作者: admin

  • ‘Sad ending’: Jesse Ramien’s Sharks career over in huge finals blow

    ‘Sad ending’: Jesse Ramien’s Sharks career over in huge finals blow

    Two of the National Rugby League’s most notable departing players are facing uncertain final chapter outcomes this week, after fresh injury updates rocked the Brisbane Broncos and Cronulla Sharks respectively. For Brisbane Broncos’ legendary captain and halfback Adam Reynolds, a last-minute push to take the field one final time before retirement is now on a knife-edge, after a new training injury has derailed his comeback timeline.

    The 36-year-old two-time NRL premiership winner, who is set to hang up his boots at the close of the 2024 season, has not appeared in a match since he was carried off early in Brisbane’s round 22 defeat to the Newcastle Knights. The club has long held hopes that their veteran playmaker would get a fairy-tale send-off in front of a home crowd at Brisbane’s iconic Suncorp Stadium, when the defending premiers host the Melbourne Storm in round 26.

    Those plans suffered a major setback on Wednesday, when Reynolds sustained a calf strain during a team training session. Follow-up scans conducted at the Clive Berghofer Centre’s Qscan facility confirmed the injury is a grade 1 strain of the soleus muscle in his right calf, the Broncos confirmed in an official statement Wednesday. “His return-to-play timeline will be determined on a week-by-week basis,” the club added, leaving Reynolds just weeks to prove his fitness ahead of the season’s close. Brisbane closes out their regular season with an away match against the Canterbury-Bankstown Bulldogs in Sydney after their round 26 home clash, leaving only two possible matches for the halfback to make his farewell appearance.

    While Reynolds still retains a narrow pathway to return, another departing NRL star has already seen his season and club tenure come to an abrupt early end. Cronulla Sharks centre Jesse Ramien, who is set to move to the North Queensland Cowboys ahead of the 2027 season, has played his final game in black, white and blue after undergoing surgery to repair a torn pectoral muscle.

    Ramien suffered the injury during Cronulla’s clash against the St. George Illawarra Dragons on Sunday, and underwent initial scans on Monday to assess the damage. After consultation with a specialist, the club and player agreed that surgical intervention was the best course of action to support his long-term recovery, ending his 2024 season and his overall tenure with the Sharks immediately.

    Over his career with Cronulla, Ramien has built an impressive legacy: the 29-year-old proud Indigenous athlete has notched 167 appearances for the club, notching 104 wins, 60 tries, and 39 assists while serving as a respected role model in the community and a beloved teammate in the dressing room. The Sharks confirmed Ramien will remain with the club in a behind-the-scenes support role through the upcoming finals series, where 24-year-old Mawene Hiroti will step into Ramien’s spot on the right edge of Cronulla’s backline. The club will honor Ramien and give fans a chance to farewell the star at their final home game of the regular season.

  • Alpine resorts’ snowmaking equipment may be put to work fighting summer forest fires

    Alpine resorts’ snowmaking equipment may be put to work fighting summer forest fires

    Under the blazing August sun that has settled over the Swiss Alps, the slopes above Adelboden lie bare and golden, with not a patch of natural snow or a single skier in sight. Yet what has long been a winter-only ski infrastructure is being tapped for an urgent new purpose: as Europe grapples with increasingly severe heatwaves and prolonged droughts, the Adelboden-Lenk ski resort is repurposing its massive snowmaking network to help fight the growing threat of wildfires.

    Decades of human-caused climate change have transformed the Alpine landscape dramatically. Glaciers across the region and throughout Switzerland are retreating at alarming rates, and natural snowfall has become increasingly sparse and unpredictable. For mid-altitude resorts like Adelboden-Lenk, whose 125 miles of slopes sit between 1,000 and 2,300 meters above sea level, this shift has already forced major adaptation: today, roughly 70% of the snow covering its pistes every winter is produced artificially.

    The artificial snow system relies on more than just the visible snow cannons and lances that dot the slopes. Beneath the surface lies an extensive hidden network: tens of kilometers of buried water pipes connected to multiple reservoirs that collect rainwater and glacial melt during warm months, storing the resource to produce snow when winter arrives. Now, resort leaders say this existing infrastructure could be a critical tool for wildfire prevention and response as dry conditions raise fire risk across the country.

    “We can provide meaningful support to firefighters through our existing infrastructure,” explained Jürg Klopfenstein, who oversees the resort’s snowmaking operations. “While the snow cannons themselves have limited uses—they can mostly be used to wet down surrounding vegetation and protect nearby infrastructure—our pipes, pumps, and reservoirs offer far more value. Firefighters can tap into our network directly, and helicopter water bombers can refill their tanks from our stored water supplies.”

    In the event of an approaching wildfire, the connected system can also be used to create wet fuel breaks, or buffer zones, that slow the spread of flames. This buys valuable time for ground emergency crews and aerial support to reach the remote mountain area, which draws thousands of hikers, mountain bikers, trail runners, and paragliders to the region during the summer months.

    So far in 2024, Switzerland has avoided the large-scale destructive wildfires that have devastated parts of neighboring countries across southern and central Europe. But the entire nation, including the Bern region where Adelboden is located, is currently facing severe drought, and official wildfire risk assessments classify most of the country as high risk.

    While the Alpine ecosystem does not face the exact same fire risk as the drier Mediterranean regions of southern Europe, resort operations manager Stefan Buchs emphasized that the threat cannot be ignored. “Different vegetation and varying soil moisture mean we can’t directly map southern Europe’s large fire events onto the Alps, but widespread wildfire is still a very plausible scenario here,” Buchs noted. “We’ve worked closely with local fire crews on this plan, and they agree that the risk is growing. Even in spring, conditions get far drier than they used to, not just in the peak of summer.”

    Adelboden Mayor Willy Schranz echoed the need for proactive preparation, saying, “We have to get ready now, because this won’t be the last hot, dry summer we face.”

    Still, climate experts warn that this adaptive measure is only a short-term solution, not a fix for the broader impacts of climate change. Nathan Solothurnmann, a climate change specialist with the environmental organization Greenpeace, cautioned against overstating the long-term value of repurposing snow infrastructure for wildfire response.

    “The system Adelboden is putting in place will certainly help in the near term, but the climate changes we are confronting are far more severe,” Solothurnmann said. “Adaptations like this only buy us time, they don’t address the root of the problem. What’s more, this kind of extensive pre-built water network is rare across Switzerland. Most Alpine forest areas don’t have a ready-made network of underground pipes to tap into when a fire breaks out.”

  • Putin can no longer claim victory in Ukraine, Nobel Peace Prize winner tells BBC

    Putin can no longer claim victory in Ukraine, Nobel Peace Prize winner tells BBC

    Once Russia’s most prominent beacon of independent investigative journalism, the Moscow headquarters of *Novaya Gazeta* now stands as a hollow, silent monument to the country’s eroding free speech. Its former editor-in-chief and 2021 Nobel Peace Prize co-winner Dmitry Muratov confirms what the empty corridors already make clear: the print edition of the outlet he co-founded more than 30 years ago no longer exists.

    For decades, *Novaya Gazeta* built its legacy as a fearless watchdog, exposing high-level government corruption and widespread human rights abuses across Russia. Its work came at a devastating cost: six of its journalists, including iconic Chechen war correspondent Anna Politkovskaya, were assassinated for their reporting. The 2021 Nobel Peace Prize honored that extraordinary courage, with the committee highlighting the outlet’s decades-long fight to protect freedom of expression. But even this global recognition could not shield it from the Kremlin’s expanding crackdown on dissent that accelerated after the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

    Muratov, who auctioned off his Nobel medal shortly after the invasion to raise funds for UNICEF’s Ukrainian refugee humanitarian programs, explains the blunt force that shut down the print operation: “Putin issued a decree and the newspaper’s printing presses were nationalised. Its registration was revoked.” While a small digital footprint remains, Russian authorities have blocked domestic access to the outlet’s website, forcing Russian readers to rely on virtual private networks (VPNs) to access its content, a workaround available only to a small subset of the population.

    The demise of *Novaya Gazeta* is far from an isolated case. Muratov estimates that at least 1,500 Russians have been imprisoned since the launch of the Kremlin’s “special military operation” in Ukraine for speaking out against state policy. That figure, he notes, is three times higher than the number of political prisoners documented in the Soviet Union during the height of KGB power. Hundreds of the country’s most prominent public voices have already been labeled “foreign agents,” “extremists,” or “terrorists” to silence their criticism. As he points out, the scale of repression today outpaces even that of the Soviet era, when dissident Andrei Sakharov could only name 120 political prisoners in his 1975 Nobel Peace Prize address, and Amnesty International counted just 600 prisoners of conscience across the entire USSR a decade later.

    Against this backdrop of escalating internal repression, Muratov issues a stark warning about the growing risk of nuclear escalation in Ukraine, a conflict that has already become the bloodiest European war since World War II. While Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to publicly predict victory, Muratov rejects that framing outright: “There will never be ‘victory’. Because what has been going on for nearly five years – no matter how it ends – can no longer be considered a victory. It cannot be a victory when two Slavic nations have ripped a million people to shreds. Or more than a million.”

    Muratov argues that while Russia cannot fully conquer Ukraine, it can choose to destroy it through continued escalation that could ultimately lead to the use of nuclear weapons. When asked whether he believes Putin would actually authorize a nuclear strike, he pushes back on pundits who claim to read the Russian leader’s mind: “All those political experts who say ‘Putin thinks this’ or ‘Putin is scared of that’…they’re all charlatans. It’s in the same league as astrology. Nobody knows what’s going on in Vladimir Putin’s head. And I don’t know.”

    Still, as a veteran journalist analyzing public discourse, Muratov cites alarming trends: since the start of 2026, discussion of the potential need for nuclear weapons use has appeared more than 500 times in Russian public discourse. While fringe extremist rhetoric does not surprise him, he notes that these conversations have moved into mainstream state-controlled media, and even appeared at the official St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, where a speaker framed nuclear deployment as a positive outcome.

    Muratov also challenges Putin’s core justification for the invasion: that it would strengthen Russia’s national security. “Tell me, has security increased?” he asks, pointing to recent Ukrainian drone strikes targeting logistics hubs deep inside Russian territory – including warehouses belonging to Wildberries, Russia’s largest online retailer – alongside widespread fuel shortages, mobile internet disruptions, and the growing population of political prisoners.

    Despite reports of slipping domestic approval ratings, Muratov argues that Putin retains an iron grip on power, dismissing widespread speculation of elite splits or internal conspiracies. “The country is run by Vladimir Putin. They’re frightened of him,” he says, noting that this fear is systematically reinforced by Putin’s core base of support in the Federal Security Service (FSB), the successor agency to the Soviet KGB.

    Muratov also holds little illusion about Western hypocrisy in its dealings with Putin. He notes that for years, European leaders publicly lectured Putin on human rights while simultaneously signing lucrative trade deals for Russian oil, gas, and diamonds – a contradiction that Putin openly mocks. “He knows the true value of people who preached to him those values,” Muratov says.

    Now labeled a foreign agent himself, Muratov has been stripped of many basic rights: he is banned from teaching, barred from running for public office, and even restricted from accessing proceeds from selling his own property. The label is deliberately designed to stigmatize critics and frame them as enemies of the state within Russian society. Yet Muratov deflects attention from his own struggles to highlight the plight of hundreds of political prisoners locked away for opposing the war, a crisis he says has largely fallen off the global agenda.

    Flipping through a folder of portraits, he shares the stories of ordinary Russians jailed for their anti-war views: four *Novaya Gazeta* journalists convicted of extremism for alleged links to Alexei Navalny’s opposition anti-corruption movement; Moscow city councilor Alexei Gorinov, jailed for spreading “false information” about the Russian military after speaking out against the invasion; 68-year-old Ukrainian-born pediatrician Nadezhda Buyanova, sentenced to five and a half years in a penal colony for criticizing the war at work; and 39-year-old concert pianist Pavel Kushnir, who died in a pre-trial detention center during a hunger strike after being arrested for posting anti-war videos online. Even the outlet’s own managing editor, Oleg Roldugin, is currently under house arrest, and police blocked the newspaper’s legal team from entering the headquarters for 13 hours during a recent search.

    When asked whether his Nobel Peace Prize offers any protection to speak freely, Muratov deflects: “This is not a question for me. Whenever you have the opportunity, ask the authorities that.”

    Despite the bleak picture he paints of contemporary Russia, Muratov holds small glimmers of hope. While open criticism is now effectively impossible, he says ordinary Russians continue to express quiet gratitude for *Novaya Gazeta*’s work on the streets of Moscow. “We live in a time when you stay quiet. But so many people support what we do,” he says. “They are spoken in a whisper. But what people think is very important.”

  • Putin visits Kuril islands claimed by Japan

    Putin visits Kuril islands claimed by Japan

    On a Thursday that has injected fresh tension into decades-long territorial frictions between Moscow and Tokyo, Russian President Vladimir Putin made his first official trip to the contested Kuril Islands — a chain of volcanic outposts claimed by both nations, and a flashpoint that has defined bilateral relations for nearly 80 years. The visit immediately drew a formal, forceful objection from Japan, which has laid sovereign claim to the four southernmost islands of the archipelago it refers to as the Northern Territories.

    Footage of Putin’s visit was released via the Kremlin’s official channels, with Russian state media confirming the president toured a local fish-processing facility on the islands, where he was presented with a gift of locally sourced caviar. The trip came on the heels of a stop in nearby Sakhalin Island, where Putin oversaw the closing phase of major naval drills conducted by Russia’s Pacific Fleet. During his time in Sakhalin, Putin chaired a high-level briefing focused on safeguarding Russia’s eastern border security, according to reports from Russian state news agency RIA Novosti.

    Japan’s Foreign Ministry swiftly issued a public rebuke of the visit, with Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi affirming in an official statement that the Northern Territories are “an inherent part of Japan’s territory both historically and under international law.” The diplomatic row comes amid an already sharp deterioration of Russia-Japan ties, which have plummeted since Moscow launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In recent years, Russia has simultaneously deepened its strategic partnerships with China and North Korea in the Asia-Pacific, further straining its already frosty relations with Tokyo.

    The territorial dispute stretches back to the final days of World War II, when Soviet forces seized the strategically located archipelago, which sits just north of Japan’s northern main island Hokkaido, in August 1945. The Soviet Union declared war on Japan just days after the U.S. atomic bombing of Hiroshima, and only six days before Japan’s formal surrender that ended the global conflict. Following the occupation, Moscow deported the archipelago’s approximately 17,000 Japanese residents, and has maintained a continuous military presence on the islands ever since.

    While the four southern islands at the center of the dispute have a harsh, remote climate, they hold significant economic and strategic value. Home to roughly 20,000 Russian citizens today, the islands boast rich fishing grounds and untapped mineral deposits including gold and silver. Throughout the Cold War, the archipelago served as a critical forward operating base for Soviet air and naval forces, positioned directly in the heart of a region that was a key front for geopolitical confrontation between the Soviet bloc and the U.S.-led alliance.

    Diplomatic talks between Moscow and Tokyo to resolve the dispute have been intermittent for decades. A small breakthrough appeared possible in 1956, when the two sides normalized diplomatic relations: Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev offered to return two of the four disputed islands to Japan as part of a formal peace treaty. The deal never came to fruition, however, and while negotiations resumed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, no tangible progress has been made to settle the standoff.

    Putin’s visit marks the first time the sitting Russian president has traveled to the disputed territory, though it is not the first trip by a modern Russian head of state. In 2010, then-President Dmitry Medvedev became the first Russian leader to visit the islands, and he made additional return trips after he stepped into the role of prime minister following his presidency.

  • Jeremy Cameron commits future to Geelong with major contract extension

    Jeremy Cameron commits future to Geelong with major contract extension

    One of the Australian Football League’s most decorated veterans has put an end to months of swirling off-season speculation: star forward Jeremy Cameron is set to remain a Geelong Cat through the 2028 season, locking in his future with the club until well after his 35th birthday.

    Cameron put pen to paper on his new contract on Thursday afternoon, alongside three other Geelong players who also secured contract extensions. Young utility Jhye Clark will also stay with the Cats through 2028, while veteran forward Jack Martin extended his deal to run through the end of the 2027 season.

    The 33-year-old forward, a fan favorite and cornerstone of Geelong’s recent success, was already under contract through 2027. The one-year extension eliminates all uncertainty around his career plans heading into the 2027 AFL season, ending ongoing questions from fans and media about whether he would consider retirement or a move to another club before hanging up his boots.

    Cameron’s resume with the Cats (and earlier with Greater Western Sydney) cements his status as one of the greatest forwards of his generation: across 296 career games, he has claimed a 2022 AFL premiership with Geelong, five selections to the All-Australian team – including a captaincy nod in 2025 – two Coleman Medals (awarded to the league’s leading goalkicker each season, earned in 2019 and 2025), and the 2022 Carji Greeves Medal, awarded to Geelong’s best and fairest player each year.

    Andrew Mackie, Geelong’s General Manager of Football, highlighted that Cameron’s value to the club stretches far beyond his on-field goal-kicking and match-winning plays. “He remains an important player for us, and we’re thrilled he’ll continue to play an integral role through the extension of his contract,” Mackie said in a statement following the announcement of the new deals.

    Mackie also shared praise for young midfielder Jhye Clark, whose new extension through 2028 caps a remarkable comeback arc in his young career. After a slow start to his AFL tenure that saw him spend an extended stretch developing in the Victorian Football League (the AFL’s second-tier competition), Clark fought his way back into the senior Cats side in the second half of the 2026 season, where he has already made his presence felt. “The young midfielder has worked hard at his craft and has come back into the AFL side and [is] having a strong impact,” Mackie said.

  • Ballarat tradie Lachlan Young pleads not guilty to raping teenage girl, jury told

    Ballarat tradie Lachlan Young pleads not guilty to raping teenage girl, jury told

    A seven-day rape trial got underway this week at Melbourne’s County Court, where a 24-year-old tradesperson from Ballarat has formally pleaded not guilty to charges of sexually assaulting a 16-year-old visitor to the regional Victorian city.

    Prosecutor Andrew Buckland laid out the Crown’s case to the seated jury on Monday, outlining the sequence of events that unfolded in February 2024, when the defendant, Lachlan Young, first met the teenage complainant, who was visiting Ballarat from another part of the state, at a mutual friend’s home. Over the course of an evening spent socializing and drinking, the pair exchanged small talk and connected on the social messaging platform Snapchat, Buckland told the court.

    During their conversation, Buckland claimed Young made an advance toward the teen, asking if she wanted to engage in sexual activity, a proposal the complainant immediately rejected. The girl later retreated inside the friend’s home to rest, but the two continued to exchange messages over Snapchat, eventually agreeing to meet in the backyard of the property around 3 a.m. on February 5, according to the prosecution’s account.

    Buckland told jurors that once in the backyard, the pair engaged in consensual sexual touching, but the teen explicitly told Young she did not consent to penetrative sex. Despite this clear refusal, Young went on to rape the girl for two to three minutes, Buckland alleged, during which the complainant was so shocked and frightened she froze, unable to act. After the alleged assault, Young told the teen she should return inside before other partygoers started looking for her, the prosecution added.

    The following morning, the girl told a close friend what had happened, Buckland said. Shortly after, Young contacted her over Snapchat asking if she had disclosed the incident to her friend, which she initially denied. Young reportedly responded by saying “Well, we didn’t do much anyway.” Six days after the alleged incident, the complainant messaged Young asking if he had told his friend “about the night you f*cked me?” When Young replied “What are you on about?”, the teen responded by accusing him of ignoring her refusal, writing “You’re pathetic Lachie you literally f*cked me even though I said no.”

    It was not until March 2024 that the complainant reported the alleged assault to a school wellbeing counsellor, who subsequently alerted Victoria Police, triggering the official investigation and subsequent charges.

    Glenn Casement, the defence barrister representing Young, pushed back against the prosecution’s claims in his opening address to the jury, noting that Young does not dispute that the pair engaged in consensual sexual touching in the backyard that night, but outright denies any non-consensual penetrative sexual activity took place.

    Casement pointed to Young’s Snapchat reply of “What are you on about?” as evidence of his client’s confusion at the sudden accusation, arguing that the core question for the jury to decide is not whether any interaction happened, but whether penetrative sex ever occurred. “Whatever else went on, sexual penetration of that kind is denied in the brief time they were in the backyard,” Casement told the court.

    The defence lawyer stressed that the credibility and reliability of the complainant’s account is the most critical factor in the case, urging jurors to carefully examine any inconsistencies in her statements to different people over the course of the investigation. He questioned whether jurors would find the complainant has altered her version of events depending on who she has spoken to, and whether major discrepancies in her account would leave them with deep concerns over the reliability of her evidence.

    The trial, overseen by Judge Caitlin English, is scheduled to continue over the coming week, with both sides set to present all evidence and witness testimony before jurors retire to deliberate on a verdict.

  • What to know from AP’s report about pregnant women and babies dying in Nepal amid USAID cuts

    What to know from AP’s report about pregnant women and babies dying in Nepal amid USAID cuts

    Grounded in on-the-ground reporting from Nepal, an Associated Press investigation has drawn a direct line between sweeping cuts to United States foreign aid enacted by the former Donald Trump administration and a sharp rise in preventable deaths of pregnant women and newborns across the South Asian nation. The 2023 decision to dissolve the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) — long the world’s largest single provider of humanitarian global health assistance — gutted community-focused maternal and child health initiatives that had spent years reducing mortality rates in some of Nepal’s most impoverished regions.

    While the U.S. State Department maintains that Washington continues to back maternal and child health programming in Nepal, interviews with local health workers, government officials, aid leaders, and affected families tell a far grimmer story: the loss of funding shuttered life-saving outreach and nutrition services, leaving vulnerable communities without the support they relied on to address pregnancy complications and infant care needs.

    The collapse of U.S. funding triggered a domino effect across Nepal’s community health ecosystem. According to World Health Organization data, 60% of local women’s health organizations have been forced to scale back critical services after the U.S. cuts were followed by matching reductions in foreign aid from other donor nations. Before the cuts, USAID and partner aid groups like CARE ran a multi-year initiative that reached 100,000 pregnant women and girls across Nepal. The program provided free nutrient supplements and food to low-income expectant mothers, supplied life-saving equipment and medication to rural birthing centers, and trained a network of local nurses, midwives, and community outreach workers.

    These trained workers made regular home visits to identify risk factors for complications, explain warning signs that required immediate medical care, and often escorted women who lacked transportation or health literacy to prenatal and delivery appointments. Since the program shut down, that on-the-ground support has vanished entirely.

    Global health leaders warn the cuts will have devastating global consequences, not just in Nepal. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation projects that 2025 will mark the first year this century that annual child mortality rates will rise globally, a shift driven in large part by widespread foreign aid cuts to maternal and child health programs.

    In Nepal, the impact is already visible in mortality data that does exist — though many deaths will likely never be counted, as the funding cuts also eliminated jobs for local workers tasked with tracking maternal and newborn mortality across rural regions. Mona Sherpa, country director for CARE Nepal, which lost more than half of its operating budget due to the U.S. cuts, called the surge in deaths catastrophic. “The number of deaths of young mothers during delivery has really increased,” Sherpa said. “The expected number within a year is happening within four to six months.”

    Newborn deaths have followed the same upward trend. In the village of Prempur Gonahi in Nepal’s Rautahat district, local administrative officer Sadho Baitha documented a remarkable public health win after CARE’s program launched in December 2022: prior to the initiative, the village recorded 10 to 15 neonatal deaths per year, a figure that dropped to zero by 2024. But just 10 months after the U.S. funding was cut and the program shut down, newborn deaths have returned: the first post-cut death was recorded in December 2023, with four more following by March 2024.

    The majority of women affected by the program closures live in extreme poverty, have little formal education, and are geographically isolated from major medical facilities. For many, the outreach workers served as more than just health educators — they were translators and advocates who helped women navigate a confusing, often inaccessible public health system.

    That gap had fatal consequences for 20-year-old Kabita Mukhiya, an uneducated woman from a poor village near the Nepal-India border. During her pregnancy, Mukhiya developed severe symptoms: excruciating abdominal pain, extreme swelling, and delirium, worsened by severe malnutrition after the nutrition supplements she had received during her first pregnancy were cut. No outreach workers visited her home to identify her red flags, as they had done before the program shut down.

    Unaware that her symptoms signaled a life-threatening emergency, Mukhiya suffered at home for weeks before her family finally arranged transport to a hospital. By that point, it was too late: both Mukhiya and her unborn child died. Health workers confirmed her death was caused by untreated eclampsia complicated by severe anemia — two conditions that are almost always manageable if caught early through routine prenatal care.

    Rajkumari Patel, a former outreach worker who was laid off when the CARE program shut down, said Mukhiya’s death is exactly the kind of preventable tragedy the program was designed to stop. “I would have asked her, ‘Is the baby kicking? When did you last feel movement?’ I would have checked for swelling in her hands and face. I would have looked at her eyes for signs of anemia,” Patel said. “These are the signs I would have noticed in Kabita and said, ‘This woman needs a hospital today — not tomorrow.’ Maybe we could have saved her life.”

  • Millions of Australian households fall behind as wages fail to beat inflation

    Millions of Australian households fall behind as wages fail to beat inflation

    For the first time since 2022, nominal pay gains for Australia’s full-time workforce have been erased by persistent high inflation, pushing real wages into negative territory and intensifying already widespread cost-of-living pressures for households across the country. Newly released data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), published Thursday, shows the average weekly earnings for a full-time Australian worker hit $2083 in May 2026, representing an annual wage increase of 3.7%. Over the same 12-month period, national inflation climbed to 3.8% — a small but critical gap that erodes the actual purchasing power of workers’ paychecks.

    This reversal of real wage growth marks the first time inflation has outstripped pay gains for Australian workers in several years, and the softening trend extends to shorter-term measurements as well. For the six-month period ending in May 2026, average weekly earnings grew by just 1.6%, the slowest half-year increase recorded since May 2022. A split between public and private sector growth also emerged in the data: public sector wages rose 2.3% over the six-month window, outpacing the 1.4% growth seen in Australia’s private sector. Among all industries, transport, postal and warehousing recorded the strongest wage growth over the measurement period.

    The recent data release comes on the heels of a key decision from the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA), which opted to hold the national cash rate steady at 4.35% following three consecutive rate hikes earlier in 2026. While the pause was widely expected by financial markets, the RBA framed the decision as a hawkish hold, warning that it would not hesitate to implement additional rate increases if inflation remains persistent. In its official statement, the RBA noted that inflationary pressures stemming from the ongoing US-Iran conflict have been milder than initially projected, but still emphasized that headline inflation remains uncomfortably above target.

    In response to the new wage data, AMP’s chief economist Shane Oliver explained that while it is natural for workers to push for larger wage increases to offset rising living costs, unchecked wage growth without corresponding improvements in productivity risks creating a self-reinforcing inflationary spiral. “If workers deliver less output growth than the increase in labor costs businesses face, those extra costs get passed directly to consumers as higher prices,” Oliver explained. “We end up just chasing our tails, and the original problem of eroded purchasing power never gets solved.”

    Oliver added that Australia has struggled to sustain meaningful productivity growth in recent years, a factor that amplifies the risk of inflation from higher wage demands. The current data, he noted, lays bare the persistent strain that cost-of-living pressures have placed on average Australian households, many of which are already slipping into negative real income territory. “It makes total sense for workers to want higher pay when their grocery, energy and housing bills keep going up,” Oliver said. “But without productivity gains to offset those higher wages, they just feed back into even more inflation.”

    Beyond inflation risks, Oliver warned that sustained wage growth that outpaces productivity could also push businesses to slow hiring as profit margins come under increasing pressure, raising the risk of higher unemployment down the line. For individual workers looking to boost their earning power amid the current slowdown, Oliver recommended upskilling and retraining as the most sustainable long-term path to higher wages, acknowledging that “there are no easy solutions” for households navigating this difficult economic period.

    This debate over wage growth and inflation comes just weeks after the Fair Work Commission implemented a 6% increase to Australia’s national minimum wage, which took effect on July 1, 2026. The adjustment lifted the hourly minimum wage to $26.44, pushing the full-time weekly minimum income over the $1000 threshold for the first time in the nation’s history.

  • USAID fallout: In Nepal, when the aid workers stopped coming, the women and babies started dying

    USAID fallout: In Nepal, when the aid workers stopped coming, the women and babies started dying

    In the parched, poverty-stricken villages of Nepal’s Rautahat district, a preventable tragedy unfolded in late 2025 that encapsulates the global human cost of sweeping U.S. foreign aid cuts. Twenty-year-old Kabita Mukhiya, a young mother of three who dreamed of giving her unborn son the education she never had, suffered for weeks from unexplained abdominal agony and swelling during her 28-week pregnancy. Uneducated, impoverished, and abandoned by the community outreach workers who once monitored at-risk pregnant women in her village, Kabita did not know she was experiencing life-threatening complications. When her aunt finally carried her to a hospital, it was too late: her unborn baby was dead, and Kabita herself died hours later from untreated eclampsia and severe anemia, conditions that routine prenatal care could have detected and managed.

    Kabita’s death is not an isolated incident. It is one of hundreds of preventable maternal and child fatalities documented by the Associated Press across the globe following the Trump administration’s decision to dissolve the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), for decades the world’s largest single provider of humanitarian assistance. The U.S. funding cuts, which shuttered life-saving maternal and neonatal health programs, eliminated nutritional support for pregnant people and young children, and idled thousands of community outreach workers, have been followed by additional aid reductions from other donor nations. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 60% of women’s health organizations globally have been forced to slash critical services as a result.

    Global public health experts are already bracing for a devastating turning point. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation projects that 2025 will be the first year of this century to see an increase in global child mortality, reversing decades of steady progress in reducing preventable deaths. A study published in *The Lancet* warns that the U.S. aid cuts could lead to more than 14 million excess deaths by 2030, including over 4.5 million deaths of children under age 5. WHO’s Rajat Khosla, executive director of the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health, calls the reversal catastrophic: “It’s heartbreaking to see what’s happening. It’s decades of progress being washed away.”

    In response to AP’s reporting, the U.S. State Department defended the administration’s policy, stating that the restructuring refocuses assistance on efficiency, effectiveness, and global partnership. The department noted that the U.S. still spends more on health and humanitarian aid than any other nation, and continues to support maternal and child health programs in Nepal, adding that “the rest of the world needs to contribute more and share the burden.”

    On the ground in Nepal, however, local health workers and aid organizations say the impact of the cuts has already been catastrophic. CARE Nepal, one of the largest aid groups operating in the country, lost more than half of its funding from the U.S. cuts. “The number of deaths of mothers, young mothers, during delivery has really increased,” said Mona Sherpa, CARE Nepal’s country director. “The expected number within a year is happening within four to six months.”

    Prior to the cuts, USAID funded a five-year, $35 million maternal and child health initiative in Nepal that reached more than 100,000 women and girls in its first three years. The program equipped rural birthing centers with life-saving equipment and medications, trained nurses and midwives, and supported a network of female community health volunteers who made regular home visits to pregnant women. These volunteers identified warning signs of complications, helped women schedule and access prenatal appointments, and explained critical medical information in terms local communities could understand.

    When the program was shut down, the volunteer network collapsed. In Dewahi Gonahi municipality, the head of the local birthing center, Kishori Shah, reports that the number of women attending prenatal checks has dropped by 50% since the cuts. Without early screening, complications that could be easily managed are left to escalate into life-threatening emergencies. “There would have been a decrease in complications if the USAID program was still running,” Shah says.

    In Prempur Gonahi village, the reversal of progress is stark. Before the program launched in 2022, the village saw an average of 10 to 15 neonatal deaths per year. By 2024, that number had dropped to zero. Just 10 months after the program was canceled, newborn deaths began to climb again: one in December 2025, four more by March 2026.

    Many of these deaths will never be officially counted: the aid cuts also eliminated funding for mortality data collection, leaving vast stretches of rural Nepal without anyone to track and report preventable deaths. Campaign Nepal, a local partner of CARE, has documented eight infant deaths in Dewahi Gonahi since the cuts, but official government records list only two. “There must be more than that,” says Shatrudhan Singh, Campaign Nepal’s executive director. “We just can’t identify them.”

    Another young woman from the region, 19-year-old Phula Devi, shared her story of grief with the AP, one she had never told even her own husband. Uneducated and with no outreach worker to guide her, Phula did not understand the warning that her unborn baby had a slow heartbeat, and delayed going to the hospital at the direction of her relatives. When she arrived, doctors urged a C-section to deliver her overdue baby, but Phula did not understand the procedure and was terrified. She delivered the baby on her own, and he was stillborn. “I think of my baby all the time,” Phula says, hiding her tear-streaked face behind a scarf. “She would have done anything to save him, if she’d only known how.”

    For Kabita Mukhiya, the collapse of outreach services proved fatal. When she was pregnant with her third child, Yubraj, she received free nutritional supplements from the U.S.-funded program that helped offset her family’s meager diet, which provided barely enough to eat. By the time she became pregnant with her fourth child, the supplements were gone, along with the regular mother’s health meetings she had attended. She missed her first-trimester checkup entirely, and only showed up for her first screening at 16 weeks. Her nurse noticed she was dangerously pale and urged her to get a blood test to check for anemia, but Kabita did not understand why the test was necessary, and never got it. By the time she arrived at the hospital, her condition was irreversible.

    Rajkumari Patel, one of the community health volunteers who lost her job when the program was cut, says Kabita’s death is exactly what she was trained to prevent. “I used to know every pregnant woman in her village, visiting them at home,” Patel says. “I would have asked her, ‘Is the baby kicking? When did you last feel movement?’ I would have checked for swelling in her hands and face. I would have looked at her eyes for signs of anemia. These are the signs I would have noticed in Kabita and said, ‘This woman needs a hospital today — not tomorrow.’ Maybe we could have saved her life.”

    Nutrition data from the region confirms the widespread damage of cutting support programs. Before the U.S. cuts, the prevalence of life-threatening wasting (severe malnutrition) among children under five in Kabita’s province was 7.4%. A national screening conducted in May 2026 found that rate has jumped to 12.3% after the cuts eliminated most local nutrition support programs.

    In the months since Kabita’s death, her family has been left to pick up the pieces. Her husband, who was working construction in India when she died, arrived home three days after her funeral, and has been inconsolable, often refusing to work for days at a time. Kabita’s 60-something mother-in-law and aunt are now left to care for her three young children, ages 1, 3, and 5, with barely enough income to put rice on the table. “How will I feed them? I’m old,” says Lachhiya Devi, Kabita’s mother-in-law, as she strokes the leg of her sleeping 4-year-old granddaughter. “You can see how desperately I’m trying to get by.”

    Kabita’s aunt Shraddha, who carried her to the hospital and watched her take her final breath, says the tragedy could have been avoided entirely if outreach workers had still been in place to guide the village’s vulnerable women. “We don’t have anyone to help us out here, to tell us about these things. If there was someone, we would ask them, follow their advice,” she says. “It would have saved her life. She was too young to die.”

  • Zambians cast ballots in a presidential election that tests incumbent’s economic reforms

    Zambians cast ballots in a presidential election that tests incumbent’s economic reforms

    On Thursday morning, long queues of voters wrapped around polling stations across Zambia’s capital Lusaka, kicking off a tense one-day presidential election that will serve as a public verdict on incumbent Hakainde Hichilema’s first term in office. With 8 million registered voters out of the southern African nation’s 22 million total population, citizens are not only selecting their next head of state but also casting ballots for members of national Parliament and local government council seats. The country’s electoral commission has announced that official results will be released by Monday. Before sunrise, voters clad in thick layers to ward off the cool morning chill gathered outside voting locations, many huddling around small homemade fires to stay warm while election workers finalized preparations: arranging sealed ballot boxes, cross-referencing voter rolls, and securing polling stations. International observation teams, including delegates from the European Union, were already on site monitoring the opening process at multiple locations in Lusaka by the time voting commenced.

    Hichilema, who first took office after winning the 2021 election, is seeking a second five-year term and faces competition from 10 other challengers. Political analysts widely identify Brian Mundubile, the candidate backed by a coalition of major opposition parties, as the incumbent’s most formidable rival. The election is broadly framed as a referendum on Hichilema’s management of Zambia’s struggling economy. The incumbent has defended his tenure, arguing he inherited a nation on the brink of economic collapse when he took office. During his first term, he oversaw a landmark restructuring of Zambia’s $17 billion foreign debt, the first major African sovereign debt restructuring of the 2020s, and has drawn consistent praise from international investors for his pro-business policy agenda, posting moderate single-digit economic growth in recent years. Hichilema says a second term is necessary to deliver on his long-term promises: creating formal jobs for Zambia’s growing youth population, expanding and upgrading crumbling national infrastructure, and improving access to public health and education services.

    But for many ordinary Zambian households, the promised economic recovery has yet to translate into tangible improvements in daily life. Widespread frustration over skyrocketing food prices, persistent high youth unemployment, and chronic rolling blackouts that have disrupted businesses and home life for years has become the core issue driving opposition support. A large share of the electorate says they have not felt the benefits of macroeconomic stabilization, with household budgets stretched thin by ongoing cost-of-living pressures.

    Beyond Zambia’s borders, the outcome of the election is being closely watched by global powers and industries, given the country’s status as one of the world’s top copper producers. Copper is a critical input for electric vehicle batteries, renewable energy infrastructure, and modern power grids, and Zambia has set an ambitious target to triple its annual copper output to 3 million metric tons by 2031. China has long been Zambia’s largest single foreign investor, holding extensive stakes in the country’s mining sector, while the United States has increasingly sought to expand its own footprint in African critical mineral supply chains to reduce reliance on Chinese-controlled resources. Hichilema has pursued a balanced diplomatic and economic strategy, actively courting investment from both Chinese and Western partners, including the U.S., to reach his copper production goal.

    Tensions have run high in the final stretch of the campaign, with security forces deployed across the country to prevent election-related unrest. Zambian police have added extra patrols around polling stations and issued public warnings against political violence, disruption of voting procedures, and the spread of unconfirmed false results on social media. Opposition groups have levied serious claims against the incumbent administration, alleging that state law enforcement and institutions are being weaponized to target political opponents ahead of the vote. Just days before polls opened, law enforcement agents raided the headquarters of the main opposition Tonse Alliance, a move the coalition calls a deliberate politically motivated attack, allegations the Hichilema administration has repeatedly denied.

    Political tensions have been simmering for years in the lead-up to this election. Hichilema, as an opposition leader under former president Edgar Lungu, spent four months in jail on what many observers viewed as politically motivated treason charges before defeating Lungu in the 2021 election. Lungu remained a prominent political force until his death in South Africa in 2023, and a months-long bitter public dispute between Lungu’s family and the Hichilema government over where the former president could be buried further eroded trust between the ruling party and opposition ahead of voting.

    Under Zambian electoral law, a presidential candidate must win an absolute majority of more than 50% of the vote to avoid a runoff election. Even amid pre-election tensions, Zambia holds a long-standing reputation as one of the most stable democracies in southern Africa, with a decades-long track record of mostly peaceful transfers of power. Hichilema’s 2021 victory marked the third time since the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1991 that an incumbent president peacefully handed power to an opposition candidate, a record regional observers say is an important marker of democratic stability in the region.