标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Russia ties Black Sea grain deal with Ukraine to halt in oil refinery strikes

    Russia ties Black Sea grain deal with Ukraine to halt in oil refinery strikes

    A months-long wave of targeted attacks on commercial shipping in the Black Sea has spurred Turkey to put forward a new proposal for a moratorium on hostile actions against vessels transiting the strategic waterway, with both Russia and Ukraine signaling initial positive reception, but Kyiv warns a breakthrough remains out of reach in the near term due to Moscow’s unrelated additional demands. Multiple regional diplomats with direct knowledge of the negotiations shared this assessment with Middle East Eye in recent briefings.

    Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan first confirmed the proposal’s existence to local media over the weekend, acknowledging that the stark divergence between Moscow and Kyiv’s core positions on Black Sea security makes any immediate compromise a heavy lift. A senior Turkish official who spoke on background to MEE revealed that between the start of January and the first week of September alone, at least 72 commercial vessels have come under attack in the region, most of them hit by unmanned aerial drone strikes. Of those targeted vessels, nearly 70% have direct links to Turkey: they are either Turkish-owned, operated by Turkish management firms, or captained by Turkish nationals. Three Turkish citizens have been killed and another 18 wounded in these shipping attacks, which unfold in a waterway that shares borders with Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Romania, Georgia and Bulgaria. Just weeks ago, Ankara summoned Ukraine’s top envoy to Turkey to formally protest what it called Ukrainian strikes on emergency response vessels that were conducting search-and-rescue operations for stranded sailors and rendering aid to damaged ships.

    The core framework of Turkey’s new proposal builds on the temporary Ukrainian shipping corridor that already operates along the coastlines of Romania and Bulgaria, the Turkish official told Agence France-Presse. Under the plan, a separate dedicated route for Russian commercial vessels would be established along the coasts of Georgia and Turkey, contingent on formal approval from all relevant coastal states to participate in the arrangement. The Turkish official also warned MEE that ongoing disruptions to Black Sea shipping have already created critical food security ramifications, with 13 African nations that rely on grain and fertilizer exports from both Ukraine and Russia already facing supply disruptions and rising commodity prices. Notably, earlier this month Turkey signed a bilateral agreement with Moscow to secure steady supplies of mineral fertilizers, strengthening Ankara’s access to key agricultural raw materials amid ongoing market volatility.

    For its part, Ukraine has indicated it is open to a deal structured along the lines of the 2022–2023 Black Sea Grain Initiative, the landmark agreement that allowed safe agricultural exports from both nations for nearly a year before Russia pulled out of the pact in 2023. Under a new modeled agreement, specific port areas in both Ukraine and Russia would be designated exclusively for grain and fertilizer exports, and a joint coordination center would monitor all transiting vessels and share real-time navigation data with both parties, a senior Ukrainian official told MEE. But the same official stressed that reaching a final agreement with Moscow remains extremely challenging, noting that it was Russia – not Ukraine – that walked away from the prior grain pact. “The problem with Russia is that they always ask for more,” the official said. “There are always additional demands in areas which aren’t connected to the grain whatsoever.” As a key example, the official explained that Moscow is currently conditioning any new shipping agreement on Ukraine halting all long-range strikes on Russian oil refineries – a demand that has nothing to do with commercial shipping or food security, making it an irrelevant and unacceptable precondition for Kyiv.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has struck a more optimistic tone, however, after holding bilateral talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan this Wednesday. Zelensky noted that if Moscow agrees to halt all strikes on Ukrainian civilian infrastructure, Kyiv would reciprocate by pausing its own long-range attacks on Russian targets, opening a path for negotiation. During a concurrent press conference held the same day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters that the current cycle of attacks sees Ukraine targeting Russian oil infrastructure, while Russia strikes Ukraine’s national electricity grid and disrupts basic daily life for Ukrainian civilians, echoing the view that reaching a lasting solution to the Black Sea shipping crisis will be an uphill battle.

  • Canada, France, Italy and Greece allow Netanyahu’s overflight despite ICC warrant

    Canada, France, Italy and Greece allow Netanyahu’s overflight despite ICC warrant

    On Thursday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled through the airspace of four ICC member states — Greece, Italy, France, and Canada — en route to New York to address the United Nations General Assembly, a journey that has reignited fierce global debate over compliance with an active International Criminal Court arrest warrant issued against him. The ICC issued the warrant for Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant in November 2024, after judges confirmed reasonable grounds to hold the pair accountable for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Gaza starting from October 2023, including the deliberate use of starvation as a weapon of war.

    As a non-member of the International Criminal Court, the United States faces no legal obligation to enforce the warrant, but the issue has still sparked domestic friction. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani clarified in a July video address, following former U.S. President Donald Trump’s statement that Netanyahu would not face arrest during his visit, that local authorities lack independent legal jurisdiction to execute the ICC warrant. Despite this lack of power, Mamdani has publicly urged the federal government to acknowledge the warrant’s legitimacy and take action to enforce it.

    Unlike the U.S., all four transited countries — as well as every European Union member state — are formal ICC parties bound by the Rome Statute to cooperate with the court’s arrest requests. This has left the four nations facing widespread criticism for repeatedly granting Netanyahu’s aircraft airspace access since the warrant was issued. Public flight trackers confirmed on Thursday that Netanyahu’s official aircraft, the Wing of Zion, successfully crossed all three EU nations before entering Canadian airspace, prompting fresh allegations that ICC member states are violating their binding international legal obligations.

    Ahead of the flight, Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand announced that officials had launched a review of the submitted flight route, but she declined to directly answer questions on whether Ottawa recognizes Netanyahu as a war criminal. Anand only stated that Canada remains committed to respecting decisions of international courts, acknowledging the widespread suffering in Gaza, Palestine, and the West Bank, and upholding accountability for crimes against humanity. This marks a shift from Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s clear statement last year that Netanyahu would be arrested if he entered Canadian territory.

    Parallel to Netanyahu’s visit, the U.S. has once again drawn condemnation for denying entry visas to a high-level Palestinian delegation led by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, marking the second consecutive year Washington has blocked Abbas from attending the General Assembly in person. The Biden administration cited Palestinian efforts to pursue legal cases against Israel at both the ICC and the International Court of Justice as a core reason for the visa ban. In response, the General Assembly passed a vote allowing Abbas to deliver his address to the body remotely via video. Palestinian UN representatives have since called on all diplomatic missions to stage a coordinated walkout during Netanyahu’s speech, in protest of Israel’s military and governance actions in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

    This week’s overflight controversy is not the first time ICC member states have faced scrutiny over their handling of Netanyahu’s travel. Last year, Netanyahu avoided French airspace on his trip to the General Assembly even after Paris granted permission, but his plane has since been allowed to cross French territory multiple times, including December 2025, February 2026, July 2026, and again this week. Canada, Greece, and Italy have also regularly appeared on Netanyahu’s flight routes to the U.S.

    A clear precedent for the standoff emerged in 2025, when Hungary hosted Netanyahu for an official visit from April 3 to 6. ICC judges later ruled that Hungary had failed to meet its legal obligation to cooperate with the court and referred the non-compliance case to the ICC’s Assembly of States Parties. In response, Hungary initiated a full withdrawal from the court, but the process was reversed by the country’s new government before it could take legal effect.

    Legal experts remain divided on the specifics of how the Rome Statute applies to overflights. The statute explicitly requires all member states to cooperate with arrest and surrender requests for ICC suspects, but it does not directly address the scenario of a suspect’s aircraft passing through a state’s airspace without landing. France has long taken the narrow legal position that it has no obligation under the Rome Statute to bar a state aircraft carrying an ICC suspect from crossing its airspace.

    However, this interpretation has been widely challenged by independent legal experts. UN Special Rapporteur Ben Saul has argued that existing international law creates a clear path for enforcement. Under the 1963 Tokyo Convention, states are generally barred from interfering with in-flight aircraft to exercise criminal jurisdiction, but the treaty includes an explicit exception for cases where such intervention is necessary to uphold a state’s obligations under a multilateral international agreement. Saul notes that the Rome Statute qualifies as such an agreement, allowing ICC member states to compel an overflying aircraft carrying a wanted suspect to land for arrest. He further emphasizes that under general international law and the Convention on International Civil Aviation — which all four states in question have ratified — a state’s territorial airspace is considered full sovereign territory, just like its land or territorial sea, giving authorities full legal power to grant or deny access.

    Other legal analysts have echoed this position, noting that even if there is debate over the obligation to force a landing, member states retain the clear right to refuse entry to their airspace for an aircraft carrying an ICC suspect. The ongoing controversy surrounding this week’s flight underscores deep divisions between international legal obligations and political realities, as major ICC member states balance their formal commitments to the court against geopolitical priorities tied to their relationships with Israel and the United States.

  • Israel displaces hundreds of Palestinians amid wave of demolitions in West Bank

    Israel displaces hundreds of Palestinians amid wave of demolitions in West Bank

    On Wednesday, Israeli military forces launched a large-scale demolition operation targeting residential and infrastructure in the village of Janba, located in the Masafer Yatta region of the occupied southern West Bank, leaving more than 170 Palestinians homeless, including 85 children.

    According to documentation from leading Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, military personnel and armored bulldozers entered the village before dawn on September 23, 2026. By the end of the operation, crews had destroyed 24 residential buildings, 16 agricultural outbuildings, 16 residential solar energy units, and 14 communal and residential water storage tanks. Beyond destroying standing structures, forces also sealed off natural caves that local residents had used for generations to store supplies, shelter livestock, and even as permanent family homes.

    For residents like Najah Jabarin, the operation erased nearly every asset her family relied on. “We lost our home; we lost three rooms – the kitchen, the sheep shed and the bread oven,” Jabarin told Middle East Eye in an on-site interview. “We have nothing left.” Like dozens of other displaced families in Janba, Jabarin’s 11-member household currently has no alternative permanent housing, but she says the family remains committed to rebuilding on their ancestral land and refusing to leave the area.

    This latest demolition is part of a sharp upward trend in forced displacement and home destruction across Masafer Yatta that has accelerated dramatically since October 2023. Just weeks earlier, Israeli forces carried out two large-scale demolition operations in neighboring communities in the region. On September 2, the military demolished almost the entire hamlet of Khirbet al-Taban, leveling 12 homes that held 70 residents, 28 of whom were children. One week after that, all five homes in Khirbet al-Fakhit were destroyed, displacing 32 additional people, alongside the loss of all local livestock pens, water access infrastructure, and off-grid solar energy systems that sustained the community.

    Janba resident Nu’man Jabarin, a 57-year-old who was born in the village and has lived in the same cave compound his family has occupied for three generations, described the operation as a total erasure of his life’s holdings. “Today, they wiped out everything I owned,” he said. “I have no bathroom, no kitchen, no room and no cave left.”

    In the days since the demolition, Jabarin’s two-month-old grandson has been forced to sleep in the open, with no shelter to protect him from the elements. “If you came to us at midnight, you would find our children out in the open, with no shelter,” he added. When Jabarin attempted to present Israeli military crews with official documents proving his family’s ownership of the land, he said soldiers dismissed the papers, declaring the entire area a closed military training zone. Soldiers explicitly ordered him to relocate elsewhere after destroying his home, but the lifelong resident says he has no intention of complying. “There is no alternative; this is my land. I was born here, and my father was born here. I have the documents and proof to show for it,” Jabarin said. “They don’t care about Palestinians anywhere. They want to displace us to Jordan, but I will not leave. I will die with my children in my village.”

    Another Janba local, Nidal Jabarin, argues that the escalating demolitions are a deliberate strategy to make daily life unbearable for Palestinian residents, with the ultimate goal of forcing mass out-migration. He noted that these campaigns often intensify ahead of Israeli national elections, when the lives and rights of Palestinians become political collateral. Israeli political parties across the spectrum, he claimed, are competing to demonstrate increasingly harsh repression against Palestinians to win voter support. “They race to make people’s lives extremely difficult, to harm and destroy them, and to ruin everything in this village,” he said, adding that the demolitions target not just current residents, but the centuries-long historical and geographic connection Palestinians have to the land.

    Janba is one of 13 small Palestinian communities that fall within the boundaries of “Firing Zone 918,” a 30,000-hectare area Israel designated as an exclusive military training zone back in the 1980s. This designation placed all Palestinian structures in the entire area under permanent demolition orders, leaving residents with no legal protection for their homes or infrastructure. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimates that roughly 1,200 Palestinians currently live in these 13 isolated communities. In May 2022, Israel’s Supreme Court upheld the military’s authority over the zone, removing the last legal barrier to large-scale demolitions and mass displacement of the area’s Palestinian population.

    Nasr Nawajaa, a local human rights activist based in Masafer Yatta, called the Janba demolitions a clear case of ethnic cleansing. He emphasized that the current wave of destruction is timed ahead of Israel’s national election scheduled for October 27, with the military ramping up pressure on Palestinians through road blocks, infrastructure destruction, and home demolitions to appeal to right-wing voters. “The entire goal is displacement; dozens of homes have been demolished or damaged, and more than 180 Palestinians have been displaced, all for the sake of election campaigning,” Nawajaa said. “Even without the elections, the village is being subjected to ethnic cleansing.”

    B’Tselem echoed this assessment, stating that the latest demolitions are part of what the group terms an “Elimination Project” Israel is implementing across the occupied West Bank to remove Palestinian presence from strategic areas. The organization reports that since October 2023 alone, Israeli forces and Jewish settlers have violently expelled more than 4,800 Palestinians from their home communities across the West Bank. “The demolitions and the expulsion of communities are part of a mechanism of ethnic cleansing and territorial takeover that Israel is using to dismantle the conditions that enable Palestinians to continue living on their land, while clearing the way for expanding Jewish-Israeli presence and control,” the group said in a statement.

    Official data bears out the scale of the ongoing displacement crisis. Data collected by the Commission Against the Wall and Settlements shows that between January and August 2026 alone, Israeli forces carried out 492 separate demolition operations across the West Bank, destroying a total of 1,060 Palestinian structures. As of September 23, UN data confirms that more than 1,600 Palestinians have been displaced by these demolition operations across the occupied territory this year.

  • ‘People are destitute’: Lebanon’s spiralling prices fuel fears of social unrest

    ‘People are destitute’: Lebanon’s spiralling prices fuel fears of social unrest

    In the wake of the escalating US-Israel-Iran regional conflict, Lebanon has been hit by a crippling new shock: fuel prices have doubled in a matter of weeks, sending already catastrophic living costs soaring even higher and pushing a population worn down by decades of crisis to the edge of survival.

    This week, local fuel prices jumped to nearly $1.60 per liter, a surge that aligns with a global uptick in energy costs that has already sparked mass demonstrations across neighboring Syria. For Lebanon, this new price shock does not exist in a vacuum — three years of open conflict with Israel, layered on top of ongoing regional military tensions, has already gutted an economy that was on its knees long before the latest crisis.

    The Lebanese Trade Union Federation has issued an urgent ultimatum to the national government: declare a formal state of economic emergency by next week, or face an open-ended general strike across the country. While newly seated President Joseph Aoun has publicly pledged to address the unions’ demands, decades of financial collapse have left the cash-strapped state with almost no fiscal room to cushion the blow of rising prices for essential goods that Lebanese residents already struggle to afford.

    Fears of widespread social unrest have been amplified by the recent wave of protests across Syria, where demonstrations erupted immediately after the government enforced sharp fuel price hikes of its own. For ordinary Lebanese citizens, the pain of the current crisis is not an abstract economic statistic — it is a daily reality of hunger and financial ruin.

    Bassam, a furniture moving truck driver based in Beirut’s southern suburbs, an area that bore the full force of Israel’s intense bombardment during the most recent conflict, described the situation as unlivable. “It’s really difficult for everyone,” he told Middle East Eye. “The cost of living is so high, there are people who can’t afford to eat. There are people who seriously can’t even afford a loaf of bread anymore, especially after going through the war and being out of work, and now this petrol crisis. By God, it’s a disaster.”

    The latest World Bank analysis underscores the severity of Lebanon’s economic trajectory. After a fragile, modest economic recovery followed a 2024 ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel, renewed fighting in March shattered that progress. The bank now projects that Lebanon’s economy will contract by 6.4% in 2026.

    The country’s current crisis stretches back to 2019, when a catastrophic financial collapse unfolded after Lebanese banks defaulted on their obligations, locking millions of ordinary depositors out of their life savings. Today, the domestic banking sector carries more than $72 billion in accumulated losses, and the country’s public debt has ballooned to 176.5% of GDP. Inflation has remained in double digits for five consecutive years, and since the 2019 crash, the Lebanese pound has lost more than 98% of its value against the U.S. dollar, wiping out nearly all purchasing power for ordinary households.

    Ihab Abou Zeineddine, a father of two who earns $600 a month working as a private driver, said his income is barely enough to cover basic household needs. “You’re too embarrassed to go into a shop with $20, you can’t buy anything with that,” he said. “People are destitute.”

    Even the most basic staple, bread, has become out of reach for many Lebanese. For years, the government subsidized and regulated wheat markets to keep bread affordable, but rising fuel-driven production costs forced the Ministry of Economy to raise bread prices for the second time this year just last week.

    In response, the Federation of Bakery and Oven Trade Unions issued a warning that continuous price hikes have “placed the bakery sector and the Lebanese people, particularly the working classes, in an extremely precarious situation.”

    More than five months after the most recent ceasefire with Israel went into effect, Lebanon is now bracing for widespread collective action. Transport sector unions and national labor federations have called for a nationwide mobilization next Wednesday, raising the prospect of large-scale unrest as public anger simmers. Some ordinary residents are already questioning why mass action has not erupted sooner.

    Ibtissam, an aesthetician who lives roughly 20 kilometers southeast of Beirut, told reporters she has started carpooling to work appointments in the capital just to cut down on fuel costs. “People are angry. Why are they not going on strike or protesting? I don’t know. I don’t know why people are staying silent like this,” she said.

  • Four civilians killed in Pakistani strikes in Afghanistan, Taliban says

    Four civilians killed in Pakistani strikes in Afghanistan, Taliban says

    Cross-border tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan have surged to their highest level in months after Pakistan conducted a second wave of air strikes across Afghan territory this week, marking a sharp collapse of the brief three-month ceasefire that held between the neighboring nations.

    Afghanistan’s ruling Taliban administration confirmed Thursday that the air raids hit three Afghan provinces – Kandahar, Paktia, and Khost – the country’s southern and eastern border regions. According to the Taliban, four civilian lives were lost in the strikes, which follow a deadly September 18 attack on a police compound in northwestern Pakistan that left 31 people dead. That attack was claimed by a faction aligned with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), an anti-Islamabad militant group that Pakistan has long accused the Afghan Taliban of sheltering – a charge the Taliban repeatedly denies, arguing that cross-border militancy is an internal issue for Pakistan.

    Local witnesses on the ground have painted a chaotic picture of the strikes. In Kandahar, the Taliban’s political and military heartland, a resident told reporters the sound of military jet engines was quickly followed by a massive blast that ignited large fires across the targeted area. In Khost, midnight strikes damaged civilian residential properties, though no fatalities were reported in that province. “People were shouting, and there was panic all around,” local eyewitness Abdullah told news outlets. Another Khost resident, Salamat Khan, insisted the area hit held no military infrastructure: “there is no military base here, nor are there any military personnel, there are only the homes of ordinary civilians.” In Paktia, strikes targeted the 203 Mansouri Corps of the Taliban-controlled Afghan Armed Forces, though no casualty figures have been released for that strike.

    Pakistan’s government has defended the operation as a targeted counterterrorism measure. Information Minister Attaullah Tarar described the strikes as “deliberate, precise, calibrated, and proportionate,” noting they were “strictly limited to identified military objectives directly linked to the attempted attacks against Pakistan.” A prior statement from Pakistani forces confirmed 10 separate targets were hit across Afghan territory, though officials declined to share specific locations.

    This latest wave of attacks comes just one week after Pakistan’s first cross-border air strike on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border region. In that earlier strike, Pakistan claimed it killed 28 militants, but local Taliban officials and the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (Unama) confirmed at least three civilian deaths and four additional injuries.

    Tensions have built steadily since the September 18 police compound attack, and even escalated in the 48 hours before Thursday’s strikes. On Wednesday, Pakistan announced it had intercepted and neutralized multiple drones launched from Afghan territory, a claim the Afghan Taliban immediately rejected as unfounded.

    The current escalation reflects a long-running failure to resolve cross-border hostilities despite international mediation efforts. After a particularly deadly Pakistani air strike in March that killed more than 260 people – which the Taliban said hit a civilian drug rehabilitation center, a claim Pakistan denied – the two sides agreed to a temporary ceasefire that held for roughly three months. That calm dissolved with the September 18 compound attack. Unama data underscores the heavy human toll of ongoing violence: between October 2025 and June 2026, cross-border clashes between Pakistani security forces and Taliban-led Afghan forces killed at least 499 civilians and injured more than 1,200 others.

    Diplomatic efforts remain deadlocked. Speaking on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly earlier this week, Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar called for “concrete and verifiable” guarantees from Kabul that Afghan territory would not be used to stage terrorist attacks against Pakistan. For their part, Taliban officials have promised an “appropriate response” to Thursday’s strikes, with spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid condemning the attacks as “reckless, careless, and hostile” and warning the action “will have adverse consequences for the Pakistani military.” Pakistan has in turn warned that it will match any further “provocative act” from Afghan soil with a forceful response, leaving the border region on high alert for further escalation.

  • Israeli election committee bans Arab parties from standing in next month’s vote

    Israeli election committee bans Arab parties from standing in next month’s vote

    On Wednesday, Israel’s Central Elections Committee took the controversial step of approving a ban on the nation’s two largest Arab-majority political lists from participating in next month’s parliamentary election, a decision that threatens to strip the country’s Palestinian citizens of their primary representative voices in the Knesset.

    The committee voted to disqualify both the Ra’am party and the Joint List, an electoral alliance comprising Hadash, Ta’al, and Balad, from running in the 27 October contest. In addition to barring the two electoral blocs, the committee also moved to disqualify two individual candidates linked to the Joint List: sitting Hadash Knesset member Ofer Cassif and Balad leader Sami Abou Shahadeh.

    The disqualification votes followed the approval of petitions submitted by right-wing parties Likud and Otzma Yehudit, which levied serious accusations against the parties and candidates: that they deny Israel’s legitimacy as a Jewish and democratic state, support armed resistance against the country, and incite racial division. Under Israeli law, the committee’s rulings are not final; they now face mandatory review by the Israeli Supreme Court, which has a well-documented history of overturning the vast majority of previous attempts to disqualify Arab parties and candidates from running for office.

    Structurally, the Central Elections Committee is dominated by sitting members of Knesset from existing parties, which means the current governing coalition holds a built-in majority on the panel. The head of the committee, Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, also holds a vote, and the full Supreme Court is scheduled to deliberate on the disqualification decisions next week.

    While the original petitions targeting Ra’am, the Joint List, and Cassif were brought by members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing governing coalition, several opposition parties also threw their support behind at least some of the disqualification measures. Final vote tallies show the committee approved the ban on Ra’am and the Joint List by an 18-5 margin, while Cassif’s disqualification passed 19-5. Abou Shahadeh’s ban saw an even wider margin, passing 30-4, with all opposition parties joining the governing coalition in backing it. Notably, both Sohlberg and Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara also supported Abou Shahadeh’s disqualification, marking a rare cross-party consensus around blocking an Arab candidate from running.

    Baharav-Miara had advised the committee a day earlier that Abou Shahadeh’s disqualification warranted “serious consideration,” pointing to an article he wrote on 8 October 2023, one day after Hamas’s attacks on Israel. The attorney general argued that the article could be interpreted as lending support to armed struggle against Israel, a claim Abou Shahadeh has forcefully denied.

    Yair Golan, leader of the center-left opposition Democrats party, explained his support for Abou Shahadeh’s disqualification by pointing to the candidate’s rhetoric in the aftermath of the 7 October attacks. “Whoever wants a Jewish-Arab partnership does not speak this way, period,” Golan stated, adding that “calling for or giving legitimacy to armed struggle and harm to civilians — Jews or Arabs — is a red line.” Golan also noted that he had supported a separate petition to disqualify far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir from running, a bid that ultimately failed.

    In a post on the social platform X, Abou Shahadeh pushed back against the allegations, asserting that he firmly opposes all forms of armed struggle and instead backs “political and civil struggle for peace, justice, and equality.” He described Wednesday’s vote as “an attempt to harm the representation and political voice of Arab society” and said he would continue to uphold a “deep commitment to the values of freedom, justice, and equality.”

    Cassif also publicly condemned the committee’s decisions barring himself, Abou Shahadeh, Ra’am, and the Joint List. In his own X post, Cassif called the disqualifications “another nail in the coffin of the remnants of democracy” in Israel and predicted that he and the Joint List would ultimately take their seats in the next Knesset. Cassif, one of the most outspoken critics in the current Knesset of the Israeli government’s war in Gaza, has been targeted before by disqualification efforts: the Supreme Court previously overturned a bid to bar him from running in the 2019 election. The latest allegations against Cassif echo those from 2019, claiming he denies Israel’s existence as a Jewish and democratic state and supports armed struggle against the country.

    The attorney general’s office took differing stances on the different disqualification bids: it opposed blocking Ra’am, the Joint List, and Cassif, arguing that the evidence presented did not meet the high legal threshold required for disqualification under Israeli law, but aligned with the committee’s majority in supporting Abou Shahadeh’s ban. The committee is scheduled to continue hearing additional disqualification petitions on Thursday, including bids to bar far-right parties and Golan’s Democrats party from the election.

    Around 7.3 million Israelis are eligible to cast ballots in the 27 October election. Palestinian citizens of Israel make up roughly one-fifth of the country’s total population, and Ra’am and the Joint List are the primary Arab-majority electoral blocs working to represent their interests in the Knesset. If the Supreme Court chooses to uphold the committee’s decisions, both blocs will be excluded entirely from the upcoming election, leaving their constituency without formal major representation in Israel’s national legislature.

  • France: When racism peaks – and the mountains are claimed as white‑only spaces

    France: When racism peaks – and the mountains are claimed as white‑only spaces

    Last August, a since-deleted TikTok video posted by a French hiker ignited a nationwide reckoning over systemic racism in outdoor spaces. The clip, set against the dramatic backdrop of the French Alps, celebrated what the creator framed as a rare privilege: a mountain retreat free of ethnically diverse visitors, which he claimed as an exclusive space for white people. In his caption, he deployed the Arabic-derived French slang term “Wallah” in a derogatory swipe at visitors from working-class, majority-minority suburban neighborhoods known as banlieues, writing that the mountains were one of the few places “where you can feel safe.”

    The post quickly sparked a brutal wave of support for its racist and Islamophobic message across French social media. Hundreds of commenters echoed the creator’s exclusionary rhetoric, demanding that ethnic minority residents of the banlieues remain confined to their neighborhoods. Vicious remarks such as “stay where you belong, in your Islamised districts” spread rapidly, paired with dehumanizing stereotypes that framed minority visitors as uncivilized: “Nature must stay clean. No peeing, no trash, no animal-like screaming.”

    What followed, however, was an unexpected, humorous, and deeply political grassroots counter-movement that went viral under the slogan “Wallah, we’re coming” (or “On arrive” in French). Thousands of young people, Muslim women wearing hijabs, multi-generational families, and hikers from marginalized communities began posting their own photos and videos from trails, mountain peaks, forest clearings, and equestrian outings across France, boldly claiming their right to occupy spaces they say they have always deserved to access.

    One of the earliest and most prominent participants in the movement is Zeynab Alabbar, co-founder and creative director of Kamak, a brand of modest athletic wear. Alabbar, who has worn the hijab since she was 8 years old, shared clips of herself and friends hiking shaded alpine trails and pausing to take in sweeping mountain views, captioning her post simply: “We love nature too.” The post quickly earned widespread support, including a note of thanks from prominent French-Algerian rapper Rim’k.

    In an interview with Middle East Eye, Alabbar explained that the movement responded directly to a long-standing paradox of French integration discourse: ethnic minorities are repeatedly told they must assimilate, yet are systematically shut out from public spaces and activities that are supposed to belong to all citizens. Drawing a contrast between her experiences in her current home of Switzerland, where multiethnic groups routinely share alpine outdoor spaces without conflict, she noted that she has never faced anti-Muslim or racist harassment in Swiss mountains — but faces constant, unwelcome scrutiny as soon as she crosses into France. “By contrast, as soon as I arrive in France, people’s stares become heavy and unsettling. You can feel you’re not welcome,” she said.

    Alabbar’s experience is far from unique. Jumia Alaoui, a 38-year-old mother from Essonne, just south of Paris, regularly hikes the Fontainebleau forest with a group of hijabi friends, and says she faces constant microaggressions and open hostility. “Some walkers stare at us as if our presence were out of place. Once, a man asked whether we weren’t too hot being covered from head to toe. We told him it was none of his business,” she recalled.

    For Alaoui, the original racist TikTok video and its flood of supportive comments laid bare a growing culture of unapologetic racism that is increasingly validated by parts of France’s political establishment. Two years ago, she lost her job as a supermarket cashier after she refused to remove her headscarf for work, and she now fears growing anti-Muslim hostility will soon bar marginalized people from even leaving their homes. The far-right National Rally, led by Marine Le Pen, currently leads national polling ahead of the 2027 presidential election, and has pledged to ban the hijab from all public spaces if it wins power — a policy that has amplified fear among Muslim women across the country. Alaoui traces this expanding pattern of exclusion: “Before, young people from the banlieues were subjected to racial profiling at nightclub entrances. Now, women in burkinis are targeted in municipal swimming pools and at the beach. Even sports with the veil are banned,” she said, referencing a 2023 ruling by France’s highest administrative court that upheld the right of national sports federations to ban the Islamic veil from competition. “And as if all that weren’t enough, now they want to keep us out of the mountains.”

    Academic researchers who study inequality in outdoor spaces say these accounts confirm long-documented patterns of systemic exclusion in alpine recreation. Lea Sallenave, a geography lecturer at the University of Geneva and a specialist in social domination and inequality in Alpine spaces, explains that modern recreational mountain culture was built by and for a dominant white demographic that has imposed its own social norms, creating a pervasive sense that non-white visitors do not belong. Her analysis of promotional materials for alpine ski resorts found that the overwhelming majority of imagery features only white visitors, erasing the presence of ethnic minorities entirely.

    In a 2024 study of a municipal program in Grenoble that introduces banlieue youth to outdoor activities, Sallenave documented widespread experiences of racial exclusion, based on testimonies from program participants. Many participants told her that “the higher [they] climbed, the whiter the people [they] encountered seemed.” “What I want to show is that the mountain is not neutral, it is part of society. And if our society contains racism, classism and sexism, we will also find them in the mountains,” Sallenave told Middle East Eye. Working-class young people reported facing open racist harassment in ski resorts, while mountain industry staff shared accounts of regular hostility from white visitors toward minority groups.

    These on-the-ground observations are echoed by Samir Souadji, founder and director of Apart, a Seine-Saint-Denis-based non-profit that brings vulnerable local youth to climbing, mountaineering, and outdoor programs to support personal and social development. Souadji says he faced institutional barriers early on, when major sports brands dismissed his organization’s mountain programming as unworthy of support. “When we said we wanted to do mountain activities, I felt we weren’t taken seriously,” he said.

    When his groups do visit mountain areas, they regularly face open contempt and racist harassment. Returning to a base camp outside Chamonix one trip, a white hiker mocked the group, saying: “Here, you’re not in your council estate – these aren’t 13-storey towers you’re climbing.” On another occasion, two white hikers chuckled and asked if an “African congress” was scheduled in the area.

    Leading sociologists say this hostility grows out of an exclusionary, nationalist understanding of national territory that frames non-white people as inherently “non-French.” Nacira Guénif-Souilamas, a sociologist and anthropologist at Paris VIII University, explains: “Some users behave as if they were the legitimate owners of the mountains and consider that not everyone is allowed to enjoy the beauty of the landscape. This exclusion reflects racist stereotypes weighing on Black and Arab people in France, denying them basic rights, including the right to enjoy nature. They are never considered French enough, no matter where they go – whether in the mountains or at the seaside.”

    Souadji notes that most of the hostility his groups face does not come from long-time local mountain residents, who are generally welcoming, but from white city dwellers who treat the mountains as an exclusive leisure space for their demographic. “They are people we meet every day in the city, who can’t stand seeing us there in the same places as them,” he said. This constant stigmatization imposes a heavy psychological burden on minority hikers, Guénif-Souilamas explains: marginalized visitors are constantly under surveillance, suspected of being bad environmental stewards before they even arrive, and forced to maintain flawless behavior to “prove” they belong.

    To push back against these stereotypes, Souadji emphasizes strict standards of respect for the land and other visitors for the young people he brings into the mountains. “I tell them that behaviour, respect for people and nature are extremely important to break the caricatured image imposed on us,” he said. Souadji has led numerous mountaineering expeditions across the globe, from Nepal and Kyrgyzstan to Bolivia and Norway, and notes that open hostility to ethnic minority hikers is a uniquely French phenomenon. “Strangely, everywhere else in the world we’re welcomed, except at home,” he said.

    Nadir Dendoune, a French-Algerian writer and sponsor of the Apart non-profit, argues that the exclusion of ethnic minorities from mountain spaces is a direct legacy of French colonial ideology. Dendoune, who made global headlines when he climbed Mount Everest in 2008 with no prior mountaineering experience, planted a sign marked “93” — the department number for Seine-Saint-Denis — at the summit, and documented his journey in the book *A Loser on Top of the World*, which was later adapted into the feature film *The Climb*. For Dendoune, the idea that certain French spaces belong exclusively to white people is rooted in colonial-era hierarchies that continue to shape national culture decades after independence.

  • Iranian press review: Iranian elite profit billions from oil sanctions

    Iranian press review: Iranian elite profit billions from oil sanctions

    A series of unfolding developments from inside Iran, compiled from local Iranian media reports, have shed light on overlapping political, economic, and human rights crises worsened by decades of international sanctions on the country. This roundup of independent Iranian reporting outlines four major ongoing issues affecting both ruling elite insiders and ordinary citizens.

    First, an investigation by a veteran Iranian investigative journalist has exposed a multi-billion dollar illicit oil trading network that has flourished directly because of international sanctions, with key links to the country’s top security and ruling institutions. Yashar Soltani, a reporter who has previously been imprisoned for exposing financial corruption in Iran, alleges that Iran’s state-owned Ministry of Petroleum has effectively ceded full control over national oil marketing and exports to a closed network of just four brokers who operate by circumventing global sanctions.

    According to Soltani’s allegations, this network has a direct vested interest in blocking any future diplomatic détente between Iran and the United States. If sanctions were to be lifted, the shadow trading networks that generate the group’s massive profits would be put out of business, giving the brokers strong incentive to undermine any political agreements between the two nations.

    Soltani claims the network is overseen by Mohammad Javad Bavand, a former economic deputy with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) intelligence apparatus. Over the past three months alone, Bavand granted these four brokers exclusive rights to sell 80 million barrels of Iranian crude, Soltani says. From just the discounted pricing on these shipments, the network has pocketed an estimated $1.5 billion in illicit profits. Two of the four brokers, Hossein Shamkhani and Rouhollah Razavi, were publicly named by Soltani in a YouTube interview, who noted both men have close ties to Iran’s ruling establishment. Beyond the profits from state-approved discounts, Soltani alleges all four brokers have failed to meet their financial obligations to the state, leaving hundreds of millions in unfulfilled payments. He added that an additional 100 million barrels of oil have gone missing within this non-transparent supply chain, with no public record of who was assigned to sell the crude or where the proceeds from any sales went.

    A second major development confirmed by local Iranian student media has sparked international outcry over the rising use of the death penalty to suppress anti-government dissent. Khabarnameh Amirkabir, an independent Iranian student-focused news network that covers youth activist movements, has reported that five detained Iranian students have already been sentenced to death. The outlet named the condemned students as 19-year-old Omidreza Heydari, 23-year-old Najmeh Amini, 23-year-old Sepehr Amirzadeh, 27-year-old Armin Nourmohammadi, and 22-year-old Ehsan Faridi in an Instagram post. The news network warned that additional students currently in detention face the same threat of execution, and it pledged to continue investigating unreported cases.

    Of the five, Amirzadeh, Amini, and Heydari were arrested during nationwide anti-government protests that swept Iran in January. Nourmohammadi and Faridi were detained for their political activism in 2023 and 2024, respectively. All five were convicted by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Courts on a series of broad political charges, including collusion against national security, insulting the Prophet, moharebeh (waging war against God), and efsad-e fel-arz (corruption on earth). Human rights observers have long warned that Iran often uses these vague charges to target political dissent. Following U.S. and Israeli military strikes on Iranian targets in February, international activists and human rights organizations issued an explicit warning that Iranian authorities would ramp up executions to crush domestic unrest. Amnesty International reported in July that since the start of 2025, Iranian authorities have executed at least 26 people convicted of crimes connected to the January protests, plus an additional 26 people on politically motivated charges.

    Third, a heated debate has erupted within Iranian political circles over a controversial proposal from hardline principlist lawmakers to withdraw Iran from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), though many senior political and diplomatic figures argue the move would cause severe harm to Iran’s national interests. Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, a veteran diplomatic analyst and former chair of the Iranian parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, characterized the withdrawal proposal as largely political rhetoric, noting that Iran’s Supreme National Security Council holds ultimate authority over all decisions related to the country’s nuclear program.

    Falahatpisheh argued that exiting the NPT would only backfire on Iran by creating the groundwork for a broad international consensus against the country. “Leaving the NPT signals that Iran could pursue a military nuclear programme, but when there is no such programme, the only effect of this proposal is to make it easier for people like [US President Donald] Trump to achieve a global consensus against Iran,” he said. Lawmaker Mohammad Seraj also opposes the proposal, pointing out that Iran has repeatedly stated it has no interest in developing nuclear weapons, so exiting the treaty would serve no strategic purpose. Seraj added that a withdrawal would almost certainly cost Iran critical diplomatic and economic support from its key global allies, Russia and China. “If we withdraw from the NPT, it means that we want to pursue nuclear weapons, and as a result we will lose our friends, who may then no longer support us,” he explained.

    Finally, the suspension of all major international language proficiency tests in Iran, a direct consequence of U.S. sanctions, has created new, crippling barriers for ordinary Iranians seeking to study abroad, secure international employment, or migrate, according to reporting from Iran’s independent Etemad daily. The newspaper emphasized that sanctions designed to target the Iranian government in practice impose the heaviest burdens on ordinary, private citizens who have made long-term plans for their futures abroad. “A decision framed as sanctioning the government is, in practice, imposing its costs on citizens who have planned to study or work in another country,” the outlet wrote.

    The IELTS English test has been unavailable across Iran since January, and over the past month, three other major exams — TOEFL, GRE, and the Duolingo English Test — have also been suspended for test-takers based in Iran. Previously, many Iranians circumvented the domestic ban by traveling to neighboring visa-free countries including Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey to take their required exams. However, a new round of U.S. sanctions imposed in August has forced testing organizers to bar any test-taker holding Iranian residency, even for exams scheduled outside of Iran’s borders. Etemad’s interviews with affected Iranians found that many have already lost thousands of dollars in sunk costs, as well as months of preparation time, derailing their plans for education, work, and migration.

    This compilation of Iranian press reports has not been independently verified for accuracy by Middle East Eye, which curates this type of regional press digest to share on-the-ground perspectives from inside Iran.

  • Dozens of Palestinians killed and wounded in Gaza as Israel continues to bomb civilians

    Dozens of Palestinians killed and wounded in Gaza as Israel continues to bomb civilians

    On Wednesday, a new wave of Israeli airstrikes across the Gaza Strip left at least seven Palestinians dead and at least 35 more injured, shattering the nominal ceasefire that has been in place since October. The Nasser Medical Complex confirmed that among the casualties was an elderly Palestinian woman, who was shot by Israeli forces west of the city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.

    Since the ceasefire agreement took effect last year, Gazan Palestinians have endured near-constant Israeli military incursions and attacks, despite the fact that Hamas and other major Palestinian political and military factions have not launched any large-scale offensive operations against Israeli targets. In the period following the ceasefire, Israel has seized control of the majority of Palestinian-held territory in Gaza, now occupying more than 60 percent of the small enclave. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has publicly stated the government’s goal to expand this occupied area to roughly 70 percent of Gaza.

    The human cost of Israel’s post-ceasefire military campaign has been staggering. Official data confirms that at least 1,408 Palestinians have been killed and more than 4,916 injured in Gaza since October 11, 2025. Since the large-scale conflict began on October 7, 2023, the cumulative death toll has climbed to nearly 74,000 Palestinians killed, with close to 175,000 more wounded. Humanitarian organizations and local monitors widely agree that the actual number of fatalities is significantly higher than reported, as thousands of bodies remain trapped under the rubble of buildings destroyed by Israeli airstrikes and ground operations.

    In recent weeks, senior Israeli officials have explicitly outlined plans that many international observers characterize as ethnic cleansing, aimed at forcing the entire Palestinian population out of Gaza. Earlier this month, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz declared at a conference hosted by Israeli media outlet Ynet in partnership with the Israel Democracy Institute that Palestinians would be forced to leave Gaza. When speaking to journalist Moran Azoulay, Katz stated plainly, “There is no real solution for Gaza in the end without migration.”

    In a statement posted to X (formerly Twitter) on September 23, 2026, independent news outlet Middle East Eye, which has a long track record of on-the-ground coverage from the region, weighed in on the ongoing crisis. The outlet noted: “We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran, against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government’s actions in Gaza or the West Bank.” Middle East Eye provides independent, in-depth coverage of developments across the Middle East, North Africa, and surrounding regions, with ongoing reporting on the humanitarian and political crisis unfolding in Gaza.

  • A UK company, a Greek owner and Netanyahu’s former lawyer: Who really owns Serbia’s Israeli drone venture?

    A UK company, a Greek owner and Netanyahu’s former lawyer: Who really owns Serbia’s Israeli drone venture?

    Late last week, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic officially opened a new commercial drone manufacturing facility in partnership with Israeli defense giant Elbit Systems, a development that delivers a dual boost to Serbia’s domestic military capabilities and pre-election economy just weeks ahead of the country’s 25 October general election.

    The inauguration comes as Vucic, who has held the Serbian presidency since 2017, is set to transition to the role of prime minister, a move prompted by constitutional term limits that bar him from seeking re-election to the presidency in 2027. When the partnership was first revealed by BIRN and Haaretz in April 2025, it was framed as a 51-49 joint venture between Elbit Systems and Serbia’s state-owned arms producer Yugoimport-SDPR. But official corporate filings tell a far different story, leaving defense analysts questioning the venture’s true structure and strategic motives.

    Contrary to initial announcements, Serbian business records list the factory’s parent entity as SDS Technologies, a firm registered in the country in April 2025 under the original name Cupa Enterprises. SDS Technologies is in turn wholly owned by a United Kingdom-based firm that only recently rebranded: previously known as Cupa Limited, the company changed its name to Liberty Blue International Ltd with UK Companies House on 15 September 2025.

    As of 17 September 2025, SDS Technologies lists three directors on its Serbian registry: Greek national Maria Kardamaki, Israeli attorney Zion Amir – who has previously represented Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – and George Antoine Elghossain, a U.S. citizen of Lebanese descent. Liberty Blue International’s sole active director is Polychronis Tsianakas, who lists a registered address in London’s prestigious St James’s district. Another Greek director, Athanasios Rammos, resigned from both the UK firm in July and from SDS Technologies in mid-September, though Companies House records confirm Rammos still retains a 75 percent controlling stake in Liberty Blue.

    Notably, neither Yugoimport-SDPR nor Elbit Systems appears anywhere in official Serbian or UK corporate ownership records, leaving their actual roles in the venture unconfirmed. Middle East Eye reached out to Elbit Systems for comment on the factory’s ownership structure and the firm’s connection to SDS Technologies, but no response was received prior to publication. Despite the absence of public disclosure, Elbit’s executive vice president for international marketing and business development Ran Kril was seated alongside Vucic at the official inauguration ceremony, alongside Israeli Ambassador to Serbia Avivit Bar-Ilan.

    In a social media announcement posted to Instagram and Facebook following the opening, Vucic framed the facility as a major milestone for Serbian domestic defense production. “The drones you see starting today are being produced in Serbia. The plans are big. I’m only showing a small part of what I’m allowed to show,” Vucic said, adding that additional defense factories with Israeli partners are planned across the country. After demonstrating operation of one of the precision weapons, Vucic praised the drones’ capabilities, noting “They go through the windows and chase the opponent, they are incredibly efficient.” He confirmed that Serbia’s state-owned Krusik arms factory will supply warheads for the drones produced at the new facility.

    The Israeli embassy in Serbia also celebrated the opening in a Facebook post, calling it “another milestone in our strong and strategic partnership, strengthening economic and industrial ties and taking Israel-Serbia cooperation to a new level.” Senior cybersecurity industry figures also attended the event, with Daniel Martin, executive director of Israeli cybersecurity group Cyber 7, noting his presence was aimed at sharing expertise with Serbian partners.

    Defense analysts say the gulf between the initial announced structure and the actual registered ownership raises serious red flags over transparency. “An enormous discrepancy exists between what was originally announced and what appears in the formal documents,” Vuk Vuksanovic, a lecturer in foreign policy and grand strategy at King’s College London’s Department of War Studies, told Middle East Eye. While Vuksanovic acknowledged Elbit almost certainly provides core drone technology for the facility, he argued the opaque ownership demands further scrutiny, noting “non-transparency and opaque, secretive agreements have been the norm in the Serbian defence industry, which is heavily captured by political elites. This secrecy and lack of transparency have been particularly acute in Serbia’s procurement of weapons systems from external suppliers.”

    Serbia already has a deep existing defense relationship with Elbit: in 2025, Belgrade signed a $335 million deal to purchase Elbit’s Puls artillery system and Hermes 900 combat drones. Elbit is also expanding its regional footprint across Europe, opening a drone production facility and flight training school in Albania in 2025 and already operating multiple production sites in Romania as Israel shifts more of its defense manufacturing overseas.

    Vuksanovic explained that Israel’s push for European-based defense production is rooted in long-term national security strategy. “Israeli interests are strongly dictated by national security planning, as Israel wants to expand its strategic periphery beyond the conflict-laden Middle East. Supply chain planning follows the same logic, as Israel wants to ensure its defence industry has supply chains in countries beyond the immediate flashpoints,” he said.

    Analysts add that the strategy also serves a second, less widely discussed goal: embedding Israeli defense industry interests in European economies to create lasting political and economic stakes that make future policy shifts against Israel far costlier, particularly amid widespread European public opposition to Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. The approach aligns with a recent proposal from a prominent pro-Israel Washington-based think tank, which called on Israel to deepen economic, military and technological integration with the U.S. to the point that any U.S. policy to constrain Israeli actions would impose significant domestic costs on Washington. The strategy has been labeled “weaponized interdependence” by analysts.

    “Israel is trying to move from being an arms exporter to becoming part of other countries’ defence industrial bases,” explained Andreas Krieg, associate professor of security studies at King’s College London. “If Elbit simply manufactures a system in Israel and sells it to Romania or Britain, the relationship remains essentially transactional. Once it is manufacturing locally, employing local engineers, working with domestic suppliers and transferring parts of the production process, it becomes embedded in that country’s national security infrastructure.”

    This is not a new strategy for Israel: as early as 2004, a research paper from Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies outlined how local production partnerships could tap into domestic political and industry networks to act as “a safety net against unfavorable political changes.” More recently, another Israeli think tank, the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, argued that joint production, shared procurement and technology transfer “reduce the danger posed by a unilateral embargo.”

    “This is quite close to what I would call weaponised interdependence,” Krieg said. “Israel is inserting itself into defence networks in ways that make disentanglement progressively more expensive. Another Israeli think tank, the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, has explicitly framed the expansion into Serbia and Albania as part of a broader strategy to engage European countries individually, rather than through the European Union as a single bloc, to deepen divisions among European states over policy toward Israel.

    Krieg pointed to the scale of Elbit’s growing European footprint to illustrate the long-term aim of the strategy: Elbit already operates seven production facilities in Romania, more than a dozen sites across the United Kingdom, and is expanding its presence in Germany and Sweden, alongside its new drone production venture in Serbia. “This is no longer simply an export strategy. Israel is gradually internationalising its defence industrial base. Israel is creating networks of governments, companies and defence establishments that have something tangible to lose from a serious rupture in relations,” he added.