标签: South America

南美洲

  • Livestreamer’s murder raises questions over relations between Mexico’s creators and cartels

    Livestreamer’s murder raises questions over relations between Mexico’s creators and cartels

    The brazen, livestreamed assassination of Mexican social media influencer César Gastélum in Culiacán, the capital of violence-plagued Sinaloa state, has cast a harsh new spotlight on the growing intersection between digital content creation and organized criminal violence that has terrorized the region for years. The killing, which unfolded in seconds in broad daylight outside a local fast-food restaurant, was captured in real time for Gastélum’s online audience: two armed men on a motorcycle pulled up alongside the influencer, who was chatting with friends during the broadcast, and the passenger fired a close-range shot to Gastélum’s head before the pair sped away from the scene.

    While the Sinaloa state prosecutor’s office has released only limited details about the ongoing investigation into the murder, officials confirmed that one key line of inquiry centers on past social media posts Gastélum published, some of which reference a major local criminal group. This killing is far from an isolated incident, however. Over the past two years, following the eruption of a brutal internal power struggle between two rival factions of the notorious Sinaloa cartel, at least 10 digital content creators have been killed in the state.

    Unlike some previous targeted influencers, officials confirm Gastélum had not received any prior threats from organized crime groups, nor was he the subject of any police investigation into alleged ties to cartel activity. Still, communications scholars warn that the lines between social media culture and the criminal underworld in Sinaloa have become dangerously blurred, with fatal outcomes for creators who build large followings.

    Claudia Arruñada, a communications researcher at Mexico’s Iberoamerican University, explains that both social media algorithms and criminal organizations reinforce the same toxic value system: that luxury and consumption are the ultimate markers of success, and that these goals should be achieved as quickly as possible, rather than through gradual, steady work. “The model for success is no longer based on methodically working on your career, but rather on having a meteoric rise,” Arruñada notes. In many cases, she argues, influencers end up inadvertently or intentionally promoting narcoculture by showcasing lavish lifestyles and implicitly tying that wealth to the activities of drug traffickers.

    Gastélum’s social media feed aligned with this pattern: alongside comedy skits and viral challenge content, he regularly shared images of himself posing with high-end vehicles, enjoying exclusive nightlife, and taking luxury trips. In one widely shared post, he visited the gravesite of Leobardo Aispuro, an influencer known as “El Gordo Peruci” who was murdered in Sinaloa in 2024. Creators working in the region have pushed back against widespread labeling of local influencers as “narco-influencers,” arguing that simply being a young public figure who displays a luxury lifestyle is enough to make a creator a target in the tense, cartel-dominated environment of Culiacán.

    Independent research into cartel activity supports the idea that organized crime groups have adapted to the digital age, operating much like global corporations that use content creators as unofficial brand ambassadors and community managers to spread their influence and promote their image to local communities. When rival cartel factions go to war, any creator perceived as supporting one side immediately becomes a high-priority target for the opposing group.

    This dynamic played out publicly in January 2025, when leaflets naming 25 influencers and regional musicians were dropped from an aircraft over Culiacán’s streets. The pamphlets accused all those named of ties to “La Mayiza,” one of the two rival Sinaloa cartel factions currently locked in a deadly conflict with the Los Chapitos faction. Four of those named were already marked as “eliminated” at the time the leaflets were distributed, and two more have been killed in the months since. While Gastélum’s name did not appear on that list, his murder is widely recognized as the latest entry in a growing, deadly trend of targeted attacks on Sinaloa-based influencers.

    In response to the high-profile killing, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced this week that both local and federal law enforcement agencies will pursue not only the gunmen who carried out Gastélum’s murder, but also the criminal figures who ordered the attack. Her administration has made it a priority to break the growing connection between mainstream popular culture and the criminal underworld: officials have publicly denounced narcocorridos, the popular folk songs that glorify drug traffickers, while ramping up direct law enforcement action against cartel activity. Official government data shows that the national homicide rate fell by 48% in 2025, a marked improvement that the administration highlights as proof of its progress.

    Even so, the public, livestreamed nature of Gastélum’s killing has reinforced a persistent, widespread perception that cartels still retain enormous power over both public life and digital spaces in Sinaloa. For millions of online observers who watched the murder unfold in real time, the attack was a stark reminder that cartel violence no longer stays confined to the streets of border and drug-producing regions—it now extends into the feeds and screens of social media users around the world.

  • Flávio Bolsonaro announces his running mate for Brazil’s October election in a bid against Lula

    Flávio Bolsonaro announces his running mate for Brazil’s October election in a bid against Lula

    RIO DE JANEIRO – As Brazil counts down to its pivotal October presidential election, right-wing candidate Flávio Bolsonaro, son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, has finalized his leadership ticket by tapping federal deputy Alfredo Gaspar, a fellow member of the Liberal Party, for the vice presidential slot. The announcement on Wednesday comes after a months-long search complicated by widespread reluctance from centrist Brazilian parties to back Bolsonaro’s candidacy, with most choosing to stay on the political sidelines rather than throw their weight behind his challenge to incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

    Flávio Bolsonaro, a sitting senator, was officially confirmed as the Liberal Party’s presidential nominee last month, setting up a rematch of the 2022 election that pitted his father against Lula. Neither candidate is currently projected to secure an outright first-round majority, meaning the race is widely expected to advance to a runoff contest later this year.

    Unlike his father’s 2022 campaign, which built broad coalitions with centrist blocs that often contributed vice presidential picks, the younger Bolsonaro has failed to lock in cross-ideological support. This isolation created unexpected hurdles in his search for a running mate, pushing him to select a candidate from within his own party ranks.

    Gaspar, who has represented Alagoas in the Chamber of Deputies since 2023, brings a background in law enforcement to the ticket: before entering national politics, he worked as a public prosecutor and served as public security secretary for the northeastern Brazilian state of Alagoas. In introducing his pick, Flávio Bolsonaro praised Gaspar for his personal integrity, professional courage, and proven track record advancing public safety policy.

    For his part, Gaspar framed his selection as a win for working-class Brazilians from the country’s underrepresented northeast. “I am a simple person, someone from the northeast, but someone with a life story marked by a great deal of hard work,” Gaspar said in his acceptance remarks, adding that he was honored by Bolsonaro’s trust and fully committed to their shared policy agenda.

    The search for a running mate was far from smooth. Bolsonaro initially courted a high-profile pick, Tereza Cristina, a popular former agriculture minister who held a key role in his father’s presidential administration. But Cristina ultimately turned down the offer, and her party – which holds significant sway in Congress and has long-standing ties to the Bolsonaro political movement – has openly distanced itself from Flávio Bolsonaro’s candidacy, a shift that has surprised political analysts.

    The failed courtship of Cristina highlights a broader political weakness for Bolsonaro: his movement has long struggled to build support among women voters, and a high-profile female running mate was seen as a key opportunity to expand his base.

    Since he first announced his candidacy – an announcement that came following an explicit endorsement from his father – Flávio Bolsonaro has faced a cascade of setbacks that have eroded his standing with voters and allies alike.

    The first major blow came in May, when he was forced to admit he had requested millions of dollars in funding from jailed banker Daniel Vorcaro to produce a biographical documentary about his father. The revelation stunned many of his existing political allies and sent support for his campaign dipping sharply.

    Soon after, Bolsonaro embarked on a trip to Washington D.C., where he met with officials at the White House and U.S. State Department to highlight his family’s long-standing personal and political ties to former U.S. President Donald Trump. But the move backfired: many Brazilian voters, business leaders, and domestic politicians have pinned the blame for new 37.5% Trump-era tariffs on key Brazilian exports squarely on Bolsonaro’s outreach, turning the diplomatic trip into a political liability.

    In June, the candidate faced another personal and political setback when his stepwoman, Michelle Bolsonaro, published a public video accusing him of personal disrespect. While the pair have since reconciled, the public feud generated negative headlines that further damaged Bolsonaro’s public image.

    The general election is scheduled for October, with a runoff to follow in October if no candidate secures a majority of the vote. (Reporting from the Associated Press)

  • Scientists are certain a wayward SpaceX rocket slammed into the moon as predicted

    Scientists are certain a wayward SpaceX rocket slammed into the moon as predicted

    CAPE CANAVERAL, Fla. — After a year of uncontrolled drift through cislunar space, a discarded upper stage from a SpaceX Falcon rocket impacted the lunar surface as predicted on Wednesday, marking the latest high-profile incident of human-made space debris accumulating on Earth’s only natural satellite. Scientists have confirmed the collision through observational data, even as the remote crash site has left formal visual confirmation pending.

  • Pope Leo XIV will visit Uruguay, Argentina and Peru in his first Latin American trip as pontiff

    Pope Leo XIV will visit Uruguay, Argentina and Peru in his first Latin American trip as pontiff

    VATICAN CITY – The Vatican confirmed Wednesday in an official announcement that Pope Leo XIV will embark on his first papal visit to Latin America this coming November, marking a homecoming of sorts to the region where he built decades of his ecclesiastical career. The 12-day journey, scheduled from November 6 to 17, will include stops in three South American nations: Uruguay, Argentina, and Peru, with multiple cities set to welcome the pontiff across the three countries.

    In Uruguay, Pope Leo’s itinerary will include public and private engagements in the capital Montevideo, as well as the smaller cities of Paysandú and Florida. He will then travel to Argentina from November 8 to 11, where he will visit Buenos Aires, Córdoba, and the major pilgrimage site Luján. The tour will conclude with a six-day stay in Peru from November 11 to 17, with stops in the capital Lima, northern coastal city Chiclayo, iconic Andean tourist hub Cusco, and Amazonian city Pucallpa. Vatican officials note a full, detailed breakdown of daily events and public appearances will be published at a later date.

    This upcoming trip carries unique personal and symbolic weight for the first U.S.-born pontiff, who retains deep long-standing connections to Peru. Before his election to the papacy, Leo lived and worked in Peru for decades as a missionary and senior church leader, holding the position of Bishop of Chiclayo from 2015 through 2023. He also holds dual Peruvian citizenship, making his return to the diocese he once led one of the most anticipated moments of the entire journey.

    The visit to Argentina also carries notable historical context: it is the birthplace of Pope Francis, Leo’s immediate predecessor and the first pope to hail from Latin America. Despite receiving repeated invitations from government and church leaders to return to his home country during his 12-year papacy, Pope Francis never made the trip back to Argentina after his election in 2013.

    The Latin American tour will follow hot on the heels of Pope Leo’s four-day visit to France, scheduled for September 25 to 28, which marks his first trip to the country as the head of the Roman Catholic Church. The back-to-back international visits highlight a notably active early travel schedule for the new pontiff just months into his papacy.

    This report is part of the Associated Press’ religion coverage, which receives funding support through a collaboration with The Conversation US from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP retains full editorial responsibility for all content.

  • Mexican influencer shot dead during livestream

    Mexican influencer shot dead during livestream

    A violent and shocking attack has taken the life of a well-known Mexican digital creator, marking another deadly incident targeting social media personalities in a region grappling with organized crime violence. César Gastélum, who amassed more than 500,000 followers on TikTok where he primarily shared lighthearted comedy content, was killed in a close-range shooting Tuesday evening while he broadcast live to his audience.

    The attack unfolded outside a fast-food restaurant in the Tres Ríos neighborhood of Culiacán, the capital city of Mexico’s northwestern state of Sinaloa. According to official accounts of the incident, two armed suspects traveling on a motorbike pulled up alongside Gastélum, who was filming the live stream with two companions. One of the suspects opened fire at point-blank range, striking the influencer before the pair fled the scene immediately.

    Gastélum and his friends were wearing bright orange outerwear and bags that match the standard uniform used by local delivery workers when the shooting happened. This matching outfit initially led responding law enforcement officers to misidentify Gastélum as a delivery driver, before authorities received formal notification of his identity as a popular social media creator.

    In the hours after the attack, local police and forensic investigation teams cordoned off the entire crime scene to process evidence. Investigators are currently reviewing spent bullet casings recovered from the area and analyzing nearby closed-circuit security camera footage to identify the attackers and establish a motive for the killing. As of the latest updates, no suspects have been taken into custody, and authorities have not confirmed whether Gastélum had received any prior threats against his life before the shooting.

    Beyond his comedy content on TikTok, Gastélum maintained an active Instagram presence, where he regularly shared photos from his personal travels, social outings, and posed shots in front of high-end luxury vehicles. One notable post on his account showed him visiting the gravesite of Leobardo Aispuro, another Mexican influencer known online as “El Gordo Peruci” who was shot and killed in December 2024. Law enforcement investigators have linked Aispuro’s killing to ongoing violent rivalry between two competing factions of the Sinaloa drug cartel.

    This shooting is not an isolated case: it is the latest in a string of deadly attacks on social media influencers in Mexico. Just last year, 23-year-old influencer Valeria Márquez was also shot and killed while broadcasting a live TikTok stream from a local beauty salon.

    The broader context of this killing is a sharp upward surge in violence across Sinaloa, triggered by a bitter split between the cartel’s two dominant factions, Los Chapitos and La Mayiza, which broke out into open conflict in September 2024. Since that split, brutal inter-faction fighting has driven a steep increase in homicide rates and public violence across the state, putting civilians and public figures alike at heightened risk of targeted attacks.

  • Brazil cuts diplomatic presence in Argentina after Milei insults Lula

    Brazil cuts diplomatic presence in Argentina after Milei insults Lula

    SAO PAULO, Brazil — Diplomatic relations between South America’s two largest neighbors have reached an unprecedented low in modern history, after Brazil announced Tuesday it would further downgrade its diplomatic footprint in Argentina in response to repeated personal insults from Argentine President Javier Milei targeting Brazilian leader Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

    According to a spokesperson for Brazil’s foreign ministry, who spoke to the Associated Press, Milei has labeled Lula “a thief” on three separate occasions since this past Sunday. The aggressive rhetoric is not a new turn for the Argentine leader: he first used the same derogatory language on July 25 during a party convention held by Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, son of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and a key political ally of Milei. Jair Bolsonaro, Lula’s top opponent in Brazil’s upcoming October general election, is currently under house arrest serving a 27-year prison sentence for conviction on coup attempt charges.

    During that same July convention, Milei also launched a verbal attack on Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, calling him “trash”. The criticism came after de Moraes blocked Milei’s request to visit the imprisoned former Brazilian president.

    This is not the first diplomatic retaliation Brazil has taken over Milei’s hostile comments. Shortly after Milei’s first public attack on Lula in July, Brazil recalled its ambassador to Buenos Aires, Julio Bitelli, leaving only a lower-ranked chargé d’affaires to manage Brazilian interests in Argentina. The foreign ministry spokesperson confirmed Tuesday that Bitelli will not be returning to his post in Argentina for as long as Milei continues his offensive rhetoric against Lula and other Brazilian officials.

    Lula has not yet issued a public response to Milei’s latest insults. The two leaders have maintained a deliberately cold relationship since Milei took office in December 2023, a rift deepened by Milei’s close political alignment with former U.S. President Donald Trump, whose administration is openly at odds with the leftist Brazilian leader.

    The bilateral dispute between Brazil and Argentina comes amid a separate escalating diplomatic clash between Brazil and the United States. Earlier on Tuesday, the U.S. State Department announced it had revoked the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington. The move was framed as retaliation for Brazil’s decision last month to deny visas to two U.S. diplomats who sought to enter Brazil ahead of the October election, a trip Brazilian authorities viewed as inappropriate interference in domestic electoral affairs.

    The growing tensions around foreign influence in Brazil’s election come just days after Lula was officially confirmed as the Workers’ Party candidate for reelection at the party’s national convention, where multiple speakers raised alarms about coordinated foreign meddling in the upcoming vote. Vice President Geraldo Alckmin, a conservative who will serve as Lula’s running mate again in the October poll, used a sharp jab at both foreign leaders during his convention speech, noting that Brazil’s robust electronic voting system was so secure that “it doesn’t accept any votes from Argentines and Americans.”

    Follow AP’s full coverage of Latin American political developments at https://apnews.com/hub/latin-america.

  • ‘My grandmother subjected my baby to female genital mutilation behind my back’

    ‘My grandmother subjected my baby to female genital mutilation behind my back’

    Last week, Colombia etched its name into regional history as the first Latin American nation to formally outlaw female genital mutilation (FGM), a milestone grassroots activists and Indigenous organizers have spent decades fighting to achieve. The groundbreaking ban passed with unanimous support in Colombia’s Congress, closing a long chapter of advocacy to eliminate a dangerous, largely hidden practice that has persisted in the country’s Indigenous Emberá community for generations.

    FGM is defined by global health authorities as the partial or total removal of external female genitalia, or any other non-medically justified injury to female reproductive organs. The procedure, which is almost always carried out in unsanitary, secret conditions, carries immediate and lifelong health risks: severe hemorrhaging, chronic infection, complications with menstruation and childbirth, and permanent loss of sexual function. According to the World Health Organization, more than 230 million girls and women currently alive across the globe have undergone FGM, with the vast majority of cases concentrated in African nations.

    For Carla Quiñonez, a 30-year-old Emberá activist who has led local campaigns against FGM, the fight for the ban is deeply personal. When Quiñonez’s own daughter was just six months old, the infant’s great-grandmother subjected her to the procedure without the family’s full consent. When the baby was returned, Quiñonez found her feverish, swollen, and bleeding, crying uncontrollably. When Quiñonez confronted her grandmother, the older woman dismissed the harm, claiming the procedure was normal and ordering her to keep it secret. “She said that men mock women who retain their clitoris,” Quiñonez recalled. The nearest formal health clinic was hours away, so Quiñonez’s mother, a traditional midwife, attempted to ease the infant’s pain with medicinal plants, but the baby was left with permanent trauma.

    As Quiñonez grew older, she began to connect a pattern of unexplained early childhood deaths among Emberá girls to the hidden practice. She remembers a young female cousin born healthy under her mother’s care who died just three days after birth, with community elders blaming the death on “jai,” a so-called ancestral illness. Today, Quiñonez is convinced the baby actually died from complications of FGM. Experts and activists agree that official case counts vastly underrepresent the true scale of FGM in Colombia. Between 2020 and June 2026, only 240 cases were officially recorded, 90% of which involved girls under six years old. But Dr. Diana Ramos Mosquera, a pediatrician working at Pereira’s San Jorge University Hospital in northwestern Colombia, calls the official number just “the tip of the iceberg.” While examining girls seeking care for unrelated conditions, Dr. Ramos has repeatedly found evidence of scarring, burning, and mutilation. She once treated a young girl whose vaginal opening was fully sealed by the procedure, a complication that would have prevented her from menstruating or having intercourse in adulthood that required major reconstructive surgery.

    Dr. Ramos frames FGM as a brutal form of gender-based violence that leaves lifelong physical and psychological scars, but she emphasizes that addressing it requires more than just punitive measures. She argues that widespread cultural education is critical, noting that many community members who carry out the procedure genuinely believe it is beneficial and harmless, rooted in long-held tradition.

    The Emberá community, which counts around 300,000 members across Colombia, Ecuador, and Panama, is the only group in Latin America where FGM remains widely practiced. Scholars have put forward several theories for the practice’s persistence in the community. One hypothesis traces its origins to enslaved people brought to Colombia from West African nations where FGM was common, a theory that aligns with the practice’s higher prevalence in Colombian departments (Risaralda, Chocó, and Valle del Cauca) that border or host large Afro-Colombian populations. Other explanations cite a centuries-old community legend about the birth of an intersex child that left elders with a widespread fear that an uncut clitoris will grow into a penis. Still others point to deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs that frame women who can experience sexual pleasure as more likely to be promiscuous.

    Juliana Domico, legal representative and chief Indigenous councilor for the National Confederation of the Peoples of the Great Emberá Nation of Colombia, rejects the common claim that FGM is a protected cultural tradition. “Our culture is our clothing, our crafts, our dances and our language, not a practice that kills. Culture does not kill,” she emphasized. Domico was a key political advocate for the ban, which follows years of internal organizing within the Emberá community to end the practice. She says she now hopes the new legislation will be translated into targeted public policy with sufficient funding for community outreach and enforcement.

    Quiñonez, who has faced repeated threats for her advocacy—mostly from male community leaders—says traditional power structures have long slowed progress toward ending FGM. While the ritual itself is traditionally kept hidden from men, discussions about reform must often be held with male community leaders, since many Emberá women only speak the Indigenous Emberá language and have not learned Spanish, cutting them off from accessing state support or medical care. That barrier is often compounded by stigma and judgment from non-Indigenous health workers, Quiñonez says. When she brought her daughter to a hospital for a urinary tract infection caused by FGM complications, a nurse berated her as a “savage” and threatened to remove her daughter from her care and place her in state foster care. Since then, Quiñonez says she has avoided formal hospitals, opting to treat her daughter at home with traditional medicines and over-the-counter medication.

    Despite the many obstacles, Quiñonez says gradual change is already underway within the Emberá community, with more women now openly discussing the harms of FGM for the first time. She says she was deeply moved when one elderly grandmother who had carried out FGM on her own granddaughters reflected on the practice, admitting she had never acted out of malice, only wanting to protect her granddaughters from criticism by men.

    Opening these conversations is painful, Quiñonez acknowledges: many older women who underwent FGM as children have never known any other bodily experience, and talking about the harm opens old wounds. One day, she will have to talk to her own daughter about what happened to her as an infant, a conversation she says will be difficult, but unavoidable. “All of us deserve to understand our bodies and to talk about them without shame,” she says. Activists across the country now hope the historic ban will not only deter future cases, but also open the door for widespread public education, improved access to medical care for survivors, and deeper cultural change to end the practice for good.

  • Cape Verde goalkeeper Vozinha ready for new challenge at Colo-Colo in Chile after World Cup success

    Cape Verde goalkeeper Vozinha ready for new challenge at Colo-Colo in Chile after World Cup success

    After a standout World Cup campaign with Cape Verde that captured the hearts of soccer fans across the globe, 40-year-old goalkeeper Vozinha has finally landed the high-profile transfer he always believed he deserved, officially joining Chile’s most decorated club, Colo-Colo, in a landmark move this week.

    Vozinha, whose real name is Josimar Évora Dias, spent the vast majority of his 20-plus-year professional plying his trade for smaller outfits in lower-tier European leagues, most recently turning out for Chaves in Portugal’s second division. But through years of toiling outside the top flight, he never lost conviction that he was built to compete for a major club on one of soccer’s bigger stages.

    His trajectory shifted dramatically after the 2022 FIFA World Cup, where a string of elite performances against global powerhouses including Spain, Uruguay, and Argentina earned him a spot in the tournament’s Best XI and turned the little-known shot-stopper into a worldwide viral sensation. In the weeks following his breakout run, his social media following skyrocketed from less than 50,000 followers to nearly 30 million, opening the door to offers from clubs across multiple continents.

    Colo-Colo first announced the agreement to sign Vozinha in late July, but bureaucratic delays pushed back his official arrival in Santiago. Even with multiple suitors courting him after the World Cup, the 40-year-old says the Chilean top-flight side was always his unambiguous first choice. Speaking at his official unveiling to local media on Tuesday, he explained: “The decision was very clear. Despite playing in smaller leagues for clubs that weren’t exactly giants, deep down I always told myself I was a ‘big club’ player. So when Colo-Colo came calling, there was no doubt. From day one, I knew where I wanted to play. I received many offers, but Colo-Colo was always the priority.”

    Finalizing the transfer required overcoming an unexpected regulatory obstacle, however: Chilean Football Federation rules mandate that all players display their legal surname on their match jerseys. For Vozinha — a nickname meaning “granny” in Portuguese that he has used his entire career — forcing him to abandon the moniker would have been a disappointing change. The federation ultimately granted a special exception to let him keep the famous nickname on his kit, a decision Vozinha called meaningful beyond just soccer. “It is the name I have used my entire life. In Cape Verde, it holds great significance and a rich history, and now it does globally as well,” he said. “If my grandmother were alive today, I think she would be proud. I hope to keep using it for the rest of my career as a tribute.”

    Vozinha touched down at Santiago’s international airport on Sunday, greeted by a raucous crowd of hundreds of Colo-Colo fans waving flags, holding homemade welcome signs, and beating drums in celebration of their new signing. He completed his mandatory medical examination on Monday, signed his contract shortly after, and joined his new teammates for his first training session with the club on Tuesday. If all goes according to plan, he could make his competitive debut as early as this coming Sunday, when first-place Colo-Colo takes on Unión La Calera in Chile’s top division.

    Reflecting on his journey from lower-league stalwart to global star, Vozinha says his World Cup run remains the biggest moment of his career to date, but joining Colo-Colo marks the highlight of his club career. “The World Cup was the best thing that ever happened to me in football, but that is in the past now. Being here representing Colo-Colo — a massive club with a rich history — is the highlight of my club career,” he said. Looking ahead to his new chapter in South American soccer, the 40-year-old says he is ready to put in the work to help his new side chase silverware. “Playing in the World Cup comes with immense pressure. I played against the best national teams in the world, and now I just want to work hard and help this team achieve its goals.”

  • Trump administration revokes visa of Brazil’s ambassador to US in spat with Lula

    Trump administration revokes visa of Brazil’s ambassador to US in spat with Lula

    A sharp diplomatic rift between the outgoing Trump administration and Brazil’s Lula da Silva government has escalated dramatically, with U.S. officials confirming they have revoked the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington in a reciprocal response to months of Brazilian pushback on U.S. diplomatic moves.

    Multiple senior State Department officials, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive diplomatic matter, confirmed the visa revocation does not amount to an immediate expulsion of Ambassador Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti, a seasoned diplomat who previously served as a top United Nations official. The action can be rapidly reversed, officials emphasized, if Brazilian authorities agree to advance the confirmation of Trump’s nominee for U.S. ambassador to Brasilia and reverse the visa denial for two senior American diplomats.

    The standoff traces back to two key incidents in recent months. First, the Lula administration has delayed approval of former Florida House Speaker Danny Perez, whom Trump nominated to the ambassadorship in June. Brazilian officials have signaled they will not take up the appointment until after the country’s October 4 presidential election, a timeline the Trump administration has rejected as unacceptable.

    Second, last month Brazil denied entry visas to U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Riley Barnes and one of his senior aides, who had planned a working visit to Brasilia between July 27 and 30. Brazilian authorities pushed back against the trip after unconfirmed reports emerged that the pair intended to criticize Lula and Brazil’s upcoming electoral process. The State Department has refuted these claims, calling the accusation a “baseless lie” and noting the trip was routine, focused on pre-scheduled discussions of election integrity, religious freedom, and freedom of expression with government and civil society stakeholders.

    U.S. officials added that the visa revocation decision was delayed multiple times over recent weeks to give Lula an opportunity to compromise and reverse course on the two issues. When Brazilian authorities did not adjust their position, the administration moved forward with the reciprocal action.

    Tensions between the Trump administration and Lula’s government have simmered for months, rooted in deep policy and political disagreements. The two governments have clashed repeatedly on Western Hemisphere policy, particularly over diplomatic stances toward Venezuela and Cuba, where Lula’s leftist government holds positions directly opposed to the Trump administration’s. These frictions have been amplified by Trump’s longstanding close ties to Jair Bolsonaro, the former Brazilian president who preceded Lula and is currently under house arrest serving a 27-year sentence for his role in an attempted coup following the 2022 election.

    Bolsonaro’s son, Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, will face Lula in the upcoming October presidential election, and the Trump administration has openly courted the younger Bolsonaro. He and his brother Eduardo met with Trump and other senior U.S. officials in Washington back in May. Shortly after that meeting, the Trump administration designated two of Brazil’s largest drug trafficking organizations — First Command Capital and Red Command — as foreign terrorist organizations, a move Lula has openly opposed.

    Just this week, additional economic tensions took effect when the Trump administration imposed new tariffs of up to 37.5% on thousands of Brazilian export products. The U.S. claims Brazil engages in unfair trade practices and fails to crack down on forced labor within its borders, but the Lula administration has rejected these accusations outright, framing the tariffs as an explicit attempt to sway the election outcome in Flávio Bolsonaro’s favor.

    The younger Bolsonaro has echoed his father’s longstanding, unsubstantiated claims that Brazil’s electronic voting system — which has been in use for 25 years — is vulnerable to widespread fraud. While he toned down those claims during his official nomination as the Liberal Party’s presidential candidate over the weekend, the issue remains a central talking point for his conservative campaign.

    Last week, a senior anonymous Brazilian diplomat told reporters in Brasilia that the government was already expecting a retaliatory U.S. response to the visa denial and ambassadorial delay. The diplomat also noted that the Trump administration deviated from standard diplomatic protocol by launching formal proceedings for Perez’s appointment before securing informal Brazilian approval, a step that contributed to the gridlock. As of Tuesday, Brazil’s government had not issued an official public response to the visa revocation following requests for comment from the Associated Press.

  • Five Amazon countries arrest hundreds in major crackdown on environmental crime

    Five Amazon countries arrest hundreds in major crackdown on environmental crime

    In a landmark show of cross-border collaboration to protect the world’s largest tropical rainforest, law enforcement agencies from five Amazonian nations have concluded one of the most sweeping crackdowns on transnational environmental crime ever recorded in the region, netting hundreds of arrests and seizing more than $280 million in illegally trafficked goods.

    Operation Green Shield 2026, which unfolded across the entire Amazon Basin from July 15 to 31, brought together more than 3,600 officers from Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru to target the full spectrum of destructive illegal activity plaguing the ecosystem: unlicensed mining, unauthorized logging, wildlife trafficking, fuel smuggling, and land grabbing — the unlawful seizure and occupation of territory that almost always ends in large-scale forest clearing. The entire operation was coordinated from Bogota, Colombia, by the International Initiative of Law Enforcement for Climate (I2LEC), a 2023 partnership between the United Arab Emirates and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime designed to strengthen global collective action against cross-border environmental harm.

    Official data released Tuesday details the operation’s far-reaching outcomes: across 1,045 separate field deployments, authorities made 839 arrests linked to environmental crime. Teams seized over 280,000 cubic meters of illegally harvested timber — a volume large enough to fill approximately 110 Olympic-sized swimming pools — alongside 195 metric tons of illegally extracted minerals including gold, carbon, iron and copper, plus all the heavy equipment used for unregulated mining operations. Beyond timber and minerals, law enforcement rescued more than 3,000 live wild animals captured for trafficking and recovered 430 deceased animals, a collection that includes snakes, birds, lizards and freshwater fish native to the Amazon.

    Environmental crime has emerged as one of the most profitable illicit industries operating in the Amazon, driven by relentless global demand for high-value gold, rare timber, and exotic wild animals. Investigators have documented that transnational criminal networks often merge illegal mining, logging, and wildlife trafficking operations, sharing cross-border smuggling routes and international financial networks to move stolen goods and evade detection. By shifting operations and contraband across neighboring national borders to avoid law enforcement, these groups have made coordinated multinational action not just effective, but essential to disrupting their activity.

    This year’s Green Shield operation builds on a smaller 2025 multinational campaign that brought together 1,500 officers from Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. That earlier effort marked one of the first large-scale attempts to implement shared intelligence and simultaneous cross-border enforcement against Amazon environmental crime, reflecting growing global concern over the increasingly borderless nature of these criminal networks. The 2026 iteration expanded the partnership to include Bolivia, with synchronized patrols and raids targeting remote border and river regions where criminal groups have long operated with impunity.

    “The UAE leadership firmly believes that collaboration is essential to combating transnational crime,” Col. Dana Humaid, director general of the International Affairs Bureau at the UAE Ministry of Interior, said in an official statement. “By working together, law enforcement agencies can achieve stronger results.”

    Colombian National Police Director Gen. William Oswaldo Rincón Zambrano emphasized that the operation’s success demonstrated how cross-border intelligence sharing can translate into tangible, coordinated enforcement outcomes. “Protecting our natural resources requires a shared response,” he noted.

    Peruvian police environmental chief Gen. J. Manuel Cruz Chamba echoed that sentiment, pointing out that environmental crimes “do not respect borders” and therefore demand unified international cooperation to effectively address.

    The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content.