansk. As of this week, seven additional civilians were wounded in a new round of shelling targeting Kramatorsk.

    Strategically, Kramatorsk holds major political significance for Ukraine: it currently hosts the headquarters of the Donetsk regional civilian administration, after the original oblast capital of Donetsk was seized by Russian-backed separatist forces in 2014.

    The fate of remaining Ukrainian-held Donbas has recently moved to the center of international diplomatic efforts around the war. Last weekend, U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner held talks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky following a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, with Donbas’s status reported to be a core topic of discussion. Witkoff has previously expressed public sympathy for Russian territorial claims to the region, but Zelensky has repeatedly ruled out withdrawing Ukrainian troops from any portion of Donbas.

    Zelensky confirmed that Putin has set an end-of-year deadline for his military to fully occupy all of Donbas, with the Kramatorsk-Slovyansk-Kostyantynivka axis remaining the Kremlin’s top military priority. To shore up defenses in the region, Zelensky has recently established two new defense taskforces led by seasoned Ukrainian commanders Andriy Biletsky and Denys Prokopenko, tasking them with holding the remaining Ukrainian-held portion of Donetsk. One senior unnamed Ukrainian general described the ongoing fighting for the area as far more than a battle for territory: it is shaping up to be the defining conflict of this year and next, the general said.

  • Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Over the past weekend, two leading U.S. news outlets, The New York Times and The Washington Post, published details from a confidential evidence dossier that accuses Sudan’s ruling Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) of developing and deploying chemical weapons amid its ongoing two-year civil conflict with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group. According to initial reports, the dossier was provided to media by an unnamed Middle Eastern intelligence agency, and it comprises more than 150 pages of materials, including visual evidence, intercepted communications between senior SAF officers, bomb design blueprints, audio recordings, and thousands of text messages pulled directly from the mobile devices of top military commanders. Multiple independent sources speaking to Middle East Eye (MEE) have since confirmed that the intelligence agency in question is Israel’s Mossad, and that the document shared with major U.S. media matches nearly identically a dossier Israel handed over to the U.S. government ahead of Washington’s January 2025 sanctions on SAF leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

    The dossier outlines that the SAF launched a six-month secret chemical weapons program in 2024, led by a covert military unit within the force, amid a worsening battlefield situation that saw the RSF seize control of most of Sudan’s capital Khartoum by mid-year. According to the intercepted communications laid out in the document, senior SAF General Tariq Hussain, identified as the head of the initiative, proposed repurposed chlorine gas as a low-cost, accessible weapon to gain a tactical edge in battle for the capital. The dossier claims that from July 2024, a hidden facility assembled prototype chlorine bombs, using repurposed civilian barbecue canisters and liquefied gas tanks, with initial testing conducted in remote desert regions of Sudan. Unlike internationally banned chemical warfare agents such as sarin, chlorine is not classified as a controlled substance under global non-proliferation frameworks. The documents also note that 20 large chlorine cylinders were imported into Sudan from Egypt, a known backer of the SAF throughout the civil war.

    A former senior U.S. official familiar with the dossier described the large-scale interception of officer communications as a striking demonstration of the capabilities of Pegasus, the controversial Israeli spyware developed by NSO Group that enables full remote infiltration of smartphone devices. A senior anonymous Sudanese security analyst told MEE that while it was widely understood that Israel maintained strategic intelligence interests in Sudan, the scale, depth and duration of the surveillance operation detailed in the dossier reveals a far deeper level of Israeli engagement in the country than previously acknowledged publicly. Both the Israeli government and foreign ministry have been contacted by MEE for comment on the origins of the dossier, but no response has been issued as of publication. The Sudanese army-backed national government has issued a full, vehement denial of all chemical weapons allegations.

    Sudan’s ongoing civil war erupted in April 2023 following a bitter power split between the SAF, led by Burhan, and the RSF, a former state-aligned paramilitary group commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti. The two factions had previously joined forces to carry out a 2021 coup that ousted the civilian interim government established after the 2019 revolution that toppled longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir, but competing claims to power and divergent networks of financial and military influence ultimately pushed the country into full-scale conflict. The RSF has received extensive backing from the United Arab Emirates, Israel’s closest regional ally, while Egypt and most recently a coalition of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan have publicly supported the SAF.

    The dossier notes that internal SAF communications reveal debate among top leadership over whether to move forward with the chlorine bomb program: while senior officials formally agreed to abandon the project, a small clique of officers continued development in secret, according to a former U.S. official. In September 2024, the RSF issued a public statement accusing the SAF of launching toxic missile strikes on the strategic al-Jaili oil refinery north of Khartoum, which was under RSF control at the time. A subsequent intercepted message from General Hussain referenced that “they drank the gas,” referencing RSF fighters being exposed to chlorine during the attack. However, the dossier contains no confirmed records of fatalities from the attack, no other verified instances of chlorine bombs being deployed in combat, and no medical evidence or victim testimony to corroborate the use of chemical weapons.

    In an official response to MEE, the Sudanese government emphasized that it is a signatory state to the Chemical Weapons Convention, and has remained fully compliant with all convention requirements, including commitments to forgo the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The government added that all chlorine supplies within Sudan’s borders are exclusively earmarked for civilian uses including water purification, industrial production and energy generation, and that the country is willing to open its facilities to inspection by any competent international verification body. It also noted that after the allegations first emerged, Sudan implemented a series of cooperative measures in coordination with the United States, but that Washington has never produced concrete evidence to back up the claims. It should be noted that the RSF itself has been formally accused by both the United Nations and United States of perpetrating genocide against civilian populations in the Darfur region, with eyewitness accounts documenting widespread mass executions, sexual violence and looting carried out by RSF fighters.

    The revelation that the evidence dossier originated from Israeli intelligence has sparked new questions about Israel’s covert alignment in Sudan’s civil war, confirming reporting by multiple independent sources that Israel has shifted its support to the RSF, whose primary patron is the UAE. Israeli officials have previously claimed that Israel maintains neutral relations with multiple factions in Sudan, but regional analysts point to a long-building relationship between Israel and Hemedti that deepened starting in 2021. Sudan first moved toward normalizing relations with Israel after the 2019 overthrow of al-Bashir, with Burhan meeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2020 and signing the U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords that same year, though normalization has never been finalized. Ahead of the 2023 outbreak of war, then-Israeli foreign minister Eli Cohen held a high-profile meeting with Burhan to finalize the normalization deal, but the war derailed those plans. Throughout the conflict, Hemedti has maintained close ties to Israeli intelligence, while the UAE has continued its backing of the RSF – support that Abu Dhabi continues to deny despite mounting evidence from the UN and independent investigators.

    Recent reporting from Africa Intelligence revealed that two of Hemedti’s brothers made secret trips to Tel Aviv in May 2025 and again earlier this year to hold meetings with senior Israeli intelligence and foreign ministry officials. One regional analyst noted that the timed release of the chemical weapons dossier closely follows the recent signing of the Mecca Agreement, a defense pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan that explicitly reaffirms the bloc’s support for the SAF. The release of the dossier, the analyst argued, represents a show of influence from the Abraham Accords bloc in response to the pro-SAF Mecca Agreement, with the leaked intelligence successfully pushing the U.S. to impose sanctions on Burhan and the SAF leadership. As one former U.S. official put it, “The intelligence they shared with Washington succeeded in getting Burhan and the SAF sanctioned,” adding that the strategic alliance between Israel and the UAE has only deepened amid the Sudan conflict.

  • Coach crash kills several people in Swiss Alps

    Coach crash kills several people in Swiss Alps

    A devastating highway accident has shaken cross-border travel communities after a tourist coach carrying dozens of Dutch nationals overturned in the southeastern Swiss Alps on Thursday afternoon, leaving multiple people dead and an untold number injured, local law enforcement officials confirmed.

    The crash unfolded along the route connecting the small Alpine towns of Susch and Zernez, located in Switzerland’s mountainous Graubünden region – widely referred to as Grisons by locals and international visitors. Emergency response teams quickly mobilized a large-scale search and rescue operation, dispatching multiple helicopters and ground crews to the remote crash site to access and treat injured passengers.

    According to a spokesperson for the General Dutch Association of Travel Companies, speaking on behalf of Netherlands-based tour operator OAD, the coach was carrying exactly 48 Dutch passengers when the accident occurred. In an initial statement to leading Dutch newspaper De Telegraaf, the spokesperson noted that officials were still working to confirm the exact number of fatalities and injured individuals as of Thursday evening, as response teams continued clearing the scene and accounting for all passengers.

    Preliminary photos published by local Swiss news outlets show the large passenger coach resting on its side adjacent to a narrow rural road, with dozens of ambulances parked along the route and rescue teams working systematically across the crash site to extract passengers and provide emergency care.

    Further details about the trip itinerary show the coach departed the Netherlands on Monday, and was operating a day excursion into Switzerland from neighboring Austria when the crash occurred. Zernez, the town closest to the crash site, is best known as the primary entry point for visitors accessing the Swiss National Park – a 100-square-kilometer protected Alpine reserve that spans the rugged Engadine valley and draws thousands of outdoor tourists each year.

    As of late Thursday, authorities have not released additional details about the cause of the crash, nor updated the public on the condition of injured passengers. Investigations into the accident are ongoing, with Swiss local police expected to release an updated statement once all passengers have been accounted for.