标签： North America

A legal showdown over election administration has erupted in the United States, as the top leaders of 23 states governed by the Democratic Party have filed a federal lawsuit aiming to halt newly imposed restrictions on mail-in voting unveiled by President Donald Trump via executive order earlier this week.

The core of the plaintiffs’ legal argument centers on constitutional authority: the lawsuit contends that the president lacks any constitutional mandate to interfere in the administration of U.S. elections, a power explicitly reserved for individual state governments. According to the court filing, the new executive rules “transgress Plaintiff States’ constitutional power to prescribe the time, place, and manner of federal elections” and amount to an unlawful attempt to “amend and dictate election law by fiat based on the President’s whims.”

The U.S. Constitution clearly outlines the division of election oversight authority: individual state legislatures hold the power to set the rules for federal elections, while Congress retains the right to modify those regulations at the national level. This framework puts Trump’s unilateral action directly at odds with long-standing constitutional separation of powers, the suit argues.

Trump has spent months pushing unsubstantiated claims that widespread voter fraud is inherent to mail-in voting, a narrative he has repeated even as members of his own household have taken advantage of the voting method. The president himself recently cast a mail-in ballot in Florida, citing his status as sitting president, and both his wife Melania and son Donald Trump Jr. have used mail-in voting in recent electoral cycles.

The executive order, signed by Trump this past Tuesday, includes two key provisions. First, it orders the federal government to build and maintain a national database of all U.S. citizens eligible to vote. Second, it directs the U.S. Postal Service to only deliver mail-in and absentee ballots to voters who appear on a state-maintained Mail-in and Absentee Participation List, a requirement designed to restrict ballot access to only those formally registered to vote by mail.

New York Attorney General Letitia James, a leading figure in the coalition of plaintiffs, emphasized the stakes of the legal challenge in a public statement following the filing. “Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of our democracy, and no president has the power to rewrite the rules on his own,” James said.

Independent legal experts have echoed the plaintiffs’ skepticism, noting that there is little precedent or constitutional support for the president unilaterally overhauling state-run election procedures. Most analysts agree that the new restrictions are extremely unlikely to go into effect ahead of November’s midterm elections, which will determine which party controls the majority in both chambers of the U.S. Congress.

This is not the first time the courts have pushed back against Trump’s election-related executive actions. Judges have already blocked a separate executive order that would have withheld federal election funding from states that refused to comply with Trump’s preferred voting rules.

The latest executive order comes as Trump continues to pressure congressional Republicans to pass the SAVE America Act, a sweeping voting reform proposal that would require all prospective voters to provide proof of U.S. citizenship in order to cast a ballot, a measure that voting rights advocates argue would disenfranchise millions of eligible voters.

For more than 35 years, gun control advocate Heidi Rathjen has pushed for sweeping restrictions on assault-style weapons, a fight born from unspeakable tragedy. In 1989, a gunman opened fire on her campus at Montreal’s École Polytechnique, killing 14 women and wounding more than a dozen others. The massacre marked a defining shift in Canada’s approach to gun violence, but it would take another 31 years—and a second mass killing that left 22 dead in Nova Scotia in 2020—for the federal government to finally act, rolling out a national ban on roughly 2,500 models of assault-style firearms paired with a voluntary buyback program to remove existing weapons from civilian circulation.

Three years on, what was meant to be a landmark public safety win has devolved into a fragmented, widely criticized effort facing pushback at every turn, from provincial governments and law enforcement to legal gun owners and even the country’s own public safety minister. Experts and advocates warn the program is at high risk of falling far short of its goals, plagued by poor communication, inconsistent policy design, and political division.

Rathjen, who now serves as a spokesperson for gun control group PolySeSouviene, acknowledges the 2020 ban represents a step forward for public safety, but argues it is fatally flawed by its narrow scope. Key models of semi-automatic weapons, including the widely owned SKS rifle, remain excluded from the ban, leaving thousands of high-powered firearms still in circulation. “Without a comprehensive ban on assault weapons, there is no ban… and the money will be wasted,” she said, warning that the federal government’s $215 million CAD investment in the program risks delivering little meaningful improvement to community safety if the scope of the ban is not expanded.

Even Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree publicly expressed confusion over the policy’s logic, in a private conversation leaked to the *Toronto Star* late last year. Pressed on the program’s value, given that the vast majority of gun crime in Canada is committed with unregistered, illegal firearms, he told a Toronto resident, “Don’t ask me to explain the logic to you on this.” Anandasangaree later walked back the comments, calling them “misguided” and reaffirming his support for the initiative, but the leak amplified public doubts about the policy’s coherence.

The challenges facing Canada stand in stark contrast to the widely celebrated success of similar programs implemented after mass shootings in Australia and New Zealand. After the 1996 Port Arthur massacre that left 35 dead, Australia implemented a national ban and buyback that removed more than 650,000 firearms from circulation, while New Zealand collected roughly 56,000 weapons after the 2019 Christchurch mosque shooting that killed 51 people. Joel Negin, a public health professor at the University of Sydney, said Australia’s success stemmed from two key choices that Canada failed to replicate: a rapid, coordinated rollout of a broad suite of gun control measures immediately after the tragedy, and sustainable, dedicated funding from a temporary national tax levy. In Canada, by contrast, the buyback has been rolled out slowly, disconnected from complementary interventions targeting illegal gun trafficking, and lacks the coordinated intergovernmental alignment that made Australia’s program work. “The situation in Canada is that the gun buy-back has been proposed, but it’s not necessarily linked closely to other interventions,” Negin explained, noting the rollout of all post-2020 gun laws has been deeply fragmented.

Confusion over which firearms fall under the ban is pervasive among legal gun owners, according to Frank Nardi, a gun shop owner based in Montreal. Nardi, who opposes the ban, argues it unfairly targets law-abiding hunters and sport shooters while failing to address the root causes of gun violence in Canada, most notably gaps in the mental health system and rampant cross-border smuggling of illegal guns from the United States. He told the BBC many of his regular clients have approached him with questions about the program, unable to determine whether their own firearms are prohibited under the current rules. Pointing to two nearly identical semi-automatic rifles with the same caliber and ammunition type, he noted one is classified as prohibited while the other remains legal, a seemingly arbitrary distinction that has eroded trust in the policy among gun owners. “Let’s concentrate on that before slapping all these regulations and confiscations on all these legal firearm owners, who have always supported safety and followed the protocols,” he said.

Political division has further gridlocked the rollout: two conservative-leaning western provinces, Alberta and Saskatchewan, have refused to participate in the federal program. Alberta will not enforce the ban, while Saskatchewan has passed legislation shielding gun owners from criminal liability until the province secures a guarantee of what it calls fair compensation for surrendered weapons. Blaine Beaven, Saskatchewan’s newly appointed firearms commissioner, framed the province’s opposition as a defense of legal gun owners, calling the ban “an ideological mandate that’s being put out there that has limited to no discernible benefit to public safety.” Multiple Canadian police forces have also declined to assist with the program, describing it as a “significant operational burden” that diverts resources away from their top priority: cracking down on illegal gun smuggling.

This widespread pushback comes even as polling shows most Canadians support stronger gun control: a 2020 survey found 82% of respondents backed a ban on military-style assault weapons, and a majority say the country’s current gun laws are either appropriate or not strict enough. Canada already has far more stringent regulations than its neighbor the United States, requiring all gun buyers to pass a safety course and complete rigorous background checks to obtain a firearms license. But lax gun laws in the U.S. have fueled a steady flow of illegal weapons across the border: 2024 data from Ontario, Canada’s most populous province, shows roughly 91% of handguns seized in criminal investigations originate from the United States.

While most gun crime in Canada involves unregistered illegal handguns, high-profile mass shootings that have shaken the country over the past three decades have almost exclusively involved long guns, from the 1989 École Polytechnique attack to the 2020 Nova Scotia rampage. Most recently, in February 2024, an 18-year-old gunman killed eight people, including multiple schoolchildren, in the small British Columbia town of Tumbler Ridge, using at least one unregistered modified rifle before dying of a self-inflicted wound.

Despite the widespread criticism, the federal government says it remains committed to moving forward with the buyback. As of the initial declaration deadline this spring, more than 37,000 gun owners have voluntarily declared more than 67,000 prohibited firearms for buyback, just half of the 136,000 total weapons the government set aside funding to purchase. An amnesty period for gun owners to surrender their weapons without facing criminal charges has already been extended multiple times, and the new deadline for destruction is set for 30 October. It remains unclear whether that deadline will hold, however.

The Supreme Court of Canada recently agreed to hear a legal challenge to the 2020 ban brought by the Canadian Coalition of Firearm Rights, after two lower courts upheld the policy. The court’s decision is not expected for several months, and the gun rights group is already advising owners who have declared their weapons to withdraw their applications pending the ruling. Group founder Tracey Wilson told the BBC the coalition is prepared to file its own request to extend the amnesty deadline if the federal government does not act first. “We’re not going to wait for them to do the right thing by Canadians,” she said.

For Rathjen, who has spent more than half her life fighting for stronger gun laws, the current impasse is a devastating disappointment. With time running out to expand the ban to include all assault-style models, she warns the federal government has invested hundreds of millions of dollars and massive political capital into a program that is already heading for failure. “It’s just unbelievable that the government has invested so much in this controversial and difficult file, so much money, so much political capital, and yet they’re heading for failure,” she said.

The Trump administration has tabled a historic proposal on Capitol Hill that would push U.S. defense spending to $1.5 trillion — the single largest expansion of military outlays since World War II — in a push to advance the president’s long-stated goal of rebuilding domestic defense manufacturing and bolstering national defense capabilities. If approved, the budget would mark a 42% jump in defense spending compared to the prior fiscal year, representing the most dramatic reordering of federal spending priorities in decades. The massive request, which requires congressional approval to take effect, is structured separately from the separate $200 billion in emergency funding the Pentagon has already requested to support ongoing military operations in Iran. Breaking down the $1.5 trillion total, roughly $1.1 trillion would be allocated as discretionary Pentagon spending, a figure that sets a new all-time record for the department. An additional $350 billion earmarked for expanding the domestic defense industrial base would advance through the budget reconciliation process, a Senate procedural rule that allows the measure to pass with a simple 51-vote majority rather than the 60-vote threshold usually required for most major legislation. Among the top funded priorities outlined in the proposal is the White House’s ambitious Golden Dome missile defense initiative, a multi-layered system designed to shield the continental U.S. from advanced next-generation missiles and drone attacks. The system will integrate interception and sensor technology positioned on land, at sea, and in orbit, according to administration officials. While the White House has pegged the total cost of Golden Dome at $185 billion, independent analysts have raised major concerns about the true long-term price tag. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has already estimated that just the space-based components of the system alone could cost $542 billion over 20 years, and many defense experts warn the full cost could eventually consume a large share of the total expanded defense budget. The proposal also allocates $65.8 billion for expanded U.S. naval shipbuilding, part of the administration’s plan to build what Trump has called a “Golden Fleet” of next-generation warships. This funding supports the production of the newly unveiled Trump-class battleships, a class of heavily armed vessels first announced by the president in December. Trump confirmed earlier this year that construction on the lead ship of the class, the USS Defiant, will begin shortly after budget approval, with the first vessels projected to enter active service within two and a half years. Administration officials have repeatedly justified the expanded shipbuilding investment by warning that the U.S. currently lags far behind China in both overall shipbuilding capacity and total naval vessel output, a gap they argue must be closed quickly to protect U.S. strategic interests globally. In addition to capital investments, the budget also includes funding for targeted pay raises for active-duty military personnel, a long-sought priority for uniformed service members. To offset the massive increase in defense spending, the administration has proposed deep cuts to non-defense domestic programs, cutting overall domestic spending by 10% — a reduction of roughly $73 billion. The cuts target a range of federal initiatives, including existing climate action programs, housing assistance, and public education initiatives. In an online summary of the budget proposal, the administration frames the cuts as a necessary step to eliminate what it calls “woke, weaponised and wasteful programmes,” and to shift control of domestic social programs back to state and local governments, in line with longstanding conservative policy priorities. President Trump doubled down on this framing during a private White House event earlier this week, where comments caught on camera reaffirmed his view that national defense must be the top federal priority moving forward. “It’s not possible for us to take care of daycare, Medicaid, Medicare, all of these individual things, they can do it on a state basis,” Trump told attendees, adding that the federal government’s core focus must remain on “military protection.” The proposal now heads to Congress, where it will face debate and a vote before any spending changes can be enacted.

A major leadership shift is underway at the top of the United States Army, after Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth requested the incumbent chief of staff Randy George step down from his post. George, who assumed the role in 2023, was serving a standard four-year term as the service’s highest-ranking officer before the leadership change.

Vice Chief of Staff Gen Christopher LaNeve will step into the role as acting chief of staff, the Pentagon confirmed this week. Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell highlighted LaNeve’s decades of frontline experience in an official statement, framing him as a proven combat leader who fully enjoys Hegseth’s confidence to advance the current administration’s national security and military strategy without error.

The leadership shake-up at the Army’s top ranks comes against two key backdrops: ongoing United States military operations targeting Iran, and a sweeping overhaul of senior uniformed leadership that Hegseth has pursued since taking office. Over just more than a year, the defense secretary has removed more than a dozen senior military leaders, a series of changes that has cleared the way for LaNeve’s rapid ascent through the Pentagon’s ranks.

This appointment marks LaNeve’s third promotion under Hegseth’s tenure. Most recently, he was elevated to vice chief of staff in February 2026, filling an early vacancy created by the retirement of James Mingus. At the time of that appointment, Hegseth praised LaNeve as an exceptional generational leader, saying he would lead efforts to reinvigorate the Army’s warrior culture, modernize the force for 21st-century battlefield challenges, and strengthen deterrence against adversaries across the globe.

Before taking the vice chief role, LaNeve served as a senior military assistant to Hegseth starting in April 2025. He stepped into that position after Hegseth fired Lt Gen Jennifer Short, just months after Hegseth took office at the Pentagon in January 2025.

Commissioned into the Army through the University of Arizona in 1990, LaNeve has built a 36-year career marked by a string of high-profile command and staff assignments. His prior leadership posts include commander of the Eighth Army based in South Korea and head of the elite 82nd Airborne Division. He has also deployed on multiple combat tours, with service in both Afghanistan and Iraq, giving him deep on-the-ground experience in counterinsurgency and large-scale operational missions.

Since U.S. President Donald Trump launched military operations against Iran in late February, conflicting and constantly shifting timelines for the conflict’s conclusion from the White House and senior administration officials have drawn widespread attention and scrutiny. In his first primetime national televised address dedicated to the war on Wednesday, Trump offered the latest update, claiming U.S. forces are on track to meet their stated military objectives “shortly, very shortly.”

In the address, Trump sought to frame the ongoing conflict as relatively brief compared to protracted historical U.S. engagements like World War II and the Vietnam War, before laying out a new 2 to 3 week timeline for decisive action. “Over the next two to three weeks, we’re going to bring them back to the Stone Ages, where they belong,” he told the American public.

This shifting forecast is far from an isolated incident. Since Trump first announced the start of operations on February 28, when he said the campaign would continue “as long as necessary to achieve our objective,” the president has repeatedly flipped between contradictory claims: that the U.S. has already secured victory, and that the campaign will drag on for somewhere between two and six weeks. The six-week mark since the operation launched will fall on April 11.

Internal inconsistencies across the administration have only added to the confusion. Just over a month ago, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told CBS News’ *60 Minutes* that the military action taken up to that point was “only just the beginning,” a statement the Department of Defense echoed in a social media post less than 24 hours later. Yet that same day, Trump claimed during a Florida press conference that the U.S. had already made “major strides” toward its goals, adding that “some people could say they’re pretty well complete.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has struck a middle ground between the two officials. A day before Trump’s Wednesday address, he told Fox News: “We can see the finish line. It’s not today, it’s not tomorrow, but it’s coming.”

For his part, Hegseth has defended the fluid timelines, arguing that intentional ambiguity offers tactical benefits on the battlefield. “Don’t tell your enemy what you’re willing to do or not do, and don’t tell your enemy when you’re willing to stop,” he told reporters Wednesday. “It could be any particular number, but we would never reveal precisely what it is, because our goal is to finish those objectives, and we’re well on our way.”

Foreign policy and historical experts interviewed by the BBC note that adjusting war timelines as a conflict evolves is not unprecedented, but the frequency and scope of contradictions in the Trump administration’s messaging stands out in modern U.S. history.

“Presidents have often offered timelines to buy time with the public during wars, and almost all of them underestimate the time,” explained Thomas Patterson, a historian at the Harvard Kennedy School. Looking back at past examples, Lyndon B. Johnson’s famous 1967 “light at the end of the tunnel” rhetoric about Vietnam failed to mask an eight-year extension of the conflict that ultimately ended Johnson’s presidency. In 1999, Bill Clinton predicted a brief NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, only for the strikes to stretch on for more than two months. George W. Bush’s infamous 2003 “Mission Accomplished” speech on an aircraft carrier early in the Iraq War was followed by eight more years of U.S. troop presence in the country.

Eric Min, a professor of conflict resolution and diplomacy at the University of California, Los Angeles, pointed out that forecasting war duration is inherently uncertain, as conflicts regularly shift in unexpected ways. Even so, he noted, the level of inconsistency across the Trump administration is unique. “The inconsistency of positions throughout the administration is pretty unique. There’s not really a historical analogue that I can think of,” Min said.

The White House has pushed back against these criticisms, with press secretary Karoline Leavitt claiming last month that “Trump and his entire team have consistently laid out clear objectives.”

Wednesday’s highly anticipated primetime address had already sparked widespread speculation in Washington ahead of its delivery, with many political observers expecting Trump to announce a major policy shift — either an expansion of the conflict to include ground troops, or a drawdown of operations. Instead, the address delivered only another revised timeline for the war’s end, continuing the pattern of shifting forecasts that has defined the administration’s public messaging on the Iran conflict.