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  • When an avalanche killed climber Nirmal Purja, his friends faced the hardest mission of all

    When an avalanche killed climber Nirmal Purja, his friends faced the hardest mission of all

    For veteran Nepalese mountaineer Mingma Gyalje Sherpa, the journey up Pakistan’s Broad Peak last July was not one of summiting or record-breaking. It was a mission of loyalty: to bring home the bodies of two of his closest climbing companions, Nirmal “Nims” Purja and Kili Pemba “Kilu” Sherpa, who had been swallowed by a sudden avalanche on the mountain’s upper slopes.

    When Mingma G picked his way across the wind-scoured frozen slope toward the two distant shapes, he already knew his friends would not be coming back alive. The three had shared decades of climbing memory across the world’s highest peaks, pushing through clear blue summit days and deadly blizzards side by side. Nims and Kilu, both counted among the strongest climbers Mingma G had ever known, had been ascending Broad Peak when the avalanche struck without warning, burying everything in its path. Drone surveys had already confirmed no signs of life. Still, as he drew near to the bright fluorescent down jackets cutting stark against the endless white snow, he could not shake the quiet feeling that they had been waiting for him.

    “I told them: ‘It’s ok. You don’t have to be here in the cold anymore,’” Mingma G recalled in an interview with the BBC from Islamabad, his voice thick with grief. As he lifted one of the frozen bodies into his arms, he made a quiet promise: “I’m here to take you guys home.”

    The friendship between Mingma G and Nims stretches back to 2021, when the pair crossed paths on Pakistan’s K2, the world’s second-highest peak. At the time, Nims had already earned global fame for his groundbreaking Netflix documentary *14 Peaks*, which chronicled his record-setting feat of climbing all 14 of the world’s 8,000-meter-plus peaks in just over six months. Both native Nepalese climbers, they had taken vastly different paths to the top of the mountaineering world: Mingma G, born into the Sherpa community, had spent 20 years building his reputation as one of the most reliable and skilled high-altitude guides in the industry. Nims, a former Gurkha and British Special Forces soldier, had rapidly risen to become one of the most recognizable figures in global mountaineering, credited with elevating the profile of Nepalese climbers in a sport long dominated by Western narratives. His career was not without controversy, however: critics argued he prioritized record-breaking and social media marketing over traditional mountaineering values, and in 2024, he faced public sexual misconduct allegations that he strongly and repeatedly denied through legal representation.

    Mingma G admitted he had misjudged Nims at first, saying “In the beginning, I had the feeling he was very arrogant.” That impression melted away when the two rivals agreed to team up for the historic first winter ascent of K2 that year, and Mingma G quickly came to see him as “very kind-hearted, one of the most beautiful human beings I’ve met.” For years after, their paths crossed again and again on peaks across the globe, with Nims often found pushing for new routes on Mount Everest.

    This summer, the pair met once again in the Karakoram Range, preparing for separate expeditions just five miles apart: Nims would lead a team up Broad Peak, while Mingma G would take a client team up K2. Before they split, Nims asked Mingma G to wait one more day for a final meeting before their ascents. That meeting never happened. “That was the last thing he told me. I still regret it,” Mingma G said.

    July 30 dawned with ideal climbing conditions: clear sunshine, no wind, perfect snow for ascending. Mingma G was leading his team up K2 when he spoke to Kilu, his childhood friend and a senior climber on Nims’s team, at 8:30 a.m. Kilu reported snow conditions were excellent, and the two agreed to check in again once both parties reached their next planned camps. Two independent trekkers lower on the slope recalled watching Nims’s 10-person combined team climbing toward Broad Peak’s summit, cheering them on as their silhouettes stood small against the vast snowfield.

    Less than an hour later, the mountain erupted. A sharp, thunderous crack split the air, and a massive avalanche broke loose from Broad Peak’s summit, tearing down both sides of the mountain. The trekkers waited and prayed the team had climbed above the avalanche path, but the small silhouettes never reappeared. Their guide immediately alerted Broad Peak base camp to the disaster.

    Initial investigations by the Alpine Club of Pakistan have found that while the region had seen heavy snowfall earlier that week, the avalanche was triggered by the collapse of a pre-existing ice slab, unrelated to the recent snowfall. The cause remains under formal review.

    By the time Mingma G reached his next camp on K2, his team had still received no word from the Broad Peak climbers. Initially, there was no panic: climbers often turn off radios to preserve battery life during ascents. But Mingma G grew increasingly uneasy: one of the missing climbers, Wang Zhong, was a close friend and long-time client who always sent a check-in message via his Garmin satellite tracker after arriving at a new camp. No message came. Lower down the mountain, Pakistani guide Waqar Ali also tried repeatedly to contact the team, with no response. He initially assumed the group was resting ahead of a final summit push that night, but by 3 p.m., base camp had still received no contact from any member of the 10-person team.

    Stranded at 7,300 meters on K2 with limited communication, Mingma G began frantically reaching out to government officials, the climbers’ families, and contacts in Kathmandu for any information. It was not until around 8 p.m. that they received devastating data: the altitude readings from the Broad Peak climbers’ satellite trackers had plummeted, with one dropping by more than 1,600 meters in seconds.

    It was far too dark and dangerous to launch an immediate rescue or reconnaissance, so Mingma G waited for sunrise, still clinging to hope. “Especially for Kilu and Nims, who were ‘experienced and physically… strong,’” he recalled thinking. At first light, a drone was launched, and within minutes, the operator radioed back: bodies had been spotted on the lower slope, and there were no signs of survivors.

    “I was totally blank,” Mingma G said, his voice dropping. Still, he refused to leave his friends on the mountain, driven by the quiet conviction that they might still need help getting down. He immediately called off his own K2 expedition to lead the recovery effort.

    By the time Mingma G reached Broad Peak base camp, Waqar and another climber had already recovered two bodies: that of Nadhira Al Harthy, the first Omani woman to summit Everest, and Pur Bahadur Gurung, a veteran Nepalese climber who had conquered 12 of the world’s 14 highest peaks. But the bodies of Nims, Kilu, and three other climbers remained trapped on the unstable upper slope. When Mingma G called Nims’s family to share the news, they struggled to process the loss; Kilu’s wife simply told him, “don’t leave your brother on the mountain.”

    Organizing the recovery proved far more complicated than Mingma G had initially expected. The members of his K2 expedition were shaken by the disaster and faced pressure from their own families to return home. Logistically, Mingma G initially believed helicopter recovery with a long-line rope would be possible, a common practice in Nepal that would have taken just minutes to extract the bodies. But helicopter support was not available for the mission. The Alpine Club of Pakistan told the BBC a request for helicopter support filed on August 1 was approved, but persistent poor weather delayed the operation for days. With no other option, Mingma G assembled a small team to carry out the recovery on foot.

    On August 1, the team set out to locate the four bodies spotted in drone imagery: Nims, Kilu, Wang Zhong, and Nima Sherpa, with a fifth climber, Gyaljen Sherpa, located nearby. The slope remained extremely unstable, with constant risk of falling rock and secondary avalanches. A large team would increase the risk of more casualties, but a small team faced immense physical challenges moving the heavy bodies down the steep ice.

    Disaster struck again just as the team reached the bodies and began lowering them down the slope on ropes: a second avalanche hit. The rush of snow swept one body all the way to the base of the mountain, while three others including Nims came to rest in an even more dangerous position, wedged in the center of a slope flanked by towering, unstable glacial ice pillars. A single shift of either pillar would have sent the entire team tumbling to their deaths. As days passed and conditions worsened, team members began to drop out, their numbers shrinking from nine to six, then to just four.

    With the slope too dangerous for a large group, the team agreed Mingma G would stay back to monitor the operation via drone, guiding the three climbing team members toward the bodies. The grueling, high-risk operation took more than five hours, but the team finally succeeded in dragging all recoverable bodies down to the base of the mountain.

    The sight of his friends on the mountain still haunts Mingma G. Nims and Kilu had covered their faces with their jackets, leading Mingma G to conclude they had seen the avalanche coming and prepared for the impact. The pair had been tied together on the same rope, with their legs wrapped around it. Mingma G believes the collision of the two men as they tumbled down the slope, not the fall itself, was what killed them: “They didn’t fall that much, almost 500m. But unfortunately they hit each other a lot, I think. If they were not on the rope, maybe there was a possibility that Nims and Kilu might have survived.”

    After recovery, the bodies were flown by helicopter to the nearby city of Skardu, then to Islamabad, before finally being repatriated to their families in Nepal. In the days after the avalanche, the bodies of Pakistani climber Sohail Sakhi and American climber Mallory Geis were also located and recovered. One climber, Nawang Thindu Sherpa, still remains on the mountain.

    Nims’s family released a statement expressing deep gratitude “to the extraordinary team led by our brother, Mingma G, who worked in incredibly challenging conditions to bring Nimsdai home.”

    For Mingma G, the recovery mission has left an indelible mark, unlike any other expedition he has completed in his 20-year career. As he grieves his lost friends, he says he is now considering bringing his legendary climbing career to an end. The memory of the three of them singing together as they climbed a sunlit but freezing K2 five years earlier will stay with him forever, but he is unsure what that grief means for his future on the mountains.

    “I’m not sure if it helps, if the memory helps me to keep climbing or it makes me stop,” he said.

  • UAE campaign used AI Claude to target Muslim Brotherhood and Sudan

    UAE campaign used AI Claude to target Muslim Brotherhood and Sudan

    Leading artificial intelligence firm Anthropic has announced the discovery and disruption of a coordinated, UAE-directed influence operation that exploited its Claude AI assistant to shape global discourse on two high-stakes regional issues: the status of the Muslim Brotherhood and the ongoing conflict in Sudan. The details of this covert campaign are laid out in the company’s September 2024 intelligence threat report, marking one of the first documented cases of a state-aligned actor abusing commercial generative AI to advance covert geopolitical goals.

    According to Anthropic’s investigation, the operation was run by a single actor working on behalf of United Arab Emirates government officials, with high confidence linking the work to senior Emirati decision-makers. The core mission laid out in the operation’s internal guiding documents, which the actor fed directly into Claude across hundreds of work sessions, was to execute a coordinated transatlantic and regional campaign aimed at dismantling the global Muslim Brotherhood movement. Beyond that, the operation also sought to manipulate global public opinion regarding the UAE’s well-documented involvement in Sudan’s two-year civil war.

    The UAE has publicly long denied any role in the Sudan conflict, but multiple independent investigations from Middle East Eye, international human rights groups, and United Nations researchers have confirmed that Abu Dhabi provides extensive military and political backing to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the Sudanese paramilitary group that has been widely accused of perpetrating genocide and mass atrocities in the Darfur region. The influence operation’s secondary goal was specifically designed to undermine international efforts to hold the UAE accountable for its support for the RSF at the UN.

    To carry out this campaign, the actor leveraged Claude’s generative capabilities to build an extensive infrastructure of deceptive content and networks. At its core, the operation built a network of roughly 300 inauthentic influencer accounts across major social media platforms, all designed to amplify the operation’s narratives to broader audiences. The actor also used Claude to create a fake non-governmental organization that stole the identity of a legitimate, existing Swiss human rights group, publishing state-aligned “human rights reports” under the stolen organization’s legitimacy.

    One of the operation’s most high-stakes plans targeted the UN Human Rights Council’s 62nd session. Claude was used to ghost-write official testimonies that were intended to be delivered by two speakers at the session, with explicit instructions built into the content that the UAE could not be mentioned in any critical context. Beyond institutional targeting, the actor used Claude to conduct open-source research and build detailed personal profiles of 18 members of the European Parliament and prominent international journalists who cover Middle East affairs. The operation also compiled dedicated counter-accountability dossiers targeting UN Special Rapporteurs who had previously published criticism of the UAE’s conduct in Sudan. All of the generated content, from cloned identity documents to profiled target lists, was prepared for direct delivery to senior UAE government officials, Anthropic confirmed.

    The actor operated a custom private AI persona codenamed “Deadshot” on their own private infrastructure to coordinate the campaign, embedding a master mission file that instructed Claude to reiterate the operation’s core goals across all work sessions. The standardized workflow mixed real-world event data and the actor’s pre-written political doctrine, then used Claude to refine the content into official-looking intelligence reports, testimonies, and dossiers. The UAE-linked actor also directly funded the social media network created to amplify the operation’s content to wider global audiences.

    To date, Anthropic notes that it has not been able to confirm whether any of the prepared testimonies or compiled targeting dossiers successfully reached their intended audiences at the UN or within the UAE government. The UAE has not yet issued a public response to Anthropic’s findings, and continues to maintain its official position that it has no involvement in the Sudan conflict. The disclosure shines a new light on the growing risk of state actors misusing commercial generative AI tools to conduct covert geopolitical influence operations, undermining multilateral accountability efforts and manipulating global public discourse.

  • ‘You have two million targets in Gaza’: Israeli soldier details killings of Palestinians

    ‘You have two million targets in Gaza’: Israeli soldier details killings of Palestinians

    A veteran Israeli army drone operator, speaking anonymously to Israeli newspaper Haaretz in a bombshell interview published Thursday, has laid bare chilling allegations of widespread, unaccountable violence against Palestinian civilians in Gaza, claiming top military command has effectively marked the entire 2-million-strong Palestinian population of the enclave as legitimate targets.

    The reservist, who began his military service in 2008 and told the outlet he has killed at least 54 Palestinians – including multiple unarmed civilians – by October 2023, served in an Israeli drone attack unit operating in Gaza until he left active reserve duty in July this year. He described a total collapse of established rules of engagement in the opening weeks and subsequent months of Israel’s military campaign, recalling that “in the first days, there were no rules” governing how forces interacted with Palestinian people.

    One of the most graphic allegations the reservist shared centers on a March 2025 attack on a clearly marked ambulance convoy in Rafah’s Tel al-Sultan neighborhood, which left 15 Palestinian medical and aid workers dead. He recalled that even from his aerial drone position, the emergency vehicles were unmistakable, yet ground troops stormed the convoy without warning. “They shot at the first vehicle. The medical staff exited, hid behind the ambulances and pleaded for their lives, and the soldiers shot them, one after another,” he told Haaretz. Following the attack, the Israeli military initially denied any wrongdoing, only announcing an investigation after a mass grave holding the victims was uncovered. To date, no Israeli service members have faced trial or any form of legal accountability for the killings.

    It was after this incident, the reservist said, that he understood the full scope of the impunity granted to soldiers operating in Gaza: “Anyone could kill whoever they wanted, as much as they wanted, and they wouldn’t be held accountable for it.”

    Despite his shock at the Rafah attack, the reservist continued his tour of duty in Gaza, returning to post in late April 2025 after a five-day personal leave in Georgia. When he reported back for duty and met with an intelligence officer to upload target data to his unit’s computer, he was given a staggering directive. He recalled the officer telling him, “You have two million targets in Gaza” – a comment he confirmed referred to the entire civilian population of the enclave.

    The reservist also detailed repeated, unauthorised shifts to the so-called “Yellow Line,” the ceasefire-mandated demarcation that sets the boundary for Israeli military deployments inside Gaza. He explained that senior division commanders routinely move the concrete barriers marking the line hundreds of meters west on their own personal orders, with no public announcement to alert Gaza’s civilian population to the new boundary. Commanders, he added, actively pressure soldiers and drone operators to open fire on any Palestinian who approaches the shifted line, retroactively manufacturing evidence to justify the killings after the fact. “They try to incriminate people without intelligence and without proof, retroactively, just to create a justification for an attack,” he said.

    He described a normalized culture of killing within his attack cell, comparing the rhetoric to that of a cheering sports crowd. “The concept of ‘collateral damage’ quickly disappeared from consideration,” he said. “They fire at anyone they see. Just like they shout to a player, ‘Come on, score a goal’, they shout to a soldier, ‘Kill him, attack him’.”

    Additional allegations include that Israeli forces routinely observe violent crimes committed by pro-Israel militias operating in Gaza from aerial positions, but never intervene to stop the attacks. The reservist said, “They burn rows of houses, and we watch them from above. Arson, looting, shooting.”

    These allegations align with a prior report published by Haaretz last month, which claimed the Israeli military allows mercenaries, criminal gangs and drug traffickers to carry out war crimes in Gaza with full impunity – conduct the outlet compared to the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre in Lebanese refugee camps.

    As of the latest update from Palestinian authorities, at least 73,658 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the start of Israel’s military campaign in October 2023. Over 1,300 of these deaths have occurred after the ceasefire agreement went into effect last October.

  • UK sanctions on Israeli settlements include those in Syria’s Golan Heights

    UK sanctions on Israeli settlements include those in Syria’s Golan Heights

    In a significant clarification of its new Middle East policy, the British government has confirmed that its sweeping sanctions targeting illegal Israeli settlements will cover communities in the occupied Golan Heights and East Jerusalem, in addition to those in the occupied West Bank, multiple government sources confirmed to Middle East Eye Thursday evening.

    The announcement comes two days after London formally declared Israel’s long-running occupation of Palestinian territory illegal and unveiled the landmark package of restrictions, but left open a key ambiguity: whether settlements in the Golan Heights, a strategic plateau seized by Israel from Syria in the 1967 Six-Day War, would be included in the measures. The lack of initial clarity prompted advocacy groups focused on international law to push for the UK to extend the ban to all illegally occupied territory.

    Located at the intersection of Israel, Syria and southern Lebanon, the Golan Heights holds enormous strategic significance, with high elevation that allows forces stationed there to monitor activity across much of the northern Middle East. Israel captured the territory in 1967 and unilaterally annexed it just a few years later, a move that has never received formal recognition from the broader international community. United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, adopted in the wake of the 1967 war, explicitly calls on Israel to withdraw from the Golan Heights and all other occupied territories captured during the conflict, including the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Today, roughly 20,000 Israeli settlers reside in the Golan, alongside an estimated 26,000 native Syrian Druze inhabitants who retain their Syrian national identity.

    UK Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband laid out the scope of the new policy when he announced it earlier this week, stating that the British public does not support enabling illegal occupation by allowing settlement-produced goods to be sold in UK retail spaces. “I do not believe the British people want us supporting the occupation by accepting products from settlements in our shops and supermarkets, so I can announce today that we will introduce an import ban on goods from illegal settlements in the occupied territories,” Miliband said Tuesday.

    The new framework will operate as a comprehensive sanctions regime, with narrow carve-outs for religious activities that require cross-border access. Beyond the import ban on settlement goods, the UK will target specific companies and private individuals that provide key support for settlement expansion, including construction services, infrastructure financing, and real estate development for new settlement communities. “To those who finance or facilitate illegal settlements, let me say this: you will face the full force of UK sanctions,” Miliband added. “Settlements are illegal. They should not be promoted in our country.”

    The UK’s policy shift is not an isolated action: 11 other nations, including Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Sweden, joined London in a joint statement released Tuesday. The signatory countries confirmed they intend to implement their own national restrictions on trade with illegal settlements, support broader European Union-level trade restrictions, or are actively evaluating such measures in line with their own domestic legislative and regulatory processes.

    Israel has already responded with punitive measures of its own. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar announced that Israel would implement reciprocal sanctions, including closing the British consulate in East Jerusalem and banning entry to 11 sitting British members of parliament.

  • No military solution to conflict in Yemen, Eritrean foreign minister says

    No military solution to conflict in Yemen, Eritrean foreign minister says

    Positioned directly across the Bab el-Mandeb Strait from Yemen, Eritrea—an East African nation with 700 miles of strategic Red Sea coastline—has publicly stated that the years-long conflict in Yemen can never be resolved through military means, and that no foreign power will ever succeed in bringing the Yemeni people under control.

    In an exclusive interview with Middle East Eye conducted from Eritrea’s capital Asmara, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh emphasized that Yemen must be given an opportunity to build lasting peace, noting that military action will not deliver the stability the region desperately needs.

    Saleh’s comments come amid a dramatic shift in regional power dynamics: a rapid, sweeping Houthi offensive along Yemen’s Red Sea coast has left the group in full control of all Yemeni coastal territory opposite Eritrea and Djibouti, including a number of strategically vital islands in the strait. This territorial gain has upended long-standing calculations around Red Sea navigation and regional security.

    One of the most pressing open questions for global trade and regional governance centers on how freedom of navigation through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait—one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints, connecting the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean via the Red Sea—will be managed moving forward. Saleh noted that all coastal states bordering the waterway should have a voice in determining its future governance, but that the current fragmented political landscape in Yemen creates a major barrier to collective action. Today, Yemen lacks a single cohesive, unified central government that can exercise full control over its territory, a reality Saleh made clear complicates every decision related to the strait. “Yemen is non-existent. The official government has no control. There is no ‘Yemen’,” he told MEE in the interview.

    The Bab el-Mandeb Strait has been a major global shipping and trade route for millennia, and it remains one of the most heavily used maritime corridors for global commerce today. With that strategic importance comes intense global interest, and Eritrea — which sits just 20 nautical miles from Yemen at the strait’s narrowest point alongside Djibouti — recognizes its unique responsibility, Saleh said. “Eritrea is in a very strategic position. We have a responsibility to safeguard the Red Sea to be a safe passage for all,” he stated.

    Regional diplomats have outlined two core strategic implications of the Houthi advance: First, control of the strait gives Iran greater diplomatic and military leverage over the United States and Gulf Arab states. Second, the territorial gain puts commercial transiting vessels within range of basic Houthi artillery, putting the group in a position to demand tolls for passage through the waterway. Prior to the offensive, MEE reporting indicates the Houthis already demanded fees from Saudi Arabia for transit.

    With the Houthis now controlling the Arabian Peninsula side of the strait, Eritrea’s Red Sea coastline has grown even more critical to global shipping networks. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), coastal nations can claim up to 12 nautical miles of territorial water, and while international law enshrines the right of free transit through international straits, some legal experts note that littoral states retain the right to charge legitimate fees for services like pilotage, infrastructure maintenance, and environmental protection.

    When asked whether Eritrea planned to follow recent discussions of transit tolls in other strategic waterways like the Strait of Hormuz, Saleh pushed back on assumptions. “This is a new idea, a new concept. Because Iran raised it [in the Strait of Hormuz] doesn’t mean Eritrea will ask,” he said. That said, Saleh reaffirmed the need for collective dialogue between all coastal states to formalize rules that protect free passage for all vessels. “[But] there should be a discussion among littoral states and a decision how to ensure free passage. If Yemen is non-existent, we can’t speak with it now about these issues,” he added.

    Another senior Eritrean official, who spoke to MEE on condition of anonymity, echoed the foreign ministry’s stance on Yemen and expanded on Eritrea’s view of broader regional tensions. The official noted that Eritrea understands the security of the Red Sea is inherently tied to the ongoing escalating confrontation between the United States, Israel and Iran. “The Bab el-Mandeb and Strait of Hormuz are together,” the official said, framing the two strategic chokepoints as interconnected nodes in a single regional security architecture. Echoing Saleh’s comments on foreign intervention, the official added that no external power—whether from inside the Middle East or beyond—will ever be able to subdue the Yemeni people through military force.

  • Zack Polanski urges investigation into Israeli settlement-linked sponsor of Bayeux Tapestry exhibition

    Zack Polanski urges investigation into Israeli settlement-linked sponsor of Bayeux Tapestry exhibition

    A growing political firestorm has erupted in the United Kingdom over the primary sponsorship of the British Museum’s newly opened Bayeux Tapestry exhibition, after revelations that the Belarus-born billionaire backing the show with an estimated £5 million donation has ties to an illegal Israeli settlement in the occupied West Bank. Opposition figures are now demanding the newly seated Labour government make good on its recent pledges to crack down on activity enabling illegal settlements by launching a formal probe into the sponsorship.

    Zack Polanski, leader of the UK Green Party, was the first to publicly call for the investigation, following reporting by independent outlet Middle East Eye that exposed Igor Tulchinsky’s November 2025 unveiling of a therapeutic yurt at a new community resilience center in Efrat. The settlement, which is home to roughly 12,000 Israeli settlers, was constructed on land seized from four Palestinian villages and is currently subject to UK sanctions over its illegal status under international law.

    Tulchinsky was named as the primary funder of the yurt project, which serves the Gush Etzion bloc of illegal Israeli settlements located 12 kilometers southeast of Jerusalem. He opened the facility alongside Efrat mayor Dovi Shefler, and publicly dedicated the space to “Israel’s brave warriors and their families,” according to on-the-ground reports.

    This is not the first controversy over billionaire access and donations tied to pro-Israel causes at the British Museum in recent weeks. Just last month, The Guardian revealed the museum granted a private pre-opening view of the Bayeux Tapestry to Peter Thiel, the U.S. billionaire founder of Palantir, a defense technology firm that supplies cutting-edge artificial intelligence and data analysis tools to the Israeli military.

    Polanski framed the call for investigation as a test of the Labour government’s commitment to its new policy on Israeli settlements. “If the Labour government wants to get beyond symbolism and new rhetoric, it must investigate whether this is a breach of the sanctions it announced this week,” he told Middle East Eye. He added that the revelation of Tulchinsky’s sponsorship follows close on the heels of the Thiel controversy, noting “we now learn of the sponsorship of another billionaire who’s been involved in supporting what the Labour government has itself now finally described as ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.”

    Just days before the exhibition opened to the public on Thursday, UK Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband made a landmark policy announcement: his government formally recognizes the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory as illegal, and confirms that ethnic cleansing of Palestinians is underway in the occupied West Bank. Miliband announced sweeping new sanctions on all Israeli settlements, alongside a full ban on arms licenses and any exports that “materially contribute to the occupation.” He explicitly warned that any individual or entity funding or facilitating illegal settlements would face the full consequences of UK sanctions, stating “settlements are illegal. They should not be promoted in our country.”

    Tulchinsky was not shy about his ties to Israel and support for its military, even before the revelations of his settlement project. In a March 2025 interview with the *Jerusalem Post*, he confirmed he has provided financial support to the Israeli military since the October 7 2023 Hamas attacks and the outbreak of the Gaza war, and noted he makes regular visits to the country. More recently, Middle East Eye revealed this week that Tulchinsky runs an Israel-based defense technology venture capital fund headed by a recently retired Israeli army commander who has championed the use of remote-controlled combat vehicles in Gaza. One international rights group has labeled these vehicles a “direct tool for committing genocide,” linking them to the destruction of entire residential neighborhoods and irreplaceable cultural heritage sites in Gaza and Lebanon.

    Tulchinsky attended the exhibition’s official opening reception last week alongside high-profile UK and French figures, including King Charles III, French President Emmanuel Macron, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer (corrected per original context: Andy Burnham as referenced in original) and Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy. A portrait of Tulchinsky painted by prominent artist Jonathan Yeo is set to hang in the British Museum for the full run of the exhibition, with Yeo describing Tulchinsky as an extraordinary person and brilliant mind who was a privilege to paint.

    Neither Downing Street, the Foreign Office, the Department for Culture, Media and Sport, the British Museum, nor Tulchinsky’s investment firm WorldQuant have issued formal responses to repeated requests for comment on the controversy. The DCMS noted that while the British Museum receives public funding through the department, it operates independently of government, and all sponsorship decisions are the responsibility of its board of trustees. The Efrat Development Foundation has confirmed Tulchinsky is a donor to the community center project, but said he contributed through an unnamed third-party organization and declined to share further details about the scope or nature of his support.

    The sponsorship controversy adds to a series of ongoing challenges facing the British Museum, which has already faced calls from cross-party MPs for an investigation into the alleged removal of references to Palestine from several of its public galleries. Kim Johnson, a Labour MP and leading parliamentary campaigner for stronger UK action on Israeli violations of international law, warned that a clear pattern of problematic decision-making is emerging at the institution. “First, Palestine is scrubbed from displays following political pressure. Now we learn the British Museum has accepted significant funding from someone reported to have funded a settlement project in the illegally occupied West Bank,” Johnson said. “The British Museum should be preserving history, not allowing political interests or money to shape whose history is told – or whose actions are legitimised. Is this really who our national cultural institutions should be taking money from?”

    In response to earlier claims about removed references to Palestine, the British Museum released a statement denying any intentional removal, noting that it continues to use the term Palestine across a range of historic and contemporary gallery displays. To date, no further response has been issued to address the latest calls for an investigation into Tulchinsky’s sponsorship.

  • Pakistan says no plans for military action in Yemen after attacks on Saudi Arabia

    Pakistan says no plans for military action in Yemen after attacks on Saudi Arabia

    As Houthi forces in Yemen make rapid territorial gains across the Red Sea coast and step up attacks on Saudi Arabian infrastructure, Pakistan has clarified that it is not currently considering a military response under its newly signed trilateral joint defence agreement with Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The confirmation came Thursday from Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan, during his weekly press briefing for reporters.

    The landmark trilateral defence accord, which was signed just one month prior to this announcement, includes a mutual defence clause that frames any armed aggression against one of the three signatory nations as an attack against all three. Khan emphasized that while no military mobilization or intervention is under active discussion at this stage, Pakistan stands ready to uphold its commitments under the agreement if changing circumstances demand action in the future.

    “There is no such thing under discussion right now,” Khan stated, addressing press questions that arose in the wake of recent Houthi strikes on Saudi urban centers and critical energy infrastructure. He added that Pakistan would move forward with any required action only when “the time comes.”

    The broader regional context has shifted dramatically in recent months, as the long-dormant Yemeni civil war between Houthi fighters and the Saudi-backed Yemeni government reignited over the summer. Houthi forces have since advanced at a striking pace along the country’s Red Sea coastline, securing key strategic positions that put them in control of access to the critical Bab el-Mandeb shipping choke point, a major global trade route connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean via the Red Sea.

    According to maritime security experts, this territorial advance has not only strengthened Houthi military standing but also boosted Iran’s geopolitical leverage in its ongoing standoff with the United States. “The Houthis have pulled off a military victory that puts them one step closer to being in full control of the Bab el-Mandeb,” explained Corey Ranslem, chief executive officer of maritime security firm Dryad Global, in an interview with Middle East Eye. Ranslem added that controlling the Bab el-Mandeb would be far easier for the Houthis than Iran’s efforts to exert influence over the Strait of Hormuz, noting that the U.S. maintains far fewer direct military assets in the Bab el-Mandeb region to counter Houthi control.

    In just the latest round of territorial gains, Houthi forces defeated Saudi-aligned Yemeni government forces on Thursday to seize the historic, strategically vital Red Sea port city of Mocha following days of intense fighting across the Tihama coastal plain. Arab media outlets have reported additional Houthi advances across the region in the hours after the capture of Mocha. Just days before this seizure, Houthi media released images purporting to show the wreckage of a Saudi military reconnaissance drone that was shot down over northwestern Yemen’s Hajjah province, underscoring the escalating intensity of clashes.

    Pakistan has already publicly condemned the recent Houthi attacks on Saudi territory, and has called on Iran to rein in its Yemeni allies. At the same time, Islamabad has maintained a role as a diplomatic mediator between the United States and Iran, as rising regional tensions continue to disrupt global energy supplies. Khan also confirmed Thursday that Pakistan has no current plans to expand the so-called Mecca alliance, the regional bloc of mostly Sunni Muslim nations led by Saudi Arabia, amid ongoing regional volatility.

  • Jabaroot: Behind the hacker group’s claim of a 70,000‑name leak in Morocco’s police and intelligence

    Jabaroot: Behind the hacker group’s claim of a 70,000‑name leak in Morocco’s police and intelligence

    On August 24, a little-known hacking collective calling itself Jabaroot – a term meaning “power” or “domination” in Arabic – dropped a bombshell: it publicly released a dataset purporting to contain the personal information of 70,000 personnel linked to Morocco’s police and intelligence networks across Europe and inside key domestic Moroccan government institutions.

    Packaged across four spreadsheets, the leak includes sensitive personal details ranging from birth dates and active bank account numbers to purported professional ranks. Most entries correspond to low-profile personnel within the General Directorate of National Security (DGSN, Morocco’s national police force) and the General Directorate of Territorial Surveillance (DGST, the country’s domestic intelligence agency), but the list also names top senior officials – including Abdellatif Hammouchi, who leads both the DGSN and DGST.

    Moroccan authorities have pushed back hard against the claims, arguing that all information released originated from outdated datasets held by private insurance companies, not a recent breach of internal security systems.

    Jabaroot framed the release as a “gift to Spain”, dropping it just weeks after a major migrant crisis that saw more than 72,000 people cross from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, an incident that left 141 people dead. The collective has also threatened to publish classified mission orders it claims prove Moroccan security services colluded to organize the mass crossing, an accusation Rabat has repeatedly denied. Spanish authorities opened an investigation into the crisis after a police report alleged Moroccan law enforcement allowed and even facilitated the crossing.

    The true origins of Jabaroot and the leak itself remain shrouded in mystery. While many observers have speculated the group is Algerian-based, drawing on long-standing bilateral tensions between Algiers and Rabat, reporting from French outlet Le Monde suggests the breach may instead be the work of five former DGST agents living in exile in Europe. To date, there is no conclusive evidence confirming all 70,000 people listed are active Moroccan covert spies; the dataset is thought to include regular police officers, administrative staff and non-clandestine civil servants alongside any intelligence personnel.

    Cybersecurity and regional politics experts warn the leak should be interpreted with significant caution. Dr. Bassant Hassib, an assistant professor of political science specializing in cybersecurity at the European Universities in Egypt’s University of London Programmes, notes multiple red flags indicating the data is largely outdated: the most recent recruitment date listed is 2020, and the dataset includes the name of Abdelhak Khiame, the founding director of the DGST’s Central Bureau of Judicial Investigations, who passed away in 2022.

    Even so, the leak carries tangible risks. A former anonymous Moroccan overseas intelligence officer confirmed to Middle East Eye that at least some of the information is authentic, including the full details of an entire informant family deployed abroad. “Usually informants are placed within embassies; it is common practice for the entire family to be hired and moved to the country to reduce any suspicion,” the source explained. The leak has already rendered all named contacts compromised, the former officer added, saying it “will cause chaos within the system; all those named are now burnt contacts, and will need to return to Morocco.” Hundreds or thousands of deployed agents will likely need to be replaced by recalled personnel.

    Hassib echoed this risk, noting that even partially accurate data poses direct physical danger to covert personnel and their families, whose exposed bank details and identities make them vulnerable to targeting and harassment. She added that Jabaroot stands to gain strategically even from releasing outdated or incomplete data: by framing old stolen information as the product of a new breach, the group can inflate its perceived technical capabilities, boost its standing on platforms like Telegram, and increase its leverage for future cyber operations.

    This latest leak is far from Jabaroot’s first claimed attack on Moroccan state institutions. In April 2025, the group claimed responsibility for a breach of Morocco’s National Social Security Fund (CNSS), leaking 54,000 files that compromised the personal data of nearly two million people, including employees of the Moroccan royal palace. Two months later, it announced a hack of the National Agency for Land Conservation, leaking 4 terabytes of data including 10,000 property certificates and 20,000 civil records. Days after that, it claimed to have compromised the digital infrastructure of Morocco’s justice ministry, exfiltrating sensitive personal data from 40,000 judicial officials and magistrates. Moroccan authorities have denied every one of these alleged breaches.

    Geopolitical analysts say the persistent narrative that Jabaroot is an Algerian-aligned group serves political goals for both Rabat and its critics. Morocco and Algeria have a decades-long bitter rivalry centered on sovereignty claims over the disputed territory of Western Sahara, where Algiers supports the pro-independence Polisario Front. Alec Barcenilla, a North Africa geopolitics researcher and former staffer at the Spanish embassy in Rabat, notes that labeling Jabaroot as Algerian is politically useful for Morocco: “it may then instrumentalise these digital attacks to shift blame and public focus away, in a rather opportunistic way.”

    Despite widespread speculation, no solid concrete evidence exists to confirm Jabaroot’s identity, leadership or core objectives. Investigative journalist Jose Bautista, who has extensive expertise on North African cyber operations, told MEE that one clear throughline has emerged: “What does seem clear is that whoever is behind Jabaroot holds highly professional profiles, significant technical capabilities, and they have access to super sensitive data.” Bautista’s sources suggest the latest leak likely draws on data obtained from a breach of either the Moroccan finance ministry or social security databases, not the internal systems of the security services themselves. Multiple credible theories exist about the group: Le Monde’s reporting suggests it could be a collective of ex-Moroccan intelligence officers angry about corruption, nepotism and institutional abuse within the Moroccan establishment, while other well-informed sources have pointed to possible backing from Algerian or even Spanish intelligence as retaliation against Rabat.

    The leak also intersects with ongoing international scrutiny of Morocco’s use of Pegasus, the controversial Israeli-made spyware. Bautista was part of an international journalistic investigation published in July 2026 that linked the DGST to a wide-ranging international surveillance program that targeted senior Spanish cabinet ministers and Guardia Civil officers. The report confirmed that Morocco’s surveillance operations began internal testing as early as September 2017 before expanding rapidly across borders. Jabaroot has claimed it holds sensitive data about Morocco’s use of Pegasus, including proof of surveillance targeting Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, and has threatened to release it – though the group has yet to follow through on this threat, just as it has not delivered on its promise to release documents detailing alleged Moroccan collusion in the Ceuta migrant crisis.

    Experts note the timing of the latest leak, which comes weeks before Morocco’s national elections scheduled for September 23, is no coincidence. Hassib argues that Jabaroot’s public framing of the leak is designed to “embarrass Rabat and reinforce a narrative of Moroccan state involvement in the Ceuta crisis, thereby undermining its credibility” with the ultimate goal of causing “internal disruption, psychological impact, reputational damage and political leverage.”

    Hammouchi, the head of both the DGSN and DGST who is widely described as King Mohammed VI’s most trusted “supercop”, has emerged as the primary target of the leak. Jabaroot has publicly called for the king to dismiss Hammouchi, who has faced long-standing criticism from human rights groups including Amnesty International over allegations of torture and enforced disappearances at DGST detention facilities. A 2014 French arrest warrant for Hammouchi triggered a major diplomatic rift between Paris and Rabat. Le Monde’s reporting notes that the five ex-DGST agents suspected of involvement in the leak claim they witnessed widespread misuse of personal data collected through illegal wiretaps and unauthorized background checks.

    While analysts agree the leak is undoubtedly embarrassing for Hammouchi and the institutions he leads, there is no evidence to date that his position within the Moroccan government has been seriously weakened. Barah Mikail, an associate professor of political science and international relations at Saint Louis University Madrid, says the most consequential takeaway from the leak, if Le Monde’s reporting of ex-DGST involvement is accurate, is what it reveals about internal cohesion: “If the reporting that former DGST officers are involved is accurate, that would point to a problem of defection and grievance within the apparatus.”

    Barcenilla added that the attack strikes at the core of Hammouchi’s public reputation as a leader defined by control, foresight and reliability: “Jabaroot’s attack is therefore also an attack on his capacity and reliability.” If the data is confirmed to be largely authentic, it could carry lasting reputational and political damage for the senior official.

    Many experts, including Mikail, suggest the fact that much of the data is outdated does not automatically mean it is fake. It may indicate that the information is substantially authentic but was obtained from older datasets rather than a recent breach of internal security systems. Morocco’s consistent denial of the leak’s validity, Mikail notes, serves a clear damage-control purpose – but “this does not necessarily mean the data is false.”

  • Buddhist monk arrested in suspected $3m embezzlement scandal

    Buddhist monk arrested in suspected $3m embezzlement scandal

    Thai law enforcement has taken into custody a former senior Buddhist monk and his female alleged accomplice, uncovering a two-year scheme that siphoned more than 100 million baht ($3 million) from one of the country’s historic temples – the latest high-profile scandal to roil the nation’s long-troubled Buddhist monastic establishment. The suspect, Phra Wachirayan Wi, once served as abbot of Wat Phutthaisawan, a prominent 14th-century temple located in Ayutthaya, Thailand’s ancient former capital. Investigators allege that over 24 months, he diverted donations intended for the temple on more than 20 separate occasions, hoarding the funds for personal use rather than directing them to the institution. In line with Thai Buddhist tradition, all monks are required to take solemn vows of celibacy and renounce personal material wealth. Immediately following his arrest, Phra Wachirayan was formally defrocked, and he has not yet issued any public response to the allegations against him. This arrest comes just 12 months after a separate sex and blackmail ring involving high-ranking monks triggered widespread public outrage and shook the credibility of Thailand’s monastic community. Prior to his removal from office, Phra Wachirayan gained widespread recognition for producing coveted coin amulets – sacred objects that draw significant interest from collectors across Thailand. Reports even confirm that Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul owns several amulets created by the former abbot. For decades, allegations of widespread misconduct have plagued Thailand’s official Buddhist institution, with repeated reports of monks breaking celibacy vows, participating in drug trafficking, and committing various forms of financial fraud. In July of last year, authorities launched a public tip hotline for reporting misbehaving monks, after a criminal scheme was uncovered where at least nine monks were blackmailed for nearly $12 million using secretly recorded photos and videos of their sexual encounters with a woman. Speaking at a press conference this week, lead investigating officer Pattanasak Bupphasuwan confirmed that investigators traced two distinct streams of funds collected under the temple’s official name by Phra Wachirayan. One pool of donations was marked for temple renovation projects, while the other was collected as payment for amulets and other religious artifacts created by the former abbot. “But the money from both streams did not enter the temple’s account. Not a single baht,” Pattanasak stated, according to local media reports. When officers raided Phra Wachirayan’s private residence on Thursday, they uncovered stashes of cash and gold bars valued at more than 100 million baht, with counting operations continuing late into the night, according to Thai national newspaper The Nation. During a review of closed-circuit footage stored at the property, investigators stumbled on an explicit video recording showing Phra Wachirayan engaged in sexual activity with a woman on his personal dining table. The woman was identified as 47-year-old Punyavee Rungrueang, who has since been arrested on charges of aiding and abetting a state official in criminal activity. Like the former abbot, she has not yet issued any public comment on the allegations. In Thailand, most clergy receive government stipends, so monks are officially classified as state employees, elevating the legal severity of financial crimes committed by monastic leaders. Authorities have also seized evidence from Punyavee’s home, including 35 gold amulets, 1.5 kilograms of gold bars, and assorted jewelry, with a total estimated value of 6.04 million baht. Local newspaper the Bangkok Post reports that investigators believe Punyavee played a key role in managing the embezzled funds, noting that tens of millions of baht moved through her personal bank accounts annually. The investigation into Phra Wachirayan was launched in mid-July, after authorities received an anonymous tip outlining allegations of misconduct and misuse of temple funds. Investigators added that two to three additional individuals are suspected of involvement in the scheme, and further arrests are expected as the inquiry progresses.

  • Trump shadow looms large over Brics as Modi hosts Putin and Xi in Delhi

    Trump shadow looms large over Brics as Modi hosts Putin and Xi in Delhi

    As leaders from 11 full BRICS member states and invited guest Saudi Arabia gather in New Delhi this weekend for the bloc’s annual summit, one notable non-member will cast an outsized shadow over every discussion: former U.S. President Donald Trump. Against a backdrop of ongoing conflict in Iran, sweeping tariff threats that have roiled global energy and financial markets, and rising tensions over de-dollarization efforts, the expanded bloc faces a defining test: can it bridge stark internal geopolitical divides to deliver a cohesive agenda, even as it avoids open confrontation with Washington?

    BRICS, which has grown exponentially in global clout over the last decade, now counts 49% of the world’s population, 40% of global GDP, and 26% of total international trade within its ranks, per analysis from BBC Monitoring. Its most tangible institutional successes to date include the New Development Bank, which has approved billions in infrastructure and development financing across the Global South, and a $100 billion contingency reserve fund designed to buffer member states against financial crises—though the fund has yet to be put to a major test. This year’s summit comes on the heels of the bloc’s largest expansion, which brought major emerging economies including the UAE and Iran into the fold, expanding its geopolitical reach but also deepening internal disagreements.

    The core tension shaping this year’s gathering stems from conflicting positions toward Trump’s policies. Trump has repeatedly singled out BRICS for criticism, particularly its ongoing efforts to reduce global trade reliance on the U.S. dollar. In a November 2024 threat, he pledged to impose 100% tariffs on all BRICS nations if the bloc moved forward with launching an alternative reserve currency to challenge the dollar’s global dominance. Today, the ripple effects of Trump’s policy agenda are already felt across the global economy: the ongoing conflict in Iran, amplified by U.S. foreign policy shifts, has destabilized global energy markets, while the constant threat of new tariffs on allies and adversaries alike has created widespread uncertainty for businesses and governments worldwide.

    Yet despite calls from some members—most notably Russia and Iran—for a clear, public rebuke of Trump’s agenda, analysts agree the bloc is highly unlikely to produce a consensus statement that openly confronts Washington. Deep internal divisions have made a unified, hardline stance all but impossible. As Michael Kugelman, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, explained to the BBC, New Delhi simply cannot afford to back a statement that openly attacks Washington, particularly as it enters the final stages of negotiating a bilateral trade deal with the U.S. China, too, has remained wary of being seen as using BRICS as a platform to target American interests. Even the UAE, which has suffered Iranian attacks amid Tehran’s retaliation against U.S. and Israeli strikes, is unlikely to back language that aligns with Iran’s position: the Gulf state hosts major U.S. military bases and has long prioritized stable diplomatic ties with Washington.

    “BRICS has become more significant through its expansion, but that has also made consensus harder,” Kugelman noted. “You’ve added a number of members that don’t get along, which leaves host India with the enormous challenge of uniting countries that hold a wide array of views and positions on the global order.”

    While open confrontation with the U.S. is off the table, the bloc is still expected to advance a substantive agenda focused on its core priorities as a leading voice for Global South nations. Leaders are set to explore reforms to streamline cross-border payments using local currencies—a measure of particular urgency for Russia and Iran, both of which face crippling U.S. sanctions that limit their access to dollar-denominated financial systems. BRICS leaders are also expected to reiterate their collective call for reforms to multilateral institutions including the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank, arguing that these bodies fail to reflect the shifting balance of power in the modern global economy.

    For host India, the summit carries uniquely high stakes. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has made leading the Global South a central pillar of its foreign policy, and the gathering offers a critical opportunity to cement that claim, even as it navigates China’s longstanding influence across developing economies. “India’s efforts to gain deeper inroads in Africa and Latin America have had limited success, where China has been more successful,” Kugelman noted, adding that the expanded BRICS bloc gives New Delhi a chance to deepen ties with emerging economies across both regions and build a stronger global profile. Recent months have also seen New Delhi’s global profile overshadowed by Pakistan’s high-profile mediation efforts in the Middle East around the Iran war, making this summit a key moment to reassert India’s diplomatic relevance.

    The challenge of forging consensus was already previewed in May, when BRICS foreign ministers failed to agree on a joint statement after their meeting due to intractable differences over the Iran war, forcing New Delhi to release a chair’s summary instead. India is drawing on its 2023 experience hosting the G20, where it managed to broker a joint declaration despite deep divisions over the war in Ukraine, but analysts caution the gaps are wider this time around. New Delhi is keen to avoid having BRICS dismissed as a mere “talk shop,” and is pushing for substantive announcements on financial cooperation that can showcase the bloc’s progress.

    Beyond plenary discussions, the summit will host a series of high-stakes bilateral meetings that are drawing global attention. A Saturday meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi is widely watched, as the two neighboring powers continue gradual, cautious efforts to repair and rebuild bilateral ties that have been strained for years. Modi is also set to hold talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin, where the war in Ukraine and India’s growing trade deficit with Russia will top the agenda. When the two leaders met last month on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek, Modi issued a highly public appeal for peace in Ukraine—a move some outside observers framed as a rebuke of Moscow, though Russian officials publicly welcomed the outreach and did not interpret it as criticism. Trade imbalances with both China and Russia are also expected to feature prominently in Modi’s bilateral discussions.

    In the end, all sides agree that any language addressing U.S. policy will be carefully crafted to avoid unnecessary confrontation, even as the bloc advances its own priorities of deeper financial integration and greater representation for Global South nations. For India, a successful summit that delivers a unified, if muted, outcome would mark a major diplomatic win that reinforces New Delhi’s rising influence on the global stage. And for BRICS as a whole, the gathering will test whether the expanded bloc can turn its growing economic heft into cohesive, impactful global action—all while navigating the unpredictable landscape shaped by U.S. policy.