As the first semi-finals of the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest kicked off, Palestinian artists from the besieged Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank launched a coordinated call for a widespread boycott of the global competition, condemning its decision to allow Israel’s participation amid ongoing military operations that have devastated Palestinian communities. Spearheaded under the campaign banner #VoteJustice4Palestine, the movement calls on boycotters to amplify *The Drone Song* online, a viral work recorded by Gaza-based musician Ahmed Abu Amsha that has become an unofficial anthem of Palestinian cultural resilience.
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Lamine Yamal waves Palestine flag during Barcelona title celebrations
Barcelona’s 2024-2025 La Liga title celebrations took an unexpectedly political turn on Monday, when 18-year-old football phenom Lamine Yamal brought a large Palestinian flag onto the team’s open-top victory parade, drawing widespread acclaim across social media platforms for the high-profile act of solidarity. The moment came just 24 hours after Barcelona sealed their latest domestic championship with a decisive 2-0 win over bitter El Clasico rivals Real Madrid, drawing tens of thousands of jubilant fans into the streets of the Catalan capital to celebrate with the squad.
Yamal, one of the sport’s most globally recognized young talents, is no stranger to using his massive public platform to speak out against injustice. Last month, he openly condemned anti-Muslim chanting from Spanish supporters during a national team friendly match against Egypt. In a candid public statement released after the match, Yamal, who is Muslim, said the chant “Whoever doesn’t jump is a Muslim” was unacceptable. “I know it was aimed at the opposing team and wasn’t something personal against me, but as a Muslim, this still counts as disrespectful and unacceptable behaviour,” he said at the time. “Football was created for enjoyment and cheering, not for insulting people because of who they are or what they believe in.”
Yamal’s gesture also is not unique among Spanish footballers in recent weeks. Just seven days prior, former Barcelona winger Ilias Akhomach unfurled a Palestinian flag during title celebrations for his current club Rayo Vallecano, after the side secured a spot in the UEFA Conference League final with a semi-final win over France’s Strasbourg.
Catalonia, and Barcelona in particular, has long been a hub for pro-Palestine activism in Spain. The city has served as the departure point for international aid flotillas organized to break the Israeli military blockade of the Gaza Strip, a role that has cemented the region’s reputation as a center of pro-Palestine organizing in Europe.
The act of solidarity from Yamal also aligns with the Spanish federal government’s longstanding, high-profile stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has put Madrid at odds with both Israel and the United States in recent months. Spain is one of the only European governments to have repeatedly and openly condemned Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, officially labeling the actions a genocide. In 2024, Madrid became one of the first Western governments to formally recognize Palestinian statehood, a decision that prompted Israel to immediately recall its ambassador from Madrid. By 2025, the government expanded its actions, banning all Israeli ships and aircraft carrying weapons bound for Israel from accessing Spanish ports and airspace, as part of a nine-part package of restrictive measures against Israel.
Diplomatic relations between the two nations have been frozen since late 2024, when Spain recalled its ambassador to Israel for consultations amid the escalating row. Israel has not had an ambassador posted to Madrid since 2024, leaving bilateral ties at their lowest point in decades. More recently, tensions have flared again over the joint US-Israeli military campaign against Iran. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has publicly labeled the military strikes illegal under international law, and refused the United States’ request to access jointly operated Spanish military bases in southern Spain for operations linked to the Iran campaign.
That decision triggered an angry public response from US President Donald Trump, who accused Spain of acting in an “unfriendly” manner and threatened to impose sweeping trade restrictions on the country in retaliation. Despite the pressure, Sanchez has stood firm on his position, maintaining Spain’s commitment to upholding international law across the Middle East.
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Iranian press review: Unexploded US Tomahawks used to develop missile technology
In the aftermath of the 40-day US-Israeli war on Iran, four interconnected developments have emerged from inside the country, painting a complex picture of military adaptation, domestic unrest, political division, and regional strategic risk, according to an Iranian press review compiled by Middle East Eye. None of the reporting included in this digest has been independently verified by MEE.
First, Iran’s military is working to reverse-engineer captured US-made Tomahawk missiles to replicate their advanced technology, Iran’s semi-official Mehr News Agency has claimed. The report states that multiple Tomahawk missiles fired during the war were either intercepted and downed by Iranian air defenses or failed to detonate on impact, leaving large portions of the weapons intact for analysis. Mehr added that some missiles failed to explode either due to faulty detonator systems or because Iranian electronic warfare units disrupted their guidance and detonation mechanisms. Iranian military engineers are now studying these intact components to develop the country’s own indigenous long-range missile systems. “In the 40-day war, Iran’s strategy switched to gaining knowledge from the battlefield. Every Tomahawk missile that landed and did not explode was an advanced textbook for Iranian engineers,” the agency reported. While Mehr’s claim has not been confirmed by independent third-party sources, Iranian officials have previously confirmed that they recovered and neutralized dozens of unused American and Israeli munitions in the weeks after a ceasefire took effect on April 7. On the final day of the conflict, Iran’s ILNA news agency released a public photograph of an unexploded missile that struck a section of Tehran’s iconic Grand Bazaar, identifying the weapon as a US-built Tomahawk. This approach to weapons development is not new for Iran: the country has been locked out of international arms markets under sweeping global sanctions since 1979, and for decades it has relied on reverse-engineering captured foreign weapons to build its domestic missile and drone programs.
Second, conflicting official statements have left thousands of Iranians displaced by US-Israeli airstrikes on Tehran uncertain about their long-term temporary housing. When the war first began, Tehran’s municipal government announced that any resident whose home was destroyed or rendered uninhabitable in attacks would be offered free accommodation in city-owned hotels until they could rebuild or secure permanent new housing. But on Saturday, Iran’s reformist Etemad daily newspaper reported that dozens of displaced households currently staying in capital city hotels had already received eviction notices ordering them to leave by the end of the week. One displaced resident, whose apartment suffered catastrophic damage in an airstrike explosion, told the outlet that they had nowhere else to go. “The fire department and the Red Crescent say my house is uninhabitable. Even if it was not destroyed, there are no stairs left in the building for me to reach my apartment,” the resident said. A day after Etemad published its report, Tehran Municipality spokesperson Abdolmotahar Mohammadkhani released a corrective statement saying displaced residents should reach out directly to municipal authorities to have their individual cases resolved. Mohammadkhani confirmed that the city has already housed 6,677 displaced people across 45 hotels and municipal housing complexes, and stressed that “as long as their housing problems are not solved, the municipality will cover all accommodation costs.”
Third, a prominent jailed Iranian reformist political philosopher has publicly called on Iran’s hardline government to pursue national reconciliation with the Iranian public and end open conflict with the United States and Israel. Mohammad Reza Tajik, a leading reformist figure who was detained during the 2009 Green Movement anti-government protests, published the commentary on Jamaran, a website aligned with the grandson of Ruhollah Khomeini, Iran’s first supreme leader. Tajik, a longstanding public critic of the government’s violent crackdown on political opposition, argued that ruling officials must address both widespread domestic public discontent and mounting international pressure to make adaptive policy choices in the post-war period. “It is only in the light of practical reason that one can discern what, in the present conditions, is to be done and what is to be left undone; and in this darkness of the world’s night, it becomes clear which is the path and which is the path astray,” he wrote. Tajik pointed to the deep public anger that followed the government’s bloody crackdown on nationwide anti-establishment protests in January, saying that ruling leaders must demonstrate a clear willingness to reform to restore public trust. “Through clear signs of a will to change, and a turning away from what has left so many citizens feeling dissatisfied, powerless, alienated, abandoned and without effect, these many [must] be given hope for the coming of that day of joy when they will be reconciled,” he added.
Finally, two recent high-profile developments involving the United Arab Emirates – the public exposure of secret military cooperation with Israel and Abu Dhabi’s withdrawal from OPEC – have sparked widespread speculation across Iranian political circles about the Gulf state’s future role in regional tensions. Iranian political analysts have focused heavily on how these moves signal a shift in the UAE’s long-term regional strategic posture. Writing in the reformist daily Shargh, Iranian analyst Mehdi Bazargan pointed to recent statements by US officials that downplayed reported Iranian attacks on the UAE that took place on May 4 and 5, arguing that the comments signal Washington may be stepping back from its security commitments to Abu Dhabi. Bazargan argued that after observing the trajectory of the recent US-Israeli war and the level of consistent US military backing for Israel, the UAE may choose to deepen its military alignment with Tel Aviv. “Trump’s words show that Washington is not currently willing to go to war with Iran again at the expense of the security of the Emiratis,” Bazargan wrote. “Even if some actors like Israel can push him towards a new escalation of tension with Iran, the end result will be nothing but the formation of a ‘scorched earth’ in the UAE.” The analyst also criticized the 2020 Abraham Accords, which normalized diplomatic relations between the UAE and Israel, calling it a fundamental strategic mistake. The agreement, he argued, was built on the incorrect assumption that the US and Israel could guarantee the UAE’s security against Iranian military retaliation. “Normalising relations with Israel in practice exposed Abu Dhabi to a more complex game whose requirements exceed the country’s actual capacities,” he wrote. “The idea of enjoying security benefits without accepting the consequences on the ground is now at odds with the harsh regional realities.” Speculation about the UAE’s role in the recent conflict intensified after The Wall Street Journal published a report on Monday claiming that the UAE had launched quiet offensive military strikes against Iranian targets earlier this spring, confirming Abu Dhabi’s active participation in the US-Israeli war. Citing anonymous sources familiar with the operation, the outlet reported that Emirati forces targeted an oil refinery on Iran’s Lavan Island in the Persian Gulf in early April. The UAE government has not made any public statement acknowledging or confirming the strike.
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Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe, explained
For Palestinians across the globe, May 15 is not an ordinary date on the calendar – it is a day etched in collective memory as a commemoration of loss, resilience, and a decades-long struggle for justice. Annually, millions gather to mark the Nakba, meaning “catastrophe” in Arabic, a defining turning point that refers to the 1948 displacement and ethnic cleansing of Palestinian people by Zionist militias to clear the way for the establishment of the State of Israel. To contextualize this event, the history of Palestine’s governance stretches back centuries under Ottoman rule, a period that ended when British forces seized control of the territory at the conclusion of World War I.
Following the war, the League of Nations granted Britain a formal mandate to administer Palestine, a framework that explicitly excluded input from the territory’s native Palestinian majority. While the official stated goal of the mandate system was to guide local populations toward self-governance and eventual independence, Palestine’s mandate deviated sharply from this promise: it embedded the 1917 Balfour Declaration, a pledge to create a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, at a time when Jewish residents made up less than 10 percent of the total population. Over the course of the mandate era, from 1923 to 1948, Britain facilitated large-scale Jewish immigration from Europe, growing the Jewish population tenfold from roughly 60,000 before the mandate to 700,000 by 1948. British authorities also provided military training, weapons, and autonomy to Zionist armed groups, while violently suppressing native Palestinian uprisings that demanded independence and opposed the unregulated immigration project.
By 1947, growing unrest led Britain to announce it would abandon its mandate and cede authority over the Palestine question to the newly formed United Nations. In November of that year, the UN adopted a partition plan that would split historic Palestine into two entities: 55 percent of the territory would be allocated to a Jewish state, while 45 percent would go to an Arab Palestinian state, with Jerusalem designated as an internationally administered city. Like earlier arrangements, the plan was developed without any consultation with Palestinian leaders, and it never went into effect. Almost immediately after the plan was announced, Zionist armed groups launched a systematic campaign of expulsion, drawing on detailed military blueprints that had been drafted as early as 1945.
This military strategy coalesced into Plan Dalet, the official operational framework for Zionist forces that explicitly called for the destruction of Palestinian villages through arson, demolition, and mining, and mandated that in cases of local resistance, armed groups would destroy resistance forces and expel the entire civilian population outside the borders of the proposed Jewish state. Over the course of the campaign, Zionist militias deployed a range of brutal tactics to force Palestinian flight, including large-scale bombing campaigns, targeted massacres of civilian communities, and psychological warfare designed to terrorize residents into leaving. Unarmed civilian men, women, and children were killed indiscriminately, with many buried in unmarked mass graves.
Between December 1947 and May 14, 1948 – the day Zionist leaders unilaterally declared the establishment of the State of Israel, 24 hours before the British Mandate was set to officially expire – an estimated 175,000 Palestinians were expelled, and more than 200 Palestinian villages and urban neighborhoods were destroyed and seized. Following the declaration of statehood, neighboring Arab armies entered the territory to oppose Zionist expansion, leading to a full-scale war that concluded with armistice agreements between Israel and neighboring Arab states in July 1949. By the end of the conflict, the newly formed State of Israel controlled 78 percent of historic Palestine, with the remaining 22 percent held by Arab forces; that remaining territory, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, would fall under Israeli military occupation 19 years later in the 1967 Six-Day War, and remains under occupation to this day.
Final casualty and displacement figures from the 1948 campaign are staggering: an estimated 13,000 Palestinians were killed, more than 530 Palestinian villages and towns were completely destroyed and depopulated, at least 30 documented massacres were carried out, and roughly 750,000 Palestinians were forcibly expelled from their homeland. Around 150,000 Palestinians remained within the borders of the new Israeli state, the vast majority of them internally displaced from their original homes. In the years after the war, the Israeli government passed a series of laws that seized all abandoned property and assets left by expelled Palestinians – including land, homes, cash, stocks, businesses, furniture, and other personal belongings. It also enacted the Law of Return, which grants immediate Israeli citizenship to any Jewish person from anywhere in the world who relocates to Israel, while permanently barring Palestinian refugees from returning to their ancestral homes.
Today, the legacy of the 1948 Nakba endures for Palestinians across the globe. There are 5.8 million registered Palestinian refugees living in formal refugee camps across the occupied West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, with an additional 2 million internally displaced Palestinians holding Israeli citizenship within Israel’s 1948 borders. For Palestinians, the Nakba is not merely a historical event confined to 1948; it is an ongoing process of displacement, marked by decades of military occupation, blockade of Gaza, home demolitions, land confiscation, and systemic dispossession that continues to shape Palestinian life to this day. Every May 15, communities across the world gather to honor the lives lost, the homes destroyed, and the ongoing struggle for Palestinian self-determination, ensuring the memory of the Nakba remains central to the national Palestinian identity.
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Starmer faces endgame as Wes Streeting launches ‘coup’ to beat rivals to the top job
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer is currently fighting to retain his hold on Downing Street, with political insiders widely predicting his premiership could end in a matter of days as rival factions within the Labour Party scramble to position his successor.
During a Tuesday morning Cabinet meeting held at 10 Downing Street, the embattled prime minister pushed back against growing pressure to step down, telling his senior ministerial team that the Labour Party’s formal leadership challenge process had not yet been activated. “The country expects us to get on with governing. That is what I am doing and what we must do as a Cabinet,” Starmer told attendees, according to accounts of the closed-door meeting.
But few senior officials in London’s Whitehall government district believe Starmer can cling to power for much longer. His bloc of loyal allies has shrunk rapidly in recent days, and more than 80 Labour MPs spanning every ideological faction of the party have publicly and privately called on him to acknowledge his leadership is finished. The unrest spilled into open revolt on Monday night, when five junior ministerial aides resigned from their government posts in protest of Starmer’s continued tenure.
With Starmer’s position hanging by a thread, a bitter power struggle has erupted between the centre-right and soft-left wings of the Labour Party over who will take the top job, multiple party sources confirmed to Middle East Eye.
Health Secretary Wes Streeting, a figure aligned with the party’s centre-right, is moving quickly to force Starmer out before soft-left opponents can organize a coordinated campaign, Labour insiders say. Streeting’s push has already drawn accusations of an undemocratic power grab from left-wing party figures.
One of the most high-profile potential challengers from the soft left is Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham, who has spent weeks quietly building support for a leadership bid among sitting Labour MPs. Burnham’s path to the premiership faces major structural barriers, however: he currently does not hold a seat in the House of Commons, a requirement for the office of prime minister in the UK.
To resolve this obstacle, an unnamed Labour MP is reportedly preparing to resign their parliamentary seat to clear a path for Burnham. If the MP steps down, Burnham would need to win a subsequent by-election to enter the Commons before he could launch a formal leadership challenge. A further complication comes from the Green Party, which has indicated it will mount a aggressive left-wing campaign to defeat Burnham in any by-election he contests.
Another leading soft-left contender is Angela Rayner, Starmer’s former deputy leader, who has positioned herself as a unifying candidate for the party’s progressive wing. Rayner stepped down from the Cabinet last September after revelations she underpaid stamp duty on her £800,000 coastal vacation property. One senior soft-left Labour insider warned Middle East Eye that opposition researchers have compiled damaging information on Rayner that would be released if she takes power, saying “there is a truck load of dirt on Rayner waiting to be unloaded if she becomes PM.” The insider compared Rayner’s potential short-lived premiership to that of Conservative former Prime Minister Liz Truss, who resigned after just 49 days in office.
Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, another veteran soft-left politician, has been urged by dozens of MPs to launch his own leadership bid, though he has so far declined to comment publicly on his plans. Some party figures have floated the idea of a joint Burnham-Miliband ticket to unify the soft left against Streeting’s faster-moving campaign. The soft left as a whole is working against the clock, as it needs time to organize its base while Streeting pushes for an immediate ousting of Starmer.
John McDonnell, a veteran left-wing Labour MP and former Shadow Chancellor, publicly condemned Streeting’s maneuver on Tuesday morning via social media, writing that Streeting “has launched coup for fear of a democratic process & whilst candidates are blocked”. Labour Together, the influential centrist think tank that was instrumental in getting Starmer elected Labour leader, is widely understood to be backing Streeting to retain its hold on power after Starmer departs.
Streeting faces his own major headwinds in a leadership contest, however. He is widely tied to former senior Labour minister Peter Mandelson, a once-powerful party figure who was disgraced earlier this year for his long-standing close personal ties to convicted sex offender and disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein. Streeting, who has previously been described as a protégé of Mandelson, has struggled to distance himself from the scandal. Most critically, Streeting’s popularity among rank-and-file Labour Party members is far lower than his leading rivals: a recent survey conducted by the progressive think tank Compass found 42 percent of Labour members backed Burnham in a potential leadership race, compared to just 11 percent who supported Streeting.
For Streeting, that means his only realistic path to power is to force a leadership vote before Burnham can resolve his by-election barrier and gain the ability to contest the leadership.
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On the Greek island of Rhodes, I skipped the beach to visit a pasha’s library
On a muted, drizzly early spring morning on the Greek island of Rhodes, Tarik Tuten, a local resident with a soft Turkish lilt, wanders the quiet sea-pebble alleys of the island’s Old Town – a ritual he has followed for decades, regardless of company. As the island has not yet been flooded by the annual summer tourist rush, only stray cats share these winding lanes with us, and the overcast sky casts a soft, melancholic haze over the faded Levantine architecture around us.
This quiet melancholy, known in Turkish as *huzun*, is a rare feeling in the modern eastern Mediterranean, where coastlines are either torn by conflict or transformed into exclusive playgrounds for the global wealthy. Neither war nor what Tuten calls “Dubaisation” leaves room for this quiet, layered sense of history – but it lingers on every corner of Rhodes’ back streets, where Tuten has spent his whole life navigating forgotten landmarks: overgrown gardens in the old Jewish quarter, a hidden Byzantine church tucked behind oleander and cypress groves.
But this walk is not just a casual ramble. I have come to Rhodes to visit one of the Mediterranean’s most extraordinary hidden cultural treasures: the Hafiz Ahmed Agha Library, a 1793 Ottoman institution that Tuten’s family has stewarded continuously for seven generations – a near-unique survival of a centuries-old *waqf* (pious charitable endowment) still under the care of its founding family.
Nestled unassumingly opposite the 16th-century Suleymaniye Mosque, tucked between a row of tourist-facing jewellery shops, the library is easy for casual summer visitors to miss. Step past its plain exterior wall, however, and you enter a treasure trove of 828 handwritten manuscripts spanning astrology, philosophy, medicine, Islamic law, and economics, penned in Ottoman Turkish, Arabic, and Persian. What makes the institution even rarer than its collection is its unbroken lineage: founded as part of a waqf by Tuten’s seventh-generation ancestor, it has never been seized by the state or broken from its founding family’s stewardship – a miracle of survival, Tuten says, that few other endowments across the former Ottoman Empire can match.
The library’s story begins with a pilgrimage. Tuten’s ancestor, Ahmed Aga of Rhodes, was an Ottoman official and wealthy merchant leading a camel caravan bound for Mecca and Medina on behalf of Sultan Selim III when he was assassinated under unclear circumstances somewhere between modern-day Syria and Saudi Arabia. Aga built a diversified fortune: he held tax farms in the Balkans, owned a soap factory in Izmir, and had stakes in shipping and salt mining, making powerful enemies amid shifting Ottoman political tides. When a new grand vizier took power, Aga was eliminated – a common practice in the era, Tuten explains, though the full story remains untold.
Rather than being dissolved after Aga’s death, his waqf flourished under his son, Ahmed Fethi Pasha, who rose to become one of the Ottoman Empire’s most prominent 19th-century statesmen. Born in the early 1800s, Fethi Pasha climbed the ranks of the Ottoman imperial establishment, distinguishing himself in the 1828–1829 Russo-Turkish War, where his bravery on the battlefield earned him the honorific *fethi*. He went on to serve as the Ottoman ambassador to Russia, Austria, and France, becoming a leading figure of the Tanzimat era – a period of sweeping Western-inspired reform to modernize the Ottoman state. A lover of European technology and design, he founded Istanbul’s Beykoz porcelain factory to satisfy the growing Ottoman bourgeoisie’s appetite for Western-style luxury goods, and oversaw a boom in clock tower construction across the empire that still shapes skylines from the Greek islands to Lebanese mountain villages. His 1852 clock tower, built to honor Sultan Abdulmecid I’s visit to Rhodes, still dominates the Old Town’s skyline as a marker of his forward-thinking vision.
When the library’s long-serving groundskeeper Yusuf pulls open the heavy wooden double gates to the compound, visitors step into a quiet oasis frozen in time. The courtyard, paved in alternating bands of white and black pebbles in the traditional Rhodian *krokalia* mosaic style, is fragrant with orange blossom, lined with rows of potted geraniums and basil, and shaded by loquat trees heavy with fruit. Tuten explains that Yusuf’s wife tends the garden, and the family has intentionally kept its relaxed, unmanicured form – a choice that feels like a quiet rejection of the slick, disposable modern development that has spread across much of the Mediterranean.
The library itself is a study in understated durability, built from Rhodes’ distinctive porous sand-colored limestone, with solemn wooden windows framed by delicate carved lintels and a red-tiled roof bound with Khorasani, an ancient mortar that has held together Byzantine, Ottoman, and Persian architectural masterpieces for centuries. It was built to outlast generations, a stark contrast to the temporary, tourist-focused developments that line much of the island’s coast today. The waqf’s original charter allocated a portion of its rental property income to support a full-time groundskeeper, a role Yusuf has held for 40 years. Tuten notes that Yusuf has rarely traveled more than two hours from the library in his four decades on the job, calling the role a sacred duty rather than just a paycheck.
Once inside, the library’s resident researcher Aydin Bostanci, a specialist in Islamic manuscripts and Ottoman calligraphy from Greece’s Western Thrace region, leads the tour. Bostanci’s home region is one of the few places that retained its Muslim population after the 1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey mandated by the Treaty of Lausanne, and Rhodes itself has a similar layered history: around 2,000 descendants of Ottoman Muslims remained on the island after 1923, thanks to the Dodecanese being under Italian occupation from 1912 to 1947, exempting it from the population exchange.
In the high-ceilinged, whitewashed reading room with deep arched windows, Bostanci explains that the library’s rules have never allowed its manuscripts to leave the premises – for centuries, scholars would travel to Rhodes to request volumes, which the librarian would bring to them to read on site. Originally, the waqf also included a *medrese* (religious school) that taught young boys Arabic and Quranic studies, since literacy in Ottoman, Arabic, and Persian was limited to a small class of transitory religious and state officials.
When Bostanci opens the door to the secured book room, the quiet weight of history hits immediately. A central cherry wood cabinet with glass panes holds the library’s collection, where the scent of aged wood mixes with oud – the fragrant resin placed between shelves to repel insects and preserve the fragile pages. Laid out for viewing are the collection’s rarest pieces: a 1735 copy of Ibn Khaldun’s 14th-century *Muqaddimah* (Prolegomena to History), a Mamluk-era Quran, texts on Hadith and astronomy, and an exquisitely illustrated 16th-century Safavid Quran.
Rhodes itself has always been a crossroads of empires, a place where layers of history overlap rather than erase one another. After the Knights Hospitaller were expelled from Jerusalem by Saladin’s armies, they captured Rhodes from the Byzantines in 1309 and built massive fortifications, churches, and a castle that still define the Old Town’s skyline. It took Suleiman the Magnificent six months of siege to oust the knights in 1522 – 70 years after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople – transforming the island from a crusader fortress into a thriving trading entrepot and the Ottomans’ most important Eastern Mediterranean naval base. Commerce flourished, linking North Africa to the Black Sea and drawing multiethnic communities of Orthodox Christians and Jews to the island.
Today, Rhodes draws millions of tourists a year, drawn by its beaches and crowded waterfront cafes serving everything from overpriced sushi to traditional Greek fare. But the island has been a destination for curious travelers for centuries: French writer François-René de Chateaubriand wrote in 1812 that he found Rhodes more welcoming than any other Levantine destination, calling it “a little France in the midst of Greece” thanks to the Knights Hospitaller’s legacy. Even Egypt’s Khedival royal family vacationed here to escape the summer heat, and many elite members who died during their stays are buried at the Murad Reis Mosque near the port – the same cemetery where British writer Lawrence Durrell lived in a small cottage he named Villa Cleobolus for two years after World War II, before he found fame with *The Alexandria Quartet*. Durrell’s 1940s writings on Rhodes helped lay the groundwork for the Greek tourism boom of the 1960s, describing a poor island in flux, no longer Ottoman or Italian, not yet fully Greek.
On my final night, Tuten hosts a dinner for a diverse group of guests at a restaurant in Rhodes’ new city: a mix of people from Greece, Turkey, Istanbul, and Saudi Arabia, bound together by shared connection to the island’s layered history. A Greek writer friend from Istanbul whispers that the scene feels straight out of a Durrell novel: it is the Levant at its best, a messy, convivial mixing of cultures where conversations shift seamlessly between English, Greek, Turkish, and Arabic over wine and pizza.
Local researcher Savvas Pavlidis, whose great-grandfather was Rhodes’ last Ottoman-era mayor, explains that the island’s overreliance on tourism is no accident: after the 1923 population exchange and the severing of historic economic ties between the Dodecanese and the Anatolian mainland, Italian occupiers first turned to tourism to prop up the island’s economy, a path successive Greek governments continued. But while mass tourism shapes much of modern Rhodes, the Hafiz Ahmed Agha Library stands as a testament to the island’s natural connection to its eastern neighbors.
Today, Tuten hosts regular researchers and academics who come to study the library’s manuscripts and learn preservation techniques, but his core goal for the institution is far simpler. Drawing on the shared Greek-Turkish word *muhabbet*, meaning a warm, friendly exchange between people, Tuten says he wants the library to be more than an archive: it is meant to be a meeting place, a convivial space that unites communities across the borders and divisions that have reshaped the eastern Mediterranean over the past two centuries.
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Israeli army chief warns reserve forces could ‘collapse’ amid manpower crisis
Israeli military chief of staff Eyal Zamir has delivered a stark, urgent warning to Israeli lawmakers that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) could see its entire reserve force collapse within a matter of months if the government fails to immediately pass sweeping conscription and service extension legislation, multiple Israeli media outlets have confirmed. Speaking during a closed-door classified session of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee on Monday, Zamir laid out an urgent set of policy demands, including raising mandatory active military service from 30 months to 36 months, expanding overall recruitment pools, and updating outdated reserve duty requirements to address the growing shortfall.
Zamir’s projection painted a grim picture for the IDF’s force structure: by January 2027, the scheduled reduction of mandatory service to 30 months will strip the service of thousands of additional frontline combat troops, creating a gap so severe that “the reserve army will collapse into itself,” according to comments reported by Israeli outlet i24news. The top uniformed official stressed that after nearly three years of constant combat operations across multiple fronts, the IDF is already grappling with a critical manpower shortage that threatens to undermine the military’s ability to carry out future missions. “I do not deal with political or legislative processes,” Zamir told the committee. “I am engaged in multi-front warfare and in defeating the enemy. In order to continue doing that, the IDF urgently needs more soldiers.”
Per Israeli news outlet Ynet, Zamir confirmed the IDF is already operating at “the lower threshold in terms of manpower,” as prolonged large-scale military campaigns continue to drain personnel resources. Monday’s warning comes just weeks after Zamir first notified the government that the IDF needs an additional 15,000 troops, between 7,000 and 8,000 of whom are required for frontline combat roles. This need has grown more pressing in recent weeks after the Israeli government approved construction of 30 new illegal outposts in the occupied West Bank, all of which require dedicated military protection for residents and operations.
A senior official from the IDF Manpower Directorate added further context Sunday, noting that if mandatory service is not extended, reservists could be forced to serve between 80 and 100 days of active duty annually, a burden that many observers believe will lead to widespread retention issues. Just one day after the Manpower Directorate’s comments, Israel Hayom reported that the Knesset committee had extended the active call-up order for roughly 400,000 reservists through the end of the current month. While the IDF has attempted to alleviate the shortage over the past 18 months by recruiting 8,000 new troops through an accelerated career-service program, Israeli financial newspaper The Marker reported that the initiative has failed to meaningfully reduce the strain on existing personnel. As of today, an estimated 100,000 reservists remain on active duty, placing unprecedented pressure on Israel’s reserve force structure.
Opposition politicians across the ideological spectrum have seized on Zamir’s comments to attack Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing coalition, arguing that the government’s failure to end longstanding military conscription exemptions for ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities is directly responsible for the worsening manpower crisis. Gadi Eisenkot, a former IDF chief of staff and opposition figure, accused the government of “evading responsibility and prioritizing political considerations over the country’s security.” Writing on social platform X, Eisenkot added: “A government that does not demand conscription for everyone at such a critical moment for Israel is a government that does not deserve to remain in office for even one more day.”
Former Israeli Prime Minister and current opposition leader Naftali Bennett echoed Eisenkot’s criticism, stating that the ongoing draft exemptions are “costing the lives of our soldiers.” Bennett pointed to the scale of the unmet personnel demand: “There are 100,000 healthy ultra-Orthodox young men who, because of politics, are not being drafted.”
Public debate over ultra-Orthodox conscription exemptions has exploded in intensity in Israel since October 2023, as expanded operational demands across Gaza, the West Bank, and northern border with Lebanon have stretched the IDF’s personnel capacity to breaking point. Senior military leaders and politicians from across the political divide have repeatedly called for an end to the exemptions to close the manpower gap, but Netanyahu’s coalition has been unable to advance new conscription legislation due to deep internal divisions within his ruling alliance.
Avigdor Liberman, leader of the right-wing Yisrael Beiteinu party, called the failure to mandate ultra-Orthodox conscription “a devastating blow to the security and future of the State of Israel.” Yair Golan, leader of the opposition Democrats party and a retired senior IDF officer, went further, accusing the government of “selling out the country’s security simply to preserve ultra-Orthodox draft evasion. This is simply a betrayal of our soldiers,” Golan said.
The ongoing manpower crisis has also amplified a separate contentious debate over the recruitment of women into combat units. During his testimony to the Knesset committee, Zamir pushed back against opposition from religious leaders, reaffirming the IDF’s commitment to recruiting women for combat roles. “Women are an inseparable part of the IDF’s strength,” he stated.
Last month, leading religious-Zionist rabbis issued a formal warning that continued recruitment of women into mixed-gender combat units would drive members of their communities to refuse military service. “Under no circumstances can we allow our male and female students to serve in mixed-gender frameworks that place them in impossible situations,” one rabbi declared during an emergency conference of religious-Zionist leaders. A second rabbi added: “We will not serve in a field unit in a setting where there is mixing with women.”
Days after that conference, Israel’s public broadcaster Kan 11 reported that three religious Israeli soldiers had already refused to report for duty at a northern Israel military base after a female service member was assigned to the same post, marking the first public case of protest-related refusal tied to the mixed-gender debate.
With the Netanyahu government deadlocked on passing new conscription legislation, Israeli security analysts and researchers have floated a series of unorthodox alternative proposals to address the IDF’s critical manpower shortage. In February, two researchers at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, a prominent right-leaning security think tank, proposed the creation of a foreign legion modeled on the longstanding unit operated by the French military. The researchers argued that increasing recruitment from global Jewish diaspora communities would not meet the IDF’s current needs, and instead called for allowing “the enlistment of non-citizen volunteers” to build a new auxiliary fighting force. While the pair acknowledged that the proposal “will likely make many Israelis uncomfortable,” their report argued that “there is no compelling reason to forgo the assistance of foreign volunteers in advancing the Zionist project.”
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Trump ‘very disappointed’ in Kurds who just ‘take, take, take’
Weeks after the United States and Israel launched their large-scale military assault on Iran starting in late February, former U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly slammed Iranian Kurdish groups, saying he is “very disappointed” in their failure to provide military backing to Iranian opposition forces. His remarks at the White House Monday came amid persistent unconfirmed media reports that the Central Intelligence Agency had supplied weaponry to Kurdish opposition factions to deploy against the Iranian government, claims that Kurdish leaders have repeatedly and flatly denied.
In his comments, Trump painted a critical picture of the Kurdish groups, saying, “The Kurds take, take, take. They have a great reputation in Congress. Congress says they fight hard. They fight hard when they get paid.” These latest critical remarks mark a sharp shift from Trump’s own conflicting public statements on the issue just weeks earlier, highlighting the chaotic alignment of U.S. policy around the Iran conflict.
Shortly after the U.S.-Israeli offensive began in early March, Trump confirmed to Reuters that he would openly support a Kurdish offensive against the Iranian government, a comment that aligned with widespread media reports of CIA arms shipments to Kurdish factions. However, just days later, Trump backtracked entirely, telling reporters he had explicitly instructed Kurdish groups not to join the conflict. “They’re willing to go in, but I’ve told them I don’t want them to go in,” he stated at the time.
These contradictory statements from the U.S. head of state have left Iranian Kurdish party leaders caught off guard. The factions collectively maintain roughly 6,000 armed fighters based primarily in northern Iraq, and none of the groups have entered the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war against Iran to date.
Mustafa Mawloudi, deputy secretary-general of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (PDKI) — one of the largest Iranian Kurdish opposition groups — told independent outlet Middle East Eye that his organization has neither received U.S. weapons nor shipped arms to activists inside Iranian Kurdistan, referred to locally as Rojhalat. “A proof of this is that we cannot send arms through Iraq to our people,” Mawloudi explained, noting that cross-border arms shipments would create serious legal complications for the group, which is based in Iraq’s northern Kurdish autonomous region.
Tensions have spiked dramatically in the border region since the U.S.-Israeli offensive began. Data compiled by independent Kurdish news outlet Rojhelat Info shows that Iran and its allied militias have launched nearly 700 missile and drone strikes targeting Iraqi Kurdistan since February 28. At least 15 people have been killed in these attacks, according to the data. Roughly 170 of those strikes have specifically targeted bases of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, killing six opposition fighters to date.
The back-and-forth rhetoric from Trump comes on the heels of major unrest inside Iran just months earlier: in late December, widespread nationwide anti-government protests spread across the country, lasting roughly two weeks before Iranian security forces violently suppressed the demonstrations amid a total national internet blackout.
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EU agrees to sanctions on Israeli settlers after Hungary’s new government lifts veto
After months of diplomatic deadlock, the European Union has finally moved forward with targeted sanctions against violent Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank, a breakthrough made possible when Hungary’s new government reversed a veto held by the country’s former pro-Israel right-wing administration.
For months, the EU’s plan to penalize settlers amid a sharp spike in anti-Palestinian attacks had been held up by Viktor Orban, the former Hungarian prime minister and a longstanding close ally of Israel, who blocked the proposal after settler violence surged across the occupied territory starting in October 2023. Orban’s tenure ended when he lost re-election in April, and his successor Peter Magyar moved quickly to end the stalemate, clearing the path for a formal vote.
The sanctions package received final approval during a meeting of EU foreign ministers from all 27 member states on Monday. Under the terms of the new measures, three individual Israeli settlers and four settler organizations will be targeted, though the identities of those affected have not yet been released to the public. The sanctions also extend to leading figures from Hamas, the Palestinian militant group that controls the Gaza Strip.
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kaja Kallas emphasized that the long-delayed action marked a shift from stalled negotiations to tangible policy. “It was high time we move from deadlock to delivery… extremisms and violence carry consequences,” Kallas stated. She also acknowledged that broader, more sweeping measures — including a French-Swedish proposal for a full trade embargo on goods from illegal Israeli settlements — failed to gather enough backing from EU member states to move forward.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot welcomed the decision, praising the bloc’s action in a social media statement. “The EU is sanctioning the main Israeli organisations guilty of supporting the extremist and violent colonisation of the West Bank,” Barrot wrote, adding, “These most serious and intolerable acts must cease without delay.”
Israeli officials were swift to condemn the sanctions, issuing harsh pushback within hours of the announcement. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar called the measures “unacceptable” and “without any legal or factual basis.” Far-right Israeli Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir went further, labeling the EU’s decision antisemitic.
“To expect the antisemitic union to make a moral decision is like expecting the sun to rise in the west. While our enemies perpetrate attacks and murder Jews, the European Union is trying to tie the hands of those who defend themselves,” Ben Gvir wrote in a social media post. He added that “the settlement enterprise will not be deterred. We will continue to build, to plant, to defend, and to settle throughout the entire land of Israel.”
The EU’s move comes as Israeli settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank has accelerated dramatically in the months following Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. The hardline government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has introduced a raft of policies to expand settlements, approving new construction at a record-breaking pace. In April, Israeli media reports revealed that the Israeli cabinet secretly authorized an unprecedented number of new settlements amid rising regional tensions with Iran, approving 34 new outposts in a single decision — that number is more than half of the total settlements approved in 2025, the previous record-setting year for expansion.
Under international law, all Israeli settlements built in the West Bank, territory captured by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War, are widely recognized as illegal. The United Nations, the International Court of Justice, and most of the global community have repeatedly reaffirmed this position, though Israel rejects the classification and has continued to expand its presence in the territory.
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Musk, Cook and other prominent US executives invited to join Trump on trip to China
A senior anonymous White House official has confirmed that a roster of high-profile U.S. leaders spanning big tech, aerospace, finance and agriculture will accompany former President Donald Trump on his official trip to Beijing this week, where Trump is set to hold pivotal bilateral talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping. The U.S. delegation departs Tuesday, with trade disputes and artificial intelligence governance emerging as two core agenda items, alongside discussions focused on the ongoing Iran crisis.
Among the most closely watched attendees is Elon Musk, the eccentric billionaire CEO of electric vehicle giant Tesla and aerospace firm SpaceX, who once chaired Trump’s short-lived Department of Government Efficiency. The agency, which drew widespread controversy from its launch, wound down operations last November, following Musk’s exit from the role in spring 2025. Musk’s presence on the trip comes after a very public falling out with Trump last summer: the social media mogul, who also owns platform X, made unsubstantiated claims that the U.S. government hid information linking Trump to disgraced convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, triggering a fiery public war of words. Musk later walked back portions of his remarks, acknowledging he regretted several of his public posts about the president on X.
Today, Musk has shifted his focus back to managing his global business portfolio, which includes substantial manufacturing and sales operations in China that he has visited multiple times. He is currently navigating a slew of legal challenges outside the U.S. as well: French prosecutors are pursuing criminal charges against Musk and X over allegations that the platform failed to moderate child sexual abuse material, hosted harmful deepfakes and disinformation, and allowed the platform’s AI chatbot Grok to amplify content that denies crimes against humanity. He is also engaged in a high-profile civil trial against OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, centered on competing visions for the future of artificial intelligence development.
Another key figure in the delegation is Apple CEO Tim Cook, whose 15-year tenure leading the world’s most valuable company is set to conclude on September 1, when he will hand the CEO role to John Ternus, Apple’s current head of hardware engineering, and transition to the position of executive chairman. During Cook’s leadership, Apple grew exponentially: the company’s market capitalization swelled by more than $3.6 trillion, driven by booming global demand for iPhones and Apple’s expanding ecosystem of consumer technology.
Throughout his time at Apple’s helm, Cook has repeatedly had to navigate the shifting tides of U.S.-China trade relations, particularly during Trump’s previous and current presidential terms when the White House launched sweeping tariff measures targeting Chinese goods. In Trump’s first term, Cook successfully negotiated exemptions for iPhones and other core Apple products from the initial round of tariffs. In the current second term, Trump has pushed for Apple to move all of its iPhone manufacturing out of China and back to the U.S., and imposed new tariffs on the devices. Cook has managed to mitigate the financial impact of these measures by shifting production of U.S.-bound iPhones to India, and securing additional exemptions after committing Apple to a $600 billion U.S. investment over the course of Trump’s second term.
Aerospace industry leader Kelly Ortberg, CEO of Boeing, is also part of the delegation. Ortberg took the top job at Boeing in 2024, stepping in to lead the American manufacturing giant as it grappled with overlapping legal, regulatory, production crises that triggered severe financial losses. Last year, Ortberg publicly downplayed the impact of the escalating U.S.-China trade war on Boeing’s recovery, arguing that tit-for-tat tariffs would not derail the company’s efforts to return to stable growth or meet delivery targets for Chinese airlines, which had paused acceptance of new Boeing jets amid rising trade tensions.
The trade conflict escalated sharply in April 2025, when Beijing raised import tariffs on U.S. goods to 125% in retaliation for the Trump administration’s hike of tariffs on Chinese-made products to 145%. For Boeing, the U.S.’s largest exporter, the new tariffs would more than double the cost of its commercial passenger jets, which already sell for tens of millions of dollars apiece. However, the impact has been softened in recent years by Boeing’s gradual reduction of direct finished aircraft exports to China, making the market less central to its bottom line than it once was. Ahead of the Beijing trip, Boeing confirms it has been holding ongoing negotiations with Chinese officials over a potential large-scale new aircraft order.
The delegation also includes a dozen other top C-suite leaders from across major U.S. industries: BlackRock Chairman and CEO Larry Fink, Blackstone co-founder, Chairman and CEO Stephen Schwarzman, Cargill Chairman and CEO Brian Sikes, Citi Chairman and CEO Jane Fraser, Coherent CEO Jim Anderson, GE Aerospace Chairman and CEO H. Lawrence Culp, Goldman Sachs Chairman and CEO David Solomon, Illumina CEO Jacob Thaysen, Mastercard CEO Michael Miebach, Meta President and Vice Chairman Dina Powell McCormick, Micron Chairman, President and CEO Sanjay Mehrotra, Qualcomm President and CEO Cristiano Amon, and Visa CEO Ryan McInerney.
Reporting from Washington D.C. contributed by Aamer Madhani.
