分类: politics

  • ‘Numbskull, moron and too stupid’: Trump and Powell’s biggest clashes

    ‘Numbskull, moron and too stupid’: Trump and Powell’s biggest clashes

    The fractious public feud between former and current U.S. President Donald Trump and departing Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell stands as one of the most bitter confrontations between a sitting American president and a central bank leader in modern history. Since Trump reclaimed the White House following the 2024 election, he has launched nonstop attacks on Powell, driven entirely by his frustration that the Federal Reserve has not cut interest rates at the speed the president has demanded. As Powell prepares to exit his post to make way for Trump’s nominee Kevin Warsh, a look back at the series of high-profile clashes that shaped this unprecedented relationship reveals deep threats to the central bank’s long-guarded independence.

    Ironically, it was Trump himself who first appointed Powell to the role of Fed chair during his first presidential term. Back in November 2017, Trump argued the nation’s central bank needed “strong, sound and steady leadership,” and publicly praised Powell as a “strong, committed, smart” candidate perfectly suited for the position. But after President Joe Biden reappointed Powell to a second term, Trump soured on the Fed chair dramatically once he returned to the Oval Office, even claiming he was shocked Biden extended Powell’s tenure. “He’s a terrible Fed chair,” Trump told reporters last July, ignoring his own role in bringing Powell to the job in the first place.

    Trump’s criticism has not been limited to policy disagreements; he has repeatedly resorted to personal insults and derogatory nicknames for the nation’s top central banker. After the Fed cut rates three times in 2025, central bank officials opted to hold rates steady to assess how Trump’s new trade tariffs would impact persistent inflation. For every decision to hold rates that ran counter to Trump’s demands, the president lashed out. In April of last year, he dubbed Powell “Too Late”, and declared that Powell’s “termination cannot come fast enough.” That set the tone for months of attacks that followed: Trump has called Powell a “numbskull”, “moron”, and “a real dummy” in media interviews, and doubled down on these insults on social media. In one typical viral social media post, Trump wrote: “Jerome ‘Too Late’ Powell has done it again!!! He is TOO LATE, and actually, TOO ANGRY, TOO STUPID, & TOO POLITICAL, to have the job of Fed Chair. He is costing our Country TRILLIONS OF DOLLARS, in addition to one of the most incompetent, or corrupt, renovations of a building(s) in the history of construction! Put another way, ‘Too Late’ is a TOTAL LOSER, and our Country is paying the price!”

    The conflict spilled beyond interest rate policy into a public disagreement over the ballooning cost of a planned renovation of Federal Reserve office buildings. During a joint on-site visit where both men wore hard hats, Trump claimed the total cost of the project had ballooned to $3.1 billion, well above the original $2.7 billion estimate. Standing directly beside the president, Powell immediately disputed the claim, telling Trump he was not aware of any such cost overrun. When Trump pulled out a document he claimed proved the higher total, Powell countered that Trump had incorrectly added the cost of a separate completed building constructed five years earlier to the renovation project’s total. When asked how he would handle a project manager who went over budget as a former real estate developer, Trump did not mince words: “Generally speaking, I’d fire him.”

    Tensions escalated to a new level in early January, when Powell released a Sunday evening video revealing that federal prosecutors had opened a criminal investigation that could lead to an indictment over testimony he gave to a Senate committee about the renovation project. Powell, who had largely stayed silent about Trump’s attacks for months, framed the Department of Justice’s move as part of the administration’s sustained campaign to pressure the Fed. He argued that the investigation raised existential questions about the central bank’s core mission: “This is about whether the Fed will be able to continue to set interest rates based on evidence and economic conditions, or whether instead monetary policy will be directed by political pressure or intimidation,” Powell said in the video. The development immediately created political headwinds for Warsh’s nomination: Republican Senator Thom Tillis announced he would not support confirming Warsh while the investigation remained open, calling the probe a “serious threat” to the central bank’s independence. Earlier this month, the Department of Justice dropped the criminal investigation, clearing the way for Tillis to announce he would now support Warsh’s confirmation ahead of a full Senate vote.

  • New images show suspect taking selfies before Washington press dinner shooting

    New images show suspect taking selfies before Washington press dinner shooting

    Fresh evidence submitted by U.S. prosecutors has laid bare detailed pre-attack planning by the man accused of storming last weekend’s White House Correspondents’ Dinner in a bid to assassinate former President Donald Trump, according to court documents filed this week. The 31-year-old suspect, Cole Tomas Allen, has entered a not guilty plea to all charges against him, including the attempted assassination of the sitting former president. Prosecutors argue he should be held without bond ahead of his trial, citing what they call a meticulously planned, violent plot that targeted senior U.S. government leadership.

    The newly unsealed memorandum from the U.S. Department of Justice includes never-before-seen photographs that prosecutors say Allen took of himself inside his Washington, D.C. hotel room roughly 90 minutes before the attack. The images show Allen wearing formal dinner attire underneath loaded weapons strapped to his body: a shoulder holster holding a semi-automatic handgun, a sheathed fixed-blade knife, and a separate bag stuffed with ammunition. Tools recovered from Allen after the incident, including pliers and wire cutters, are also visible on his person in the self-portraits. The photos were timestamped at approximately 8:03 p.m. EST, court records show.

    Prosecutors’ timeline lays out the 30-minute window of activity after Allen took the pre-attack photos. During that period, they allege, Allen repeatedly browsed online media outlets to confirm live coverage of the annual dinner and verify that Trump was in attendance at the event. Once he confirmed the former president’s presence, he left his hotel room and walked toward the Washington Hilton ballroom where hundreds of journalists, political figures, and administration officials had gathered. Before approaching the venue’s security checkpoint, prosecutors say Allen discarded a long black overcoat he had used to conceal his pump-action shotgun.

    “Shortly thereafter, the defendant rushed the screening checkpoint on the Terrace Level of the Washington Hilton with a raised shotgun,” the memorandum states. Official accounts confirm Allen sprinted through a activated metal detector, holding the shotgun in a two-handed raised firing position as he advanced into the secured event space. A U.S. Secret Service agent assigned to the detail was shot during the subsequent confrontation, though their wound was not life-threatening and they have since been reported to be in stable condition.

    The court filing also sheds new light on the weeks-long lead-up to the alleged attack. Investigators confirm Allen left his home in Torrance, a Los Angeles suburb, on April 21, traveling cross-country by train via Chicago before arriving in the nation’s capital. During his journey, Allen kept a handwritten note on his cell phone documenting his observations of the landscape, including a line describing “the southwest desert in spring [with] Distant wind turbines looming like snowy mountains across the hazy NM desert”.

    In a chilling pre-attack communication sent to his own family shortly before he stormed the dinner, Allen allegedly spelled out his targeting priorities, writing that “Administration officials… are targets, prioritized from highest-ranking to lowest”. He added that he “would still go through most everyone here to get to the targets if it were absolutely necessary”, according to an earlier affidavit filed in the case.

    If convicted on the top charge of attempted assassination of the U.S. president, Allen faces a potential life sentence. Two additional charges—transporting a firearm across state lines to commit a felony, and discharging a firearm during a violent crime—each carry a maximum 10-year prison sentence. In their motion to deny bail, prosecutors emphasized that Allen’s alleged actions were “premeditated, violent, and calculated to cause death”. They added that no set of release conditions could reasonably guarantee the safety of the public or other community members if Allen were freed from custody ahead of his trial. At the time of reporting, Allen remains in federal custody, with no trial date yet set.

  • US Supreme Court curbs race-based voting maps in landmark ruling

    US Supreme Court curbs race-based voting maps in landmark ruling

    In a ideologically divided 6-3 decision released Wednesday, the U.S. Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment that imposes sharp new limits on the consideration of race when drawing congressional electoral districts, a ruling that carries the potential to reshape legislative maps across the country and alter partisan odds ahead of November’s midterm elections.

    The case originated from Louisiana’s post-2020 census redistricting process. After courts ruled the state’s original map illegally diluted Black voting power, state legislators drew a revised plan that created a second majority-Black congressional district, a change intended to align with requirements of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. A group of white voters challenged the revised map, arguing it prioritized racial classification to an unconstitutional degree, setting up a high-stakes clash between voting rights protections and constitutional equal protection guarantees.

    Writing for the court’s conservative majority, Justice Samuel Alito ruled that the Louisiana map crossed into unconstitutional racial gerrymandering. Alito emphasized that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act does not require states to draw electoral districts primarily along racial lines, noting that “compliance with the law could not justify” the state’s race-centered approach in this instance. “Because the Voting Rights Act did not require Louisiana to create an additional majority-minority district, no compelling interest justified the state’s use of race in creating SB8,” Alito wrote. “That map is an unconstitutional gerrymander, and its use would violate the plaintiffs’ constitutional rights.”

    The ruling leaves the core text of the Voting Rights Act intact but narrows the scope of how the law can be applied to enforce minority representation. For civil rights advocates, the decision represents another major blow to the landmark civil rights legislation, which has already been significantly weakened by a series of Supreme Court rulings over the past decade, most notably a 2013 decision that struck down a key provision mandating federal pre-approval for election law changes in states with histories of systemic discrimination.

    In a fiery dissent read from the Supreme Court bench — a rare step reserved for cases of exceptional national importance — Justice Elena Kagan warned of the decision’s far-reaching consequences. Kagan argued the ruling creates a pathway for states to systematically dilute minority voting power without facing legal pushback, a outcome that undermines decades of progress toward fair representation.

    Legal analysts broadly agree the ruling will raise the legal bar for justifying race-conscious redistricting intended to remedy minority vote dilution, making it far harder to create or preserve majority-minority districts nationwide. These districts, which have been a core tool for advancing minority representation for more than 50 years, have consistently tended to elect Democratic candidates, meaning the ruling is expected to give Republicans a tangible advantage in competitive House races this November.

    The decision marks a major shift in the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the balance between anti-discrimination protections and constitutional equal protection rules, aligned with the conservative majority’s long-stated commitment to what Justice Clarence Thomas — the court’s only Black justice — has framed as a “color-blind” interpretation of the Constitution. While the immediate impact of the ruling on November’s congressional control remains unclear, it has escalated the already fierce national battle over redistricting that has pitted political parties against one another in state legislatures and courts across the U.S.

  • Hungary’s Magyar visits Brussels seeking to unblock EU billions

    Hungary’s Magyar visits Brussels seeking to unblock EU billions

    In his first official visit to Brussels since securing a historic election victory that ended 16 years of nationalist rule under Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s incoming prime minister Peter Magyar sat down with top European Union leadership Wednesday on a mission to reset Budapest’s fractured relationship with the bloc and unlock billions in frozen funding. The trip, which included a high-stakes meeting with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, comes as Magyar moves quickly to deliver on his campaign promise of a new pro-EU course, even before he formally takes office next month.

    Magyar struck an upbeat tone ahead of the negotiations, telling followers in an online video that he entered the talks “very optimistic and hopeful.” His top near-term priority is reaching a formal agreement by the end of May to unfreeze roughly €10 billion in Covid-19 recovery funds held by the EU over long-standing rule-of-law concerns that mounted during Orbán’s Kremlin-aligned tenure. Magyar added that preliminary talks between his transition team and senior EU officials — which have already spanned two negotiation rounds — have proceeded smoothly, with both sides approaching discussions in a constructive spirit. “Political decisions” are now all that is required to move the process forward, he noted.

    Beyond the Covid recovery funds, Magyar is also pushing to unlock an additional €8 billion in frozen cohesion funding, bringing the total amount of suspended Hungarian aid seeking release to around €18 billion ($21 billion). Time is not on his side: the incoming Hungarian government faces a hard deadline of the end of August to implement required rule-of-law and governance reforms to secure the €10 billion in Covid recovery funds, or the allocation will be permanently forfeited.

    EU leaders have greeted Magyar’s election victory and rapid push for engagement with cautious optimism. The incoming prime minister’s super-majority control of the Hungarian parliament gives him the political capital needed to push through required reforms quickly — a luxury Orbán’s government never prioritized during years of standoffs with Brussels. European officials have been struck by the level of preparation and commitment from a transition team that has not yet formally taken power. “We’ve never seen such a level of commitment from a government that isn’t even in office yet,” Daniel Freund, a member of the European Parliament and longtime critic of Orbán, told Agence France-Presse. “It’s practically as if Hungary is rejoining the European Union.”

    As a potential early confidence boost for Magyar, Brussels is considering moving forward with approving €16 billion in preferential defense loans that were put on hold amid the standoff with Orbán in the lead-up to Hungary’s election. Still, some EU diplomats stress that concrete policy changes will be the only measure of genuine realignment in Budapest. “So far, wait and see,” one anonymous senior EU diplomat told reporters. “But that might change, considering all the good things he says and does.”

    Beyond domestic funding and rule-of-law reforms, EU leaders are also pushing for a major shift in Hungary’s policy toward Ukraine, where Orbán repeatedly blocked EU military aid for Kyiv, new sanctions on Russia, and progress on Ukraine’s EU accession bid during Moscow’s full-scale invasion. Magyar has already signaled a break from Orbán’s approach, announcing Tuesday that he plans to meet Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in June to “open a new chapter” in bilateral relations.

    Even before Magyar takes office, Orbán’s election defeat has already cleared long-standing logjams in EU policy toward Ukraine. Last week, the 27-member bloc approved a massive €50 billion macro-financial loan for Kyiv and a new package of sanctions on Russia — both measures that Orbán had blocked for months. EU member states now expect Magyar to lift Orbán’s remaining vetoes: unblocking billions in stalled EU military assistance for Ukraine, and removing Hungary’s objection to moving Ukraine to the next phase of its EU accession negotiations. While major EU powers have little appetite to rush Kyiv toward full membership in the near term, officials broadly agree that Ukraine is entitled to continue moving forward in the accession process.

  • Supreme Court limits use of race in drawing electoral maps

    Supreme Court limits use of race in drawing electoral maps

    The U.S. Supreme Court has delivered a landmark 6-3 ruling along ideological lines that places new limits on lawmakers’ ability to account for a state’s racial demographics when crafting congressional and legislative voting maps, a decision widely expected to reshape electoral politics across the American South.

    The case centered on a legal challenge to Louisiana’s newly drawn legislative districts, which had been designed to align with the Voting Rights Act of 1965, a pillar of the mid-20th century civil rights movement created to shield Black voters from systemic racial discrimination at the polls. The court’s conservative majority backed the challengers, a coalition of mostly white voters who argued that race-based districting violated the U.S. Constitution.

    Writing for the majority opinion, Justice Samuel Alito argued that past judicial interpretations of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act have at times compelled states to practice the same race-based discrimination that the Constitution prohibits. While the majority stopped short of granting challengers’ full demand to strike down the relevant provision of the Voting Rights Act as entirely unconstitutional, the new ruling creates far higher legal barriers for groups seeking to challenge maps that dilute the voting power of racial minorities. Going forward, litigants must prove that lawmakers intentionally drew district lines to reduce electoral opportunity for minority voters to successfully argue a Section 2 violation.

    The court’s three liberal justices issued a sharp dissent. In her dissenting opinion, Justice Elena Kagan called the decision a major setback for the foundational right to racial equality in electoral access that Congress enshrined in the Voting Rights Act.

    Partisan fights over redistricting have intensified in recent years, as both major U.S. political parties work to draw district boundaries that maximize their chances of securing control of congressional and state legislative majorities. The White House applauded the ruling, framing it as a win for all American voters. White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson stated in comments to CBS, a BBC partner, that a person’s skin color should not determine which congressional district they are assigned to, adding that the administration commended the court for ending what it called unconstitutional misuse of the Voting Rights Act and upholding civil rights protections.

    The ruling is already expected to have immediate tangible impacts across Republican-led Southern states. Florida is currently in the process of redrawing its own legislative maps in a move that Republicans hope will net the party additional U.S. House seats. Legal analysts say the new Supreme Court decision could clear the way for the state to further weaken the electoral position of incumbent Democrats representing districts with large minority populations. Other GOP-led states, including Tennessee and Mississippi, are also preparing to revisit their own districting maps in the coming weeks, with changes widely expected to follow the high court’s new guidelines.

  • UK expels Russian diplomat in retaliation for Moscow’s recent expulsion of a British official

    UK expels Russian diplomat in retaliation for Moscow’s recent expulsion of a British official

    LONDON – In a calibrated act of reciprocal retaliation against Moscow’s recent expulsion of a British diplomat and the subsequent public smear campaign against the UK, the United Kingdom announced the expulsion of a Russian diplomat on Wednesday. The UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed it summoned Russia’s ambassador to London to its headquarters to formally deliver notice of the “reciprocal action”, a move that comes as bilateral tensions between Russia and Western nations continue to escalate sharply.

  • Orban’s departure shuts China’s back door into the EU

    Orban’s departure shuts China’s back door into the EU

    Viktor Orban’s recent electoral loss in Hungary has dominated global political headlines, with most analysis fixated on what the shift means for European integration and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict. But what this coverage misses is a far-reaching strategic ripple effect: the unexpected disruption it could bring to China’s long-standing approach to influencing the European Union.

    For more than a decade, Orban’s Hungary served as a critical linchpin for Beijing’s EU strategy. By leveraging Hungary’s membership in the bloc and the EU’s rule of unanimity for key policy decisions, China was able to weaken collective European action on issues ranging from human rights to trade. Orban’s departure from power now forces a fundamental reexamination: can China still depend on exploiting internal EU divisions to maintain its regional influence?

    Beijing’s long-term strategy toward Europe has long centered on a “divide and conquer” framework, designed to prevent the 27-member bloc from forming a unified front against Chinese interests. At the broadest level, China has positioned itself as a critical economic partner and indispensable trade market for the EU as a whole, prioritizing stable macroeconomic ties. But behind this broad engagement, Beijing has worked quietly to nurture close bilateral relationships with individual member states that are willing to break with the Brussels consensus — and Orban’s Hungary was the most high-profile example of this model.

    The combination of Orban’s illiberal political orientation and the EU’s institutional structure, particularly its unanimity requirement for foreign policy decisions, created a unique opening that Beijing was quick to exploit. Over years of deepening engagement, the relationship grew far beyond routine diplomacy: Hungary became a trusted proxy for China within EU institutions, regularly acting as a brake on collective European responses to sensitive Beijing-related issues. On multiple occasions, Budapest blocked or watered down EU statements critical of China, including declarations addressing human rights concerns in Hong Kong. It also resisted efforts to impose stricter trade measures, such as anti-dumping tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles — a priority that became even more impactful when Hungary held the rotating EU presidency from July to December 2024.

    Economically, the partnership was equally strategic. Hungary became the first European nation to join China’s Belt and Road Initiative, allowing Beijing to use its central European location and EU membership as a gateway for Chinese goods to enter the single European market without friction. Hungary quickly emerged as a regional hub for Chinese manufacturing and infrastructure investment: Chinese capital poured into battery production, electric vehicle manufacturing, and cross-border transport links, moves that were as much about anchoring Beijing’s strategic presence in Europe as they were about commercial profit. For context, China is Hungary’s largest non-EU trading partner and its top source of foreign direct investment, with BRI investments creating more than 20,000 domestic jobs. Most recently, in December 2024, Chinese automaker BYD announced plans to build its first European passenger vehicle production base in the Hungarian city of Szeged, cementing this economic interdependence. In return, Orban reaped clear domestic political and economic benefits: Chinese investment supported growth, shored up his political base, and aligned with the ideological affinities between his illiberal governance model and China’s authoritarian system. The depth of the partnership was on full display during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s May 2024 visit to Budapest, where the two sides signed 18 bilateral agreements and formally upgraded ties to an “all-weather comprehensive strategic partnership” — a rare designation in Chinese diplomatic practice that signals exceptional closeness.

    This dual model — political leverage through EU institutional veto points, and strategic entrenchment through targeted economic investment — allowed China to maintain its influence even as the EU as a whole hardened its posture toward Beijing. In recent years, Brussels has formally labeled China a “systemic rival,” alongside its roles as economic partner and competitor, but turning this framing into concrete policy has been stymied repeatedly by divisions among member states, with Hungary as the most consistent blocker of unified action.

    Now, with Orban’s defeat, that dynamic is thrown into question. The expected incoming government led by Peter Magyar, who is broadly aligned with EU mainstream policy, signals a potential recalibration of Hungary’s foreign posture. While it is far too early to predict a full reversal of Hungary’s pro-Beijing policy, even incremental shifts toward Brussels could reshape EU decision-making on China. If Hungary is no longer willing to block EU initiatives or water down statements on China-related issues, collective action could become far easier. That said, deep divisions among other member states will persist: France and Germany, for example, still maintain strong economic ties to China and have previously resisted hardline EU policies, allowing Beijing to continue exploiting splits. Furthermore, the structural incentives that drove Sino-Hungarian cooperation — namely, the appeal of Chinese investment for domestic growth and job creation — have not disappeared. A new pro-EU government in Budapest may still choose to preserve key elements of the bilateral economic relationship.

    This means the most likely outcome of Orban’s defeat is not a sudden, clean break, but a period of gradual adjustment for both China and the EU. For Beijing, the shift will likely force a reworking of its European strategy, requiring it to diversify its network of aligned partners across the bloc and double down on other nations where economic ties can be converted into political leverage. For the EU, Orban’s departure creates an opportunity to build greater strategic coherence, though there is no guarantee of success. If member states can capitalize on the reduced risk of an internal veto, they may finally be able to implement a more consistent approach to China that balances economic engagement with concerns over security, technology, and human rights — a balance that has long eluded the bloc.

    Ultimately, the true significance of Orban’s electoral defeat lies not in immediate policy change, but in its potential to reshape the entire strategic landscape of China-EU relations. For more than a decade, Hungary served as a critical hinge between Beijing and Brussels, enabling China to navigate and exploit the EU’s internal divisions. As that hinge loosens, the long-standing dynamics of China-EU engagement stand to shift in meaningful ways. Whether the end result is a more unified European stance toward China or simply a new pattern of fragmentation depends on how both sides adapt to the new context. What is certain, however, is that China’s Europe strategy, built for decades on preventing a unified European coalition, can no longer rely on one of its most dependable partners — and change is now inevitable.

  • Men accused of being approached by Russian contact to attack Starmer-linked assets in London

    Men accused of being approached by Russian contact to attack Starmer-linked assets in London

    LONDON – As a high-stakes legal case got underway in a British court this week, prosecutors laid out detailed allegations that three foreign nationals were paid by an anonymous online contact to carry out a series of coordinated arson attacks targeting properties connected to United Kingdom Prime Minister Keir Starmer last year.

    Opening the trial on Wednesday, lead prosecutor Duncan Atkinson outlined the timeline of the alleged plot, which unfolded across north London over five days in May. The three defendants are identified as 22-year-old Ukrainian national Roman Lavrynovych, 35-year-old Ukrainian national Petro Pochynok, and 27-year-old Romanian citizen Stanislav Carpiuc. All three have formally denied the charges of conspiracy to commit arson brought against them.

    According to Atkinson’s account to the jury, the string of attacks began in the early hours of May 8, when a Toyota vehicle – previously owned by Starmer – was deliberately set on fire in the Kentish Town neighborhood. Three days later, on May 11, a blaze was ignited at a residential property on Ellington Road, a building managed by a firm where Starmer previously held a position as a director and shareholder. The final attack followed 24 hours later at a second home on Countess Road: a property still owned by Starmer, currently occupied by the prime minister’s sister-in-law.

    Atkinson emphasized that the sequence of targeted blazes was far from a random coincidence. “Three fires in the same area within five days would be pretty unusual. However, three fires all involving property linked to the same person were beyond a coincidence,” he told the court. All three fires were started using matching incendiary materials and set in the dead of night, when the occupants of the targeted properties would certainly be asleep, a detail Atkinson said proves the attackers intended to put lives at risk.

    Both occupied homes had residents who escaped harm after waking to detect smoke and flames, though the encounters were traumatic. On May 11, a top-floor resident of the divided Ellington Road property woke to the smell of smoke around 3 a.m. After opening his front door to find thick smoke filling the communal hallway, he was forced to retreat to the building’s roof to wait for emergency responders, struggling to breathe through the ordeal. The following morning, around 1 a.m. on May 12, Starmer’s sister-in-law heard loud popping bangs before seeing thick smoke pour through her front door and fill the home’s staircase. She also experienced respiratory distress, and her 9-year-old daughter was left severely frightened by the incident, Atkinson confirmed.

    Prosecutors confirm Lavrynovych is identified as the primary offender who set all three fires, while the other two defendants are charged as co-conspirators. Beyond the conspiracy count, Lavrynovych faces two additional charges of damaging property by fire, with intent to endanger life or reckless disregard for potential loss of life. Atkinson told the court that the plot was coordinated through the encrypted messaging platform Telegram, where Lavrynovych was promised payment for the attacks by an anonymous contact operating under the username “El Money,” described as a Russian-speaking contact. Court documents do not include details on the total amount of payment offered, and no fatalities or serious injuries were reported in connection with the blazes.

    Investigators have recovered more than 320 messages exchanged between Lavrynovych and “El Money” dating back to September 2024, but Atkinson instructed the jury that they do not need to determine the ultimate motivation for the alleged attacks, nor do they need to rule on the identity of the anonymous contact who organized the plot. It also does not matter whether the defendants themselves knew the targeted properties were connected to Starmer, Atkinson argued, as that question has no bearing on the conspiracy charges before the court.

  • Defying protocol, Trump relays details of private conversation with King Charles III

    Defying protocol, Trump relays details of private conversation with King Charles III

    LONDON – When King Charles III and Queen Camilla kicked off their high-stakes 2025 state visit to the United States, British officials were bracing for missteps. The trip came as U.S. President Donald Trump openly aired frustration with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer over the prime minister’s refusal to back American military actions in the ongoing Iran conflict. London’s core hope was that Charles’ warm personal rapport with Trump — a known admirer of the British monarchy — could smooth frayed bilateral ties and repair the growing diplomatic rift between the two allies.

    No one expected a major controversy, but few discounted the risk presented by Trump’s well-documented habit of ditching established diplomatic protocol. That risk became reality on the first night of the visit, during a formal state dinner held in the king and queen’s honor. Speaking to the assembled audience, Trump made an unusual disclosure: during a private closed-door meeting with King Charles earlier that day, he claimed the British monarch had explicitly agreed with his stance that Iran must never be permitted to develop a nuclear weapon.

    “We’re doing a little Middle East work right now … and we’re doing very well,” Trump told guests. “We have militarily defeated that particular opponent, and we’re never going to let that opponent ever — Charles agrees with me, even more than I do — we’re never going to let that opponent have a nuclear weapon.”

    While the core of Trump’s claim aligns with the long-held public position of both the British government and a majority of the British public, the off-the-cuff comment immediately sparked mild consternation among constitutional experts and political commentators across the United Kingdom. Longstanding unwritten constitutional convention holds that private conversations with the reigning monarch are never disclosed publicly. This norm exists for two key reasons: the British sovereign is required to remain strictly neutral and above partisan political debate, and crucially, the monarch has no right to enter public discourse to correct misquotations or clarify misattributed statements.

    Craig Prescott, a leading scholar of constitutional law and royal studies at Royal Holloway, University of London, explained the significance of the breach. “Generally, as a matter of protocol, I think I would expect discussions between heads of state to be sort of behind the scenes, in those closed meetings, for those to be sort of kept private,” he noted. “And, you know, this was something that the U.K. government wanted to avoid.”

    Buckingham Palace moved quickly to defuse tension, releasing a muted statement designed to contextualize Trump’s remarks without explicitly confirming or denying the president’s account. “The King is naturally mindful of his government’s long-standing and well-known position on the prevention of nuclear proliferation,” the palace said.

    Crucially, observers across the board have stressed that the incident is far from a major diplomatic crisis. The stance Trump attributed to Charles matches the official UK policy on Iranian nuclear proliferation exactly, eliminating most risk of lasting damage. Multiple analysts have echoed Prescott’s observation that the breach of protocol could have been far more severe. For weeks ahead of the visit, officials had worried that Trump might make more inflammatory comments, or share sensitive private exchanges via social media that would put the king in an truly untenable position.

    In fact, the first political segment of the state visit has been largely marked by success. Before the state dinner, King Charles delivered a widely praised address to a joint session of the U.S. Congress, where he celebrated the centuries-long special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom while openly acknowledging ongoing differences on issues ranging from NATO burden-sharing to support for Ukraine and global climate action. The speech drew multiple standing ovations from lawmakers, and even critics have noted it won broad positive reception in Washington.

    Now, the royal visit is shifting to lower-stakes territory as Charles and Camilla travel from Washington D.C. to New York City, where the official itinerary will center on celebrating the city’s creative industries, youth employment initiatives, and cultural exchange rather than high-stakes geopolitics. If Trump’s disclosure of the private conversation is the only controversy to emerge from the visit’s opening political phase, Prescott argues, the trip should still be considered a major win for both King Charles and the British government.

    “If this is the only controversy arising out of this phase of the state visit, I think overall this has been an enormous success for the king and the British government, because the king was able to make some quite pointed remarks in Congress and it hasn’t really yielded any sort of negative reaction from the president,” Prescott said. “In a sense, you get the feeling that the king rather charmed Washington with his speech to Congress and, you know, his very witty speech at the state banquet.”

  • Will King’s US visit make a political difference?

    Will King’s US visit make a political difference?

    The applause has faded, the state banquet tables have been cleared, and the pageantry that dominated evening news cycles has wrapped up. But as King Charles III and Queen Camilla close out their four-day state visit to the United States, one critical question lingers: what lasting impact will this historic royal trip have on the tense UK-US relationship, and how much of the ceremonial spectacle will translate to tangible political progress?

    Long before the King set foot on US soil, British diplomatic officials took a pragmatic stance on what the visit could realistically achieve. They openly acknowledged that a single royal tour could not fully reset the bilateral relationship, which has been strained by deep, unresolved divides over Iran’s nuclear program, NATO burden-sharing, support for Ukraine, trade policy, and repeated harsh public criticism from US President Donald Trump targeting UK opposition leader Keir Starmer. Instead of sweeping breakthroughs, diplomats set a more modest, immediate goal: to soften the sharp rhetorical tone and lower tensions between London and Washington.

    Sir David Manning, a former British ambassador to the US, framed the King’s role ahead of the visit in an interview with the BBC, describing him as a “stabiliser and a shock absorber” capable of fostering a more constructive environment for the UK government to re-engage the Trump administration on thorny bilateral issues. By that standard, the King appears to have delivered on his core mission.

    With a combination of natural charm and self-deprecating humour that many sitting British politicians would envy, King Charles used two high-profile addresses to praise the United States, its people, and its political leadership in a way that few domestic figures could pull off without drawing criticism. A standout diplomatic gesture was his thoughtful gift to President Trump: a historic ship’s bell from the HMS Trump, a move widely praised as a masterclass in soft-state diplomacy. Before a deeply politically polarised US audience, the King also offered a gentle, unifying reminder of the shared national identity that binds Americans together, describing the US as a “living mosaic” and celebrating both the UK and US as “vibrant, diverse and free societies.”

    That message of unity landed with even prominent Trump allies. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, a long-time supporter of the president, called the King’s address a “much needed morale boost” for US lawmakers, writing on social media: “Most members of Congress feel better after the speech than they did before. I will admit it was a bit odd that the unifying feeling had to come from the King of England… but so be it!”

    Beyond building warmth and improving tone, the King’s second core objective was to calm roiling diplomatic waters across the Atlantic by reframing long-standing disagreements in a broader historical context. He leaned into the idea that the strength of the UK-US partnership has always been proven by its ability to overcome difference, telling a joint meeting of Congress: “Ours is a partnership born out of dispute, but no less strong for it. We can perhaps agree that we do not always agree.” British diplomats hope this framing will help de-escalate current tensions over time.

    Beneath the warm anecdotes and playful humour, the King also made clear, firm arguments on core policy priorities that cut directly to key ideological divides with the Trump administration. He defended the value of the NATO alliance, noting it has stood with the US shoulder-to-shoulder since the 9/11 attacks and remains critical to addressing an increasingly unstable global order. He called for “unyielding resolve” in defending Ukraine and its courageous people, and made a point of praising the post-WWII international rules-based order – a framework that Trump and his top officials have repeatedly criticised and sought to undermine.

    The King cut to the core of his argument in a single, memorable line that challenged the foundation of Trump’s “America First” ideology: “The challenges we face are too great for any one nation to bear alone.” He repeated this core message throughout his visit, emphasising that the transatlantic partnership “based on twin pillars: Europe and America” is “more important today than it has ever been.” He urged both nations to resist calls for growing isolationism, framing his message as “Alliance First” rather than prioritising narrow national interest.

    The true test of this state visit will not be how smoothly the ceremonies, speeches, and public walkabouts went – and there have been small, expected hiccups along the way. Leaked private comments from UK Ambassador Sir Christian Turner questioning the long-touted “special relationship” made headlines, and Trump sparked a minor stir when he claimed the King agreed with his hardline position on Iran’s nuclear program. But these have amounted to little more than small bumps on the diplomatic road. It is also unlikely that the visit will put a permanent end to Trump’s public criticism of Keir Starmer; after all, the president has never shied away from picking public fights even with religious leaders like the Pope.

    The real legacy of the visit will hinge on whether the genuine personal warmth built between King Charles and President Trump can be translated into a more stable, productive working relationship between the two governments. Part of that depends on decisions from the UK side: whether British leaders will avoid politically popular cheap shots at Trump that erode trust, and whether the UK will follow through on commitments to increase defence spending to once again act as the capable independent security player it has been historically. As former White House Middle East adviser Brett McGurk, who served four US presidents, told CNN, no amount of royal soft power can ease US military leaders’ concerns about the UK’s declining hard defence capabilities. “If the King’s speech could actually translate into some shared interests and burden sharing, there is an opportunity. If you look at what’s happening with Ukraine, we really need the Brits – and their Navy with us in the Strait of Hormuz,” McGurk noted.

    Much of the outcome also rests with Trump and his administration: will the president and his team be swayed more by the King’s policy arguments than by his personal charm? Will they rediscover the strategic value of long-standing alliances, or will they continue to pursue an isolationist, go-it-alone foreign policy? For now, only time will tell whether the visit delivers tangible results. King Charles has already demonstrated his skill as a diplomat in his first major state visit to the US. Now it is up to elected politicians on both sides of the Atlantic to turn that diplomatic groundwork into meaningful progress.