作者: admin

  • ‘Genocidaires’ delight’: Israeli Ben & Jerry’s flavour sparks social media backlash

    ‘Genocidaires’ delight’: Israeli Ben & Jerry’s flavour sparks social media backlash

    A new Israel-exclusive ice cream flavor from the locally independent Ben & Jerry’s operation has ignited fierce online controversy, reigniting long-simmering tensions between the ice cream brand’s Vermont-based co-founders, its global parent company Unilever, and its Israeli licensee over the ongoing conflict in Gaza and Palestinian rights.

    Unveiled this week via the official X account of the Israeli government, the new flavor, dubbed “Milk and Honey,” has been framed as the country’s “official ice cream flavor,” with promotional materials noting that all proceeds from the product will go toward supporting communities in southern Israel. Every ingredient used in the new batch carries explicit regional ties: milk and cream are sourced from Kibbutz Alumim, a community located meters from the Gaza separation fence that was targeted in the October 7, 2023 attacks; the chocolate Star of David inclusions are produced at a facility in Be’er Sheva in the Negev (Naqab) desert; and the honey comes from beehives maintained at Kibbutz Yad Mordechai, another southern Israeli border community.

    Since the 2022 sale of Ben & Jerry’s Israeli operations to local licensee Avi Zinger, the franchise has operated entirely independently of the global Ben & Jerry’s brand, but the release of Milk and Honey has drawn sharp criticism from social media users worldwide, many of whom have tied the launch to Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza that has been widely condemned by international bodies and human rights groups. Critics have taken to social media to mock and condemn the flavor, with some editing product packaging to rename it “Genocidaires’ Delight,” while others left cutting comments such as “Mmm…tastes like genocide.” The release coincided with the publication of a new United Nations commission of inquiry report released the same week that concluded Israel has deliberately targeted Palestinian children and committed acts of genocide and war crimes in Gaza, as well as additional war crimes in the occupied West Bank. This finding aligns with multiple previous conclusions from leading genocide scholars, legal experts, and major global human rights organizations that have reached the same determination that Israel’s military campaign in Gaza amounts to genocide.

    Many social media commentators also highlighted the deep internal rift that has split the Ben & Jerry’s brand for years, noting that the global company’s co-founders and original board have repeatedly publicly endorsed Palestinian rights and have already labeled Israel’s war in Gaza a genocide. One commenter argued the new flavor was fittingly “the most Israeli ice cream in the sense that it was stolen from the original owners and Israelis are pretending it belongs to them.”

    The controversy is the latest chapter in a years-long dispute over the brand’s longstanding commitment to social justice activism, which its co-founders say has been systematically sidelined by parent company Unilever. The rift first opened in 2021, when co-founders Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield announced they would end sales of Ben & Jerry’s products in illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, and declined to renew their license agreement with the Israeli franchise. Unilever, which acquired the brand in 2000 under a merger agreement that guaranteed the co-founders autonomy to pursue social justice values, responded by selling the entire Israeli operation to Zinger, prompting the co-founders to file suit against the company for breach of contract. The suit was eventually settled for an undisclosed sum.

    Tensions escalated dramatically after the outbreak of the 2023 Gaza war. Ben & Jerry’s global leadership filed a second suit against Unilever, accusing the parent company of silencing its repeated attempts to speak out in support of Palestinian rights. The brand alleges it was blocked from issuing four separate public statements: one calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, one advocating for an end to U.S. military aid to Israel, one expressing support for pro-Palestinian student protesters on university campuses, and one calling for safe passage for Palestinian refugees fleeing Gaza to the United Kingdom. In 2025, co-founder Jerry Greenfield resigned from his position on the board, citing the complete erosion of the values-based autonomy he and Cohen had negotiated with Unilever, saying the company’s original mission had been fully silenced.

    Cohen has continued his campaign to “free” the brand from Unilever and its affiliate Magnum Ice Cream, and has become a high-profile activist calling for an end to the Gaza war. He was arrested in May 2025 during a protest against U.S. support for Israel at a U.S. Senate health committee hearing. Last year, he announced plans to release a watermelon-flavored ice cream — a well-known symbol of Palestinian solidarity — that would raise awareness of Palestinian suffering under occupation and call for permanent peace. Unilever blocked the planned release, prompting Cohen to announce he would produce the flavor independently.

    Middle East Eye reached out to Ben & Jerry’s Israel, Ben & Jerry’s USA, Cohen, Greenfield, and Zinger for comment on the new flavor and the ongoing controversy, and had not received responses at the time of publication.

  • Powerful 6.9-magnitude earthquake strikes off northern Japan. No tsunami warning

    Powerful 6.9-magnitude earthquake strikes off northern Japan. No tsunami warning

    A 6.9-magnitude seismic event shook the offshore area of Japan’s northern Iwate Prefecture on Thursday morning, prompting routine safety checks and emergency preparedness protocols across the country’s northeastern region, with no immediate reports of casualties or widespread destruction confirmed. The Japan Meteorological Agency (JMA) quickly issued an initial assessment, placing the quake’s depth at approximately 50 kilometers, or 31 miles, below the ocean floor. The United States Geological Survey matched JMA’s magnitude reading, aligning on the key details of the seismic activity.

    This tremor hit during the bustling morning commute, a time when millions of Japanese residents were traveling to work and school, and light shaking was even felt as far south as the capital city of Tokyo. Critically, the JMA confirmed immediately after the quake that there was no threat of a tsunami following the seismic shift.

    The epicenter sits in a seismically active zone that has seen multiple significant tremors in recent months. In December alone, a separate quake in the same broader region triggered a seven-day national advisory warning for potential large-scale seismic activity.

    Top Japanese government officials moved quickly to coordinate response efforts. Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara, the country’s top government spokesperson, confirmed that as of initial assessments, no injuries or structural damage had been documented. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi told reporters in Tokyo that the government’s emergency response task force had activated immediately, placing public safety as its top priority. The prime minister added that teams are actively collecting on-the-ground data and standing by to launch relief operations if any damage is reported. She also issued a public warning for residents across affected northeastern prefectures to remain alert for possible aftershocks in the coming hours and days.

    On-the-ground reports from local communities echoed the official assessment of no major harm. Tomoko Nagane, principal of a public elementary school in the Aomori Prefecture town of Hashikami, spoke to public broadcaster NHK about the experience. She said she was en route to the school when the national earthquake early alert system activated on her phone, and she felt sustained moderate lateral shaking while driving. All students who had already arrived at the campus were unhurt, she confirmed, though a number of young children cried out of fear during the tremor. School officials canceled classes for the remainder of the day, and all students were safely returned to their families by mid-morning.

    NHK correspondents reporting from two of the closest major population centers, Sendai and Morioka, told viewers they felt shaking that lasted roughly two minutes, but had not observed any visible damage to infrastructure during initial checks. Broadcast footage from the region showed commuters continuing their daily routines as normal shortly after the tremor passed.

    In line with standard safety protocols, East Japan Railway Co., which operates intercity and local rail services across the Tohoku region, temporarily halted service on several bullet train and local commuter lines to allow structural and safety inspections of tracks and infrastructure.

    One key reassurance came for facilities with major seismic risk: government spokesperson Kihara confirmed that all nuclear facilities in the affected area, including the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant – the site of the 2011 meltdown following a massive quake and tsunami – and a spent fuel reprocessing facility in Aomori Prefecture, had not recorded any abnormalities from Thursday’s tremor.

    Japan sits along the Pacific Ring of Fire, an active tectonic boundary that makes it one of the most earthquake-prone nations on Earth, with a highly developed early warning and emergency response system designed to reduce harm from regular seismic activity.

  • Back-to-back powerful earthquakes slam Venezuela, collapsing buildings in the capital of Caracas

    Back-to-back powerful earthquakes slam Venezuela, collapsing buildings in the capital of Caracas

    On a Wednesday evening, Venezuela was hit by two successive powerful seismic events that left a trail of structural damage in its capital city of Caracas, sending panicked residents fleeing into the streets. Data from the United States Geological Survey (USGS) confirms that the first tremor registered a magnitude of 7.1, with its epicenter located 168 kilometers west of Caracas, off the Caribbean coast near the small community of Morón. Shallow in its origin, the quake struck at a depth of just 13 kilometers below the Earth’s surface.

    Remarkably, only 60 seconds after the first shock hit, an even stronger quake followed. The second seismic event measured 7.5 in magnitude, originating at a depth of 10 kilometers just 16 kilometers southwest of Morón. Geologists note that these two quakes rank among the most powerful seismic events to strike the South American nation in more than 100 years, making them an extremely rare geological occurrence for the region.

    In response to the undersea tremors, the U.S. Pacific Tsunami Warning Center issued an initial tsunami warning for the U.S. Virgin Islands, while Dominican Republic authorities also activated a public alert for their territory. A separate warning issued for Puerto Rico was canceled shortly after assessment confirmed no imminent tsunami risk to the island.

    In Caracas, the violent shaking left multi-story buildings swaying violently, forcing thousands of residents and workers to evacuate immediately. Eyewitness accounts from the capital show many residents remained gathered outside hours after the quakes, visibly shaken by the destruction around them. Entire building walls have collapsed, leaving interior rooms and home furniture exposed to passersby on the street. Plumes of dust from damaged structures could be seen rising over two densely populated Caracas neighborhoods—areas that are normally filled with busy patrons at local restaurants and small businesses on a weekday evening.

    Venezuela’s Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello confirmed that the tremors were felt across multiple states, noting that the upscale Altamira neighborhood of Caracas faced particularly alarming scenarios, with multiple homes and commercial structures suffering partial or full collapse. Cabello confirmed that injuries had been reported, and issued a public appeal for motorists across the capital to clear roadways to make way for ambulances and emergency response vehicles heading to impacted areas.

    Speaking on state-run television, Cabello addressed public concerns over the response effort: “We understand that some people may be desperate, but we are acting according to established protocols to activate aid and rescue efforts to help those who need it most. Be very careful with children and the elderly; call each other and check that no one has been harmed.” He also urged the public to remain outside of damaged structures, warning that aftershocks could further weaken compromised buildings and cause additional collapses.

    Roberto Damas, a long-term Caracas resident who was out in the city during the quakes, described the experience as surreal: “The building really shook from side to side. Unreal. The force was incredibly strong. We were walking and it was tossing us around. Everything in the apartment fell. Well, thank God we were able to get out.”

    The reporting on this developing disaster was contributed by Garcia Cano, reporting out of Bogota, Colombia, as rescue and assessment efforts continue across Venezuela.

  • This woman fought for her disappeared father – now she faces life in jail

    This woman fought for her disappeared father – now she faces life in jail

    Thirty-three-year-old Mahrang Baloch, a doctor turned human rights activist and 2025 Nobel Peace Prize nominee, has been sentenced to life in prison by a Pakistani anti-terrorism court, in a ruling that has drawn global attention to the long-running crisis of enforced disappearances in Pakistan’s restive southwestern province of Balochistan.

    Mahrang’s journey into activism did not begin as a political mission, but as a deeply personal fight for justice. When she was just 16 years old in 2009, her father Abdul Ghaffar Langove, a local political activist, was allegedly taken into custody by Pakistani security forces and never seen alive again. Nearly three years later, his tortured, decomposed body was found dumped in an unmarked grave in Lasbela district. Speaking in her final interview with the BBC before her 2025 arrest, Mahrang described the devastating discovery: her father’s body was still clothed in the same tattered outfit he wore the day he was abducted, bearing clear marks of brutal abuse. The trauma of this loss would go on to shape every chapter of her adult life.

    The crisis that Mahrang dedicated her life to addressing is one of the most intractable human rights issues in South Asia. For more than two decades, thousands of ethnic Baloch people have vanished across the province, according to human rights activists and local campaigners. Many of these disappearances are alleged to be carried out by state security forces as part of a counterinsurgency strategy targeting separatist groups that have waged an armed movement for an independent Balochistan since the late 1940s. Critics say the practice is also used to suppress peaceful dissent over the region’s long-running grievances: Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by territory, holding vast reserves of natural gas, coal, copper, and gold, but it remains the country’s poorest and most underdeveloped region, with restricted access for outside journalists, crumbling infrastructure, and widespread shortages of basic necessities like clean water and electricity.

    Pakistani government officials have repeatedly denied allegations of systemic enforced disappearances. Senior leaders including Balochistan Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti argue that many reported missing people have joined separatist insurgent groups or left the province voluntarily, framing widespread claims of disappearances as “systematic propaganda” against the state. The government says roughly 80% of the more than 2,900 reported disappearance cases since 2011 have been resolved, while activists put the total number of missing people closer to 7,000. No independent body has been able to verify either figure. The crisis escalated dramatically after 2006, when prominent Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed in a military operation, sparking a surge in both insurgent attacks and state crackdowns.

    For Mahrang, the personal cost of this crisis deepened in 2017, when her brother was detained by security forces for nearly three months. “I had made my mother believe that what happened to my father wouldn’t happen to my brother. But it did,” she recalled. “I was scared of looking at my phone, because it might be news of my brother’s body being found somewhere.” That experience pushed her to step into formal leadership of the movement for missing persons. As a trained medical doctor, she rose to prominence through the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), an organization that campaigns against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings while advocating for greater local control over Balochistan’s natural resources.

    Over the next decade, Mahrang became the most recognizable face of the Baloch missing persons movement, leading massive peaceful protests, organizing a 1,600-kilometer long march from Balochistan to the capital Islamabad in 2023, and centering the voices of generations of Baloch women who have spent decades waiting for answers about their missing fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons. Despite facing repeated death threats, travel bans, and arrests, she built an international profile: she was named to the BBC’s 100 Women list in 2024, included in TIME magazine’s TIME100 Next list of emerging global leaders, and nominated for the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize for her human rights work.

    State officials have long accused Mahrang and the BYC of amplifying separatist narratives, allegations she consistently rejected. In her final pre-arrest interview, she emphasized her campaign was rooted in a demand for basic rights: “We want the right to live on our own land without persecution. We want our resources, our rights. We want this rule of fear and violence to end.”

    Mahrang was ultimately taken into custody in March 2025 while leading a protest in Quetta over the burial of 13 unclaimed bodies, which activists believe were missing Baloch people. Authorities claimed the dead were militants killed after a train hijacking in the Bolan Pass, a claim that could not be independently verified. On Monday, the anti-terrorism court convicted Mahrang and fellow activist Sibghatullah Shah of terrorism, sedition, and murder in connection with the 2024 death of a paramilitary soldier during a protest in Gwadar. Both activists deny all charges, and their legal team says they will appeal the verdict.

    Nadia Baloch, Mahrang’s sister and a member of her legal team, told the BBC the trial was fundamentally unfair. “It was not transparent,” she said, explaining that the court replaced the family’s chosen legal team with state-appointed lawyers after the family demanded an open public trial, and denied Mahrang access to witness statements and other key evidence. “She was not given a chance to a fair trial.” Nadia added that the family remains defiant in the fight to overturn the verdict, even as she acknowledged the emotional toll of the conviction: “I don’t have the courage to see her in prison, because I feel I have failed her by not getting Mahrang justice.”

    Authorities maintain the conviction is based on criminal conduct, not political activism, and frame the case as a law enforcement matter. But Mahrang’s supporters and family view the life sentence as an attempt to silence widespread dissent in Balochistan. Before her arrest, Mahrang said she had long accepted that imprisonment was a possible outcome of her work, and she did not fear it. According to her family, she remains resolute in prison, and her message to supporters remains unchanged: the struggle for justice will continue.

  • Philippines bans Gorebox gaming app after high school shooting

    Philippines bans Gorebox gaming app after high school shooting

    A horrific mass shooting at a Philippine high school that left three students dead and 20 more wounded has triggered an immediate government response, including a temporary ban on the ultra-violent video game Gorebox linked to one of the underage suspects.

    The attack, which unfolded on Monday at San Jose National High School in Tacloban, a city in southeastern Manila still known for the devastating 2013 Super Typhoon Haiyan that killed thousands, marks a deeply unusual incident in the country: while gun-related crime occurs regularly, mass school shootings carried out by minors are extremely rare. Police have confirmed the two attackers are aged 15 and 14, with the younger suspect documented as an active player of Gorebox, a first-person shooter developed by German studio F2Games.

    According to the game’s own listing on Google Play, Gorebox markets itself as a space where “creativity meets unrestrained destruction”, allowing players to “obliterate anything [they] desire” and engage in brutal combat using a wide arsenal of firearms and explosives. The International Age Rating Coalition has already assigned Gorebox an R18 rating, restricting it exclusively to adult players due to its extremely violent, explicit and unregulated content. Philippine law enforcement say the 14-year-old suspect had been sharing violent content online, and investigators believe he was “heavily influenced” by violent online materials.

    Within days of the shooting, Philippine cybersecurity authorities ordered the temporary block of Gorebox to facilitate a full investigation into any connection between the game and the attackers’ actions. “We cannot ignore possible online influences that may have contributed to this tragic incident,” the national cyber-security agency stated. Aboy Paraiso, undersecretary at the country’s Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Centre, explained that the temporary restriction will give authorities time to complete a thorough assessment of whether the game platform played any role in radicalizing the suspects. The BBC has reached out to F2Games for official comment on the allegations, and to date no conclusive scientific research has established a direct causal link between video game play and real-world violent behavior.

    Legal proceedings and follow-up investigations have already moved forward. As of Tuesday evening, murder charges have been formally filed against the 15-year-old suspect. Under Philippine juvenile justice rules, the 14-year-old suspect is too young to face criminal charges. Investigations into how the minors obtained their weapons have also revealed damning gaps in gun regulation: the 9mm pistol the younger suspect used belonged to his aunt, a serving policewoman who has since been suspended from duty, while the .38 caliber weapon carried by the 15-year-old was registered to his grandfather’s private security firm. A preliminary investigation into the attackers’ motives found the pair claimed they had endured prolonged bullying at the school, and all evidence collected so far indicates the attack was carefully planned. The suspects locked themselves in a school bathroom before carrying out the shooting, according to Philippine National Police spokesman Allan Rae Co.

    A close friend of the 15-year-old suspect, who spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity, described the teen as unusually tense and unwilling to let insults from bullies go unchallenged. He often got into physical fights with peers who targeted him, and rejected advice to walk away from confrontations. The friend noted that the teen adopted military-style hairstyles and clothing, and appeared to have extensive knowledge of firearms, a likely influence from his grandfather’s work in the security industry. “I couldn’t think that someone could do such a heinous thing,” the friend told reporters.

    The shooting has already sparked urgent calls for policy reform across the Philippines. Party-list congressman Chel Diokno of the Akbayan party is pushing for harsher penalties for any individual or entity that enables minors to access illegal firearms. Philippine senators have announced they will resume a stalled investigation into the impact of violent online content on youth mental health and behavior. Senator Risa Hontiveros argued that unregulated online platforms have become “nests for brainwashing and radicalising our youth”, stressing that authorities cannot wait for another tragedy to act. Joy Belmonte, mayor of the populous Quezon City, called for a national review of school security protocols, noting that regular active shooter drills and simulations are needed to prepare students and staff for potential incidents. Education Secretary Sonny Angara echoed these concerns, saying the government does not want to see the kind of repeated copycat school shooting incidents that have become a public health crisis in the United States take root in the Philippines.

    This incident remains the deadliest school shooting involving minors in recent Philippine history, and it comes more than 15 years after the country’s worst ever mass shooting: the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, where a local mayor and his allies killed 58 people, most of them journalists covering a political dispute.

  • Top Australian TV star to leave job after Tommy Robinson interview, reports say

    Top Australian TV star to leave job after Tommy Robinson interview, reports say

    One of Australia’s most recognizable and highest-paid television personalities is on the brink of departing his long-running role at a major national broadcaster, following intense public and industry backlash over a controversial podcast interview with a British far-right extremist. For nearly 20 years, Karl Stefanovic has been the face of Nine Entertainment’s flagship morning breakfast program *Today*, becoming a household name across the country and building a reputation as a working-class, larrikin-style media figure. Now, multiple local Australian outlets have confirmed that network executives are in active negotiations to end Stefanovic’s contract months before it was set to expire at the end of 2025.

    The catalyst for the current crisis came in early June 2025, when Stefanovic released a new episode of his self-produced independent podcast featuring an interview with Tommy Robinson, real name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, a far-right British activist with a long history of anti-Muslim rhetoric and criminal convictions. Within hours of the episode going live, it was pulled offline after a wave of public outrage and threats from advertisers to pull spending from Nine’s platforms. The episode drew particular condemnation after promotional clips emerged showing Stefanovic praising Robinson’s “tenacity” and “courage” for his political views, and using a crude, offensive slur to describe outgoing UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer while posing with Robinson.

    Nine Entertainment, one of Australia’s two largest commercial broadcasting groups, moved quickly to separate itself from Stefanovic’s project this week. In an official statement to the BBC, a network spokesperson emphasized that *The Karl Stefanovic Show* podcast is a fully independent venture with no network involvement in guest selection, editorial decisions, or production. “Nine has no involvement, including in the guest selection and other editorial processes. However, Nine is taking this matter seriously,” the spokesperson said.

    This is not the first time Stefanovic has weathered scandal during his decades-long tenure at Nine. The 51-year-old presenter has previously made headlines for public missteps: he once appeared visibly intoxicated on air following an industry awards ceremony, and was forced to apologize on-air after a private conversation in an Uber was leaked, in which he insulted his *Today* co-host. He stepped down temporarily from the role in 2018 amid falling ratings and intense tabloid scrutiny of his personal life, but returned to the hosting chair just 12 months later. He won Australia’s most prestigious television honor, the Gold Logie Award for Most Popular Presenter, in 2011, capping his rise to become the country’s highest-paid news anchor.

    In the months since he launched the independent podcast in January 2025, pressure has been building on both Stefanovic and Nine. The podcast has featured a string of controversial guests from across the political spectrum, and Stefanovic’s own comments on divisive issues including alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan, so-called “woke” culture, and COVID-19 vaccination policies have drawn ongoing criticism. Internal tensions at Nine have also grown, with multiple network journalists raising concerns that Stefanovic’s podcast was damaging Nine’s reputation as a credible news organization. By mid-week, multiple major advertisers had publicly expressed their displeasure with the interview, pushing network leadership to move toward a negotiated exit.

    As of Wednesday, Stefanovic remains on leave and is currently in London, and his representatives have not yet responded to requests for comment on the impending departure. The Sydney Morning Herald, a Nine-owned masthead, confirmed the negotiations following the initial report from *The Australian*, marking a swift end to one of the longest and most high-profile careers in modern Australian television.

  • Who is the African World Cup goalscorer older than Ronaldo and Messi?

    Who is the African World Cup goalscorer older than Ronaldo and Messi?

    As the 2026 FIFA World Cup unfolds, modern football legends Cristiano Ronaldo and Lionel Messi continue to add new chapters to their already unparalleled legacies, breaking countless tournament records along the way. Yet one iconic all-time record still remains out of their reach, held decades ago by Cameroonian football great Roger Milla.

    Ronaldo made history when he netted the opening goal in Portugal’s second group-stage clash against Uzbekistan, becoming the second-oldest goalscorer in the 96-year history of the men’s FIFA World Cup. Scoring at 41 years and 138 days, the Portuguese superstar edged Argentina’s Lionel Messi, who turned 39 just two days before his 2026 tournament goal, down from third to fourth place on the exclusive list of the tournament’s oldest goalscorers. Messi scored against Austria at 38 years and 363 days, still far ahead of other veterans but short of both Milla and Ronaldo’s benchmarks.

    At the very top of the ranking remains Roger Milla, whose record has stood for more than 30 years. Milla, who made his first World Cup appearance at the 1982 Spain finals, catapulted to global fame at Italia 1990, when he scored four goals to lead the Indomitable Lions of Cameroon to the quarter-finals — the first African men’s team ever to reach that stage of the World Cup. His iconic corner flag celebration dance became a global football trademark, cementing his status as a trailblazer for African football.

    Four years later, at the 1994 World Cup hosted by the United States, Milla extended his historic record. He found the back of the net against Russia from 8 yards out at 42 years and 39 days, a mark that has never been beaten in the three decades since. Even with his landmark 2026 goal, Ronaldo still sits more than 200 days younger than Milla’s record, leaving the Cameroonian icon’s place at the top untouched for now.

    The 2026 tournament has already seen a wave of veteran players climb the rankings, with several stars still in contention to overtake Messi’s current fourth place. Bosnia-Herzegovina striker Edin Dzeko and Croatian midfield maestro Luka Modric are both 40 years old, and either would jump above Messi with a single goal in the remaining matches. Japan centre-back Yuto Nagamoto is nine months older than Messi, though he has yet to make an appearance at this year’s tournament. Even a handful of veteran goalkeepers are older than Messi, including Germany’s Manuel Neuer, Cape Verde’s Vozinha and Uruguay’s Fernando Muslera. However, no goalkeeper has ever scored in the 22 editions of the World Cup held since the inaugural tournament in 1930, making a breakthrough from that group highly unlikely.

    Austria’s 37-year-old Marko Arnautovic has already secured his spot in the top 10, thanks to a late match-winning penalty against Jordan in the group stage. His strike at 37 years and 58 days puts him eighth on the all-time list.

    For now, Milla’s long-standing record looks likely to remain intact for the foreseeable future. The only chance it could fall in the coming years would be if Ronaldo or Messi choose to extend their careers all the way to the 2030 World Cup, which will be co-hosted by their home nations of Portugal and Argentina, alongside Morocco and Spain. Given the two superstars’ relentless dedication to the game few would count them out from making one more run at history.

    The full top 10 list of the oldest goalscorers in FIFA World Cup history is as follows:
    1. Roger Milla (Cameroon): 42 years 39 days, vs Russia, 28 June 1994
    2. Cristiano Ronaldo (Portugal): 41 years 138 days, vs Uzbekistan, 23 June 2026
    3. Pepe (Portugal): 39 years 283 days, vs Switzerland, 6 December 2022
    4. Lionel Messi (Argentina): 38 years 363 days, vs Austria, 22 June 2026
    5. Gunnar Gren (Sweden): 37 years 236 days, vs Germany, 24 June 1958
    6. Cuauhtemoc Blanco (Mexico): 37 years 151 days, vs France, 17 June 2010
    7. Felipe Baloy (Panama): 37 years 120 days, vs England, 24 June 2018
    8. Marko Arnautovic (Austria): 37 years 58 days, vs Jordan, 17 June 2026
    9. Obdulio Varela (Uruguay): 36 years 279 days, vs England, 26 June 1954
    10. Martin Palermo (Argentina): 36 years 227 days, vs Greece, 22 June 2010

  • Banned swimmer’s daughters to realise family’s Commonwealth Games dream

    Banned swimmer’s daughters to realise family’s Commonwealth Games dream

    Forty years after political upheaval stole her chance at a Commonwealth Games gold medal, Annette Cowley Nel is set to watch her twin daughters step onto the very Scottish stage she was never allowed to compete on, closing one of sport’s most emotional chapters of generational healing.

    In 1986, Edinburgh played host to the Commonwealth Games that would become far more remembered for political protest than sporting glory. Thirty-two nations across Africa, Asia and the Caribbean boycotted the event to oppose then-UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s refusal to impose economic sanctions on South Africa’s brutal apartheid regime, which enforced state-led racial segregation and barred South African athletes from most international competition.

    Then 19-year-old Annette Cowley, a South African native who qualified to compete for England through her mother’s heritage, was already a British champion and one of the clear favorites to take gold in the 100m freestyle. A rising talent who split her time studying in Texas, U.S. and racing across the U.K. in the summer, she had done everything required to earn her spot at the Games. But as the boycott pushed the event to the brink of financial collapse, and media tycoon Robert Maxwell stepped in with controversial backing to rescue the competition, pressure mounted on organizers to appease protesting nations.

    In a move widely seen as a political concession, officials banned Cowley and fellow white South African athlete Zola Budd from competing, citing technical residency rule violations despite Cowley being a legal British citizen. On the eve of her race, police escorted her out of the athletes’ village, and her lifelong dream of a Commonwealth Games medal ended before it began. She watched from the stands as Canadian Jane Kerr won gold with a time slower than Cowley had posted in qualifying. The disappointment left her disillusioned with competitive swimming; when apartheid ended and she sought selection for South Africa at the 1992 Olympics, she was passed over because of her prior representation of England.

    Looking back on the era, Cowley Nel calls apartheid a “terrible time” for South Africa, and says she personally supported equality for all. While she acknowledges the enormous positive progress the country has made in the decades since apartheid fell, she still expresses frustration that all South African athletes of the era were lumped together and punished regardless of their individual beliefs. That youthful hardship, though, shaped her resilience: “I had a lot to deal with at a young age, and that stood me in good stead for life,” she said.

    Now, four decades on, the 2026 Commonwealth Games return to Scotland, this time hosted in Glasgow. When the Games open next month, they will fall on the 24th birthday of twins Georgia and Olivia Nel, Cowley Nel’s daughters, who have both been named to South Africa’s official swimming team. For the Nel family, the moment is a full-circle emotional reckoning decades in the making.

    Olivia, who already has 2022 Birmingham Commonwealth Games experience under her belt, says the family history adds extra meaning to the moment. “I do it for myself, I do it for my family, but having that history really makes me so much more inclined to want to do it and represent my country and to do well,” she said, noting that holding the Games in Scotland makes the moment “quite special.”

    For Georgia, it will be her first appearance at the Commonwealth Games. She called the opportunity to compete alongside her sister, and step into the spot their mother was forced to leave empty, “a really unique opportunity.” “I’m very grateful not only to represent South Africa, but to represent her at these Commonwealth Games,” she said, adding that she often gets emotional thinking about her mother’s hard work cut short by politics.

    The sisters could even share the pool together, with a strong chance both will compete in the women’s 4x100m freestyle relay. Annette Cowley Nel and her husband Jeremy will be in the Glasgow stands to watch, and she says the moment is beyond anything she could have imagined four decades ago. “It is incredibly special that they have both made the Commonwealth Games,” she said. “It will be quite an emotional moment.”

  • Palace in the Mist: The inside story of the 1908 Young Turk revolution

    Palace in the Mist: The inside story of the 1908 Young Turk revolution

    For history enthusiasts and casual readers alike, few experiences match the excitement of gaining exclusive, behind-the-scenes access to the hidden inner workings of one of humanity’s most influential imperial dynasties. That rare opportunity has arrived with the July 3 release of *Palace in the Mist*, a new work by Ayse Osmanoglu — a professional writer, and a direct member of the House of Osman, the ruling family of the Ottoman Empire.

    Osmanoglu, who currently resides in England, carries unmatched ancestral context for this project: she is a direct descendant of two Ottoman sultans, Murad V and Mehmed Resad, and her grandfather was an imperial prince forced into exile from Istanbul in 1924, when Turkish Republic founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk formally abolished the Ottoman caliphate. This unique lineage puts her in an unparalleled position to chronicle the final, turbulent era of the Ottoman Empire.

    Set against the transformative upheaval of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, *Palace in the Mist* tells the deeply personal story of Osmanoglu’s own ancestors within the imperial palaces of Istanbul. The work occupies a rare middle ground between narrative fiction and rigorous academic history: every central figure in the book is a real historical person, and Osmanoglu went to extraordinary lengths to ensure all portrayals adhere strictly to the historical record. While this commitment to avoiding unsubstantiated embellishment occasionally leaves supporting characters feeling less developed than they might be in a conventional novel, critics note this small trade-off is more than justified by the book’s extraordinary accuracy and authentic voice.

    Osmanoglu draws on one-of-a-kind source material that no outside scholar could easily access: obscure contemporary memoirs written by people who lived through the era, plus oral histories of the imperial family passed down directly to her through generations. In the book’s opening, she explains that during her childhood, her paternal grandparents and great-aunts and uncles shared countless stories of the dynasty’s final decades, and she committed these intimate anecdotes to memory to preserve them for future readers. “They gave me a precious insight into what life was like for the people who lived in the Ottoman palaces at the turn of the 20th century,” she writes.

    To ground the narrative, Osmanoglu begins by recapping the decades of political tension that led to the revolution: In 1876, a reformist faction called the Young Ottomans launched a coup against Sultan Abdulaziz, deposing him and installing his liberal nephew Prince Murad — Osmanoglu’s direct ancestor — as the new sultan. Plagued by paranoia that others would accuse him of conspiring against Abdulaziz, Murad suffered a severe nervous breakdown, was deemed unfit to rule, and was replaced by his younger brother, who took the throne as Sultan Abdulhamid II in September 1876.

    Though Abdulhamid initially accepted a constitution and established a parliament, he soon grew authoritarian, dissolved the legislative body, arrested political dissenters, and even imprisoned members of his own family who he saw as threats. That included Murad and his son Prince Mehmed Selahaddin, who were confined to the so-called “gilded cage” of Istanbul’s Ciragan Palace for 28 years.

    *Palace in the Mist* picks up its narrative in the final years of Abdulhamid’s iron-fisted rule, with Osmanoglu reconstructing this history through vivid prose and meticulous attention to sensory detail. She paints a clear portrait of the sultan, noting his “crisp white linen shirt and navy-blue trousers” and the gold buttons of his custom jacket, and captures his growing paranoia in a small, revealing moment: “The world moves against me,” he whispers, waving a pistol through an empty room.

    Betrayal and popular revolt stand as the book’s central themes. Young Turk revolutionaries, including key protagonist Captain Hafiz Ismail Hakki, grapple with the moral weight of betraying the sitting sultan to build a democratic constitutional monarchy. Political intrigue permeates every chapter, seen in one iconic scene where masked rebels gather around a table holding “the Qu’ran and the revolver, gleaming ominously in the golden light.”

    Beyond high politics, Osmanoglu devotes significant attention to the often-overlooked private lives of women in the Ottoman imperial family, many of whom lived in forced confinement. Readers meet Princess Rukiye, Murad’s granddaughter, who secretly reads the Sherlock Holmes novels that Arthur Conan Doyle gifted to Abdulhamid, and the tragic Princess Hadice, Murad’s daughter, whose illicit romantic correspondence with a young officer named Kemaleddin Pasha leads to her public disgrace and his exile; when he finally returns to Istanbul decades later, she refuses to meet him.

    Osmanoglu also brings the opulence of late imperial palace life to life, describing glittering parties held under high ceilings where “chandeliers dripped with countless crystals.” In this rarefied, privileged world, “the scent of oud and musk clung to the tailored frock coats” of princes and politicians sipping sherbet and “cardamom-scented coffee,” all to the accompaniment of the “soft melodies of the Imperial orchestra.”

    The book’s turning point arrives in July 1908, when Young Turk forces compel Abdulhamid to reinstate the 1876 constitution and reconvene parliament. At the most critical moment, the empire’s highest religious authority, the sheikh-ul-islam, sides with the revolutionaries. When asked to issue a religious ruling declaring the insurgency illegal, he tells a stunned Abdulhamid that “the Constitution accords with Sharia… To refuse it would be to defy Divine law.” With that ruling, the sultan’s absolute power is broken, and parliament gains the authority to hold the monarchy accountable.

    The political shift frees Murad’s imprisoned family from their long confinement, but the new era of reform proves short-lived. Osmanoglu introduces readers to Ali Kemal, a liberal journalist and ancestor of former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who declares boldly, “They may silence a man, but never an idea. If ink is treason, let the gallows be our pressroom.”

    Many leading Young Turks, however, favored a centralized, bureaucratic state over the decentralized model reformers had initially promised. Prince Sabahaddin, the revolutionary son of Abdulhamid’s sister, argued unsuccessfully that “it is essential that the provinces be given autonomy if the Empire is to survive,” and lost the internal debate. Ultimately, the revolution is betrayed from all sides: an uprising led by disgruntled soldiers and madrasa students erupts, the Young Turk leadership consolidates power into a new authoritarian regime and crushes the rebellion, and Abdulhamid is accused of appeasing the mutineers, deposed, and exiled from Istanbul. “Allah and history will bear witness that I have served the State faithfully,” he insists before leaving. Osmanoglu’s ancestor, Mehmed Resad, is installed as the new sultan, with far more chaos and bloodshed still waiting for the empire in the years ahead.

    Critically, the work is widely praised as beautifully written and carefully constructed, moving seamlessly between high-stakes imperial politics and intimate family drama to create an extraordinary literary achievement. Osmanoglu has delivered a truly insider account of the dynasty’s final years, and the work is considered essential reading for anyone with an interest in Ottoman history. *Palace in the Mist: The Ottoman Dynasty Chronicles* by Ayse Osmanoglu is available in both paperback and hardcover editions starting July 3.

  • Congress has told Trump to stop the Iran war, will it matter?

    Congress has told Trump to stop the Iran war, will it matter?

    A high-stakes constitutional clash has erupted in Washington D.C. after the United States Congress passed a war powers resolution aimed at forcing former President Donald Trump to halt any unauthorized military action against Iran that could escalate into a full-scale conflict. The move marked a rare moment of bipartisan pushback against executive authority on military matters, as lawmakers from both major parties raised alarms over rising tensions in the Persian Gulf that threatened to draw the U.S. into another costly Middle Eastern war.

    BBC senior White House correspondent Gary O’Donoghue has broken down why this specific congressional resolution triggered such a sharp reaction from the then-sitting president. At its core, the resolution represented a direct challenge to Trump’s claims of broad executive power to launch military operations without formal congressional approval, a long-running point of contention between the legislative and executive branches that predates his administration.

    For Trump, the rebuke from Capitol Hill was not just a policy disagreement—it was a public insult to his authority as commander-in-chief, undermining his leverage in ongoing diplomatic and military posturing against the Iranian government. Even as many political analysts question whether the resolution will have any tangible practical impact, given its limited enforcement mechanisms and the president’s willingness to push back against congressional constraints, its symbolic significance cannot be overstated. It exposed growing unease among lawmakers across the political spectrum about the risk of an open-ended war in Iran, and set a precedent for future congressional efforts to rein in unilateral military action by future presidents.