标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Court rules against man who sued ex-girlfriend for cost of lavish gifts

    Court rules against man who sued ex-girlfriend for cost of lavish gifts

    A Singaporean logistics chief executive has failed in his legal bid to reclaim nearly S$470,000 he spent on his former romantic partner, after the High Court ruled all the expenditures were voluntary gifts, not unwritten loans as the plaintiff claimed.

    Chander Agarwal, the CEO of the logistics firm, first crossed paths with Felicia Lee, a former flight attendant, on a commercial flight in 2019. The pair entered into a romantic relationship in September 2022, a connection that would unravel 15 months later in December 2023 when Agarwal grew suspicious that Lee was seeing another person.

    Seeking to recoup what he claimed were unpaid interest-free loans, Agarwal launched his civil suit against Lee in March 2024. He alleged that Lee had asked him to cover a long list of costs that added up to S$468,000, equivalent to around US$369,000. The expenses included more than S$200,000 in credit card bills, S$129,000 for international travel, S$17,000 for a feng shui consultation for Lee’s home, and S$20,000 for her life insurance premiums.

    Lee pushed back against the claims, arguing that every transfer and payment was a gift given freely out of Agarwal’s romantic affection for her, with no implicit or explicit agreement of repayment. In his ruling, Senior Judge Lee Seiu Kin sided firmly with the defendant.

    The judge outlined that even before the pair officially began their relationship, Agarwal had established a clear pattern of lavishing expensive gifts on Lee, repeatedly reassuring her that he never expected any money to be paid back. Beyond this, the judge pointed out a critical gap in Agarwal’s case: he produced no documentary evidence to prove the transfers were loans, including no written or recorded acknowledgement from Lee that she owed him the money.

    “Unfortunately, when their relationship ended on a sour note, [Agarwal] became embittered and was determined to extract a price from her,” the judge wrote in his decision. He further noted that Agarwal is a wealthy man with expensive habits, a financial status far above that of Lee. Text evidence introduced to the court also showed Lee often expressed surprise and even reluctance when Agarwal proposed purchasing high-cost items for her, the judge added.

    In a memorable closing to his judgment, the judge referenced a famous line from 17th-century English playwright William Congreve’s tragic satire *The Mourning Bride*, which reads: “Heav’n has no rage, like love to hatred turn’d, nor hell a fury, like a woman scorn’d.” The judge noted the case makes clear that this bitter shift from love to hatred is not exclusive to any one gender.

    This ruling is not an isolated incident in Singapore’s courts. Just over a year earlier, in early 2023, the judiciary threw out two lawsuits filed by a man named K Kawshigan against a woman who rejected his romantic advances. Kawshigan had claimed the rejection caused him more than S$3 million in damages, including compensation for emotional distress and harm to his reputation. After the suits were dismissed, the defendant, Nora Tan, launched a countersuit to recover the legal costs she incurred defending herself against what she called Kawshigan’s harassment.

  • Philippine rescuers board burning ferry 40 hours after blaze began

    Philippine rescuers board burning ferry 40 hours after blaze began

    More than 40 hours after a devastating fire broke out on a Philippine passenger-cargo ferry, search and rescue teams have finally gained access to the charred vessel to continue looking for dozens of unaccounted-for passengers. As of Friday morning, official updates confirm five people have been confirmed dead in the incident, 43 survivors have been pulled from the water or evacuated from the burning ship, and many of those rescued are currently receiving medical care at local hospitals. A total of 84 passengers and crew remain missing, down from an earlier count of 86 after authorities confirmed two people listed on the vessel’s manifest never actually boarded the ferry.

    The MV June Aster was en route from the Philippine capital of Manila to Coron, a popular tourist island in the province of Palawan, when the fire ignited late Wednesday. Images released by the Philippine Coast Guard Friday morning showed thin plumes of smoke still rising from the vessel’s blackened hull, a sign that smoldering continued to hamper response efforts for days after the blaze began. Toxic fumes and residual heat inside the ship prevented rescuers from entering the hull throughout Thursday, with teams only able to board the vessel at approximately 11:30 a.m. local time Friday.

    Coast Guard spokeswoman Noemie Cayabyab earlier explained to reporters that persistent thick smoke and dangerous internal temperatures posed major life threats to response personnel. “The biggest challenge for us really is to penetrate the ship [as] there is still a visible, thick smoke,” Cayabyab told the BBC before the boarding. “No matter how we try to push through, high temperatures and toxic smoke remain a severe risk to our personnel,” she added to local Philippine media. Incomplete combustion inside the cargo hold has produced smoke with lethal concentrations of carbon monoxide, further complicating search efforts.

    To expand the scope of the operation, search teams have widened their search area off the coast of Palawan. The Coast Guard has deployed one of its largest vessels to the site, launched emergency radio broadcasts to alert passing commercial ships to watch for survivors in the water, and added specialized divers and medical nurses to search crews. Following the initial boarding, the next step for response teams is to resume full firefighting operations, starting with the cargo hold – the section of the vessel where the fire is believed to have originated, according to preliminary statements from survivors.

    Survivor accounts have painted a terrifying picture of the panic that unfolded as the fire spread. Thirty-year-old Roland Lerma, who was pulled from the sea by rescuers, described scenes of chaos as people scrambled to escape the burning vessel. “When I was on the floor, people were trampling me,” Lerma told the BBC. After crawling through the panicked crowd to regain his balance, he jumped off the ferry into the dark ocean. Lerma added that he saw multiple children jump into the water alongside him, but he could not make out their identities in the low light. “It was cold [in the sea] If the rescue had been delayed, I would definitely have died,” he said.

    Officials also noted that some passengers on board were not wearing life vests when the fire broke out, a detail that will factor into the ongoing investigation.

    The Philippine Maritime Authority has launched a full inquiry into the cause and circumstances of the fatal fire. Local outlet Palawan Daily reported that the 24-year-old ferry, built in 2002, held all required valid safety certificates and passed a mandatory enforcement inspection as recently as March this year. Despite this, investigators will examine multiple potential contributing factors, including discrepancies in the passenger and cargo manifest, whether cargo was loaded correctly and safely, and whether the crew followed proper emergency response protocols after the fire started.

    Atienza Interisland Ferries, the company that operates the MV June Aster, has said it will provide full cooperation to investigators. In a statement released Thursday, the company said: “Our hearts remain with the affected families, and we will not rest until all individuals are accounted for.”

  • Houthis eye ‘full control’ of Bab el-Mandeb, as Saudi-backed forces reel from offensive

    Houthis eye ‘full control’ of Bab el-Mandeb, as Saudi-backed forces reel from offensive

    A stunning, rapid military push by Yemen’s Houthi movement along the country’s Red Sea coastline has placed the strategically vital Bab el-Mandeb Strait within the group’s full control, shifting regional power dynamics and strengthening Iran’s strategic leverage against the United States, regional and security experts told Middle East Eye in a new analysis of the battlefield shifts.

    “The Houthis have pulled off a decisive military victory that brings them within one major step of controlling the entire Bab el-Mandeb waterway,” Corey Ranslem, chief executive officer of maritime security firm Dryad Global, explained to Middle East Eye. Ranslem added that the Houthis will face far fewer barriers to exerting influence over Bab el-Mandeb than Iran does in the Strait of Hormuz, because the U.S. maintains no substantial, permanent military presence in the Bab el-Mandeb area to counter their moves.

    The breakthrough came after days of intense combat across the narrow Tihama coastal plain, where Houthi forces defeated Saudi-aligned Yemeni troops on Thursday and seized the historic, strategically critical Red Sea port of Mocha. Regional Arab media outlets confirmed that Houthi gains expanded across the region through the rest of the day: the group has already deployed military personnel to the Hanish Islands, located in the central Red Sea opposite Eritrea, and continues to push south toward the Bab el-Mandeb Strait itself and the key island of Perim.

    The sweeping Houthi advance has also exposed deep coordination rifts within the Saudi-backed anti-Houthi coalition operating in Yemen. In a surprising development, Houthi troops moving across open, exposed coastal terrain encountered almost no significant air resistance from Saudi Arabia or its Yemeni allied factions.

    Mocha was previously held by the National Resistance Forces (NRF), a well-armed anti-Houthi faction led by Tarek Saleh, nephew of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Ali Abdullah Saleh was killed by the Houthis a decade ago, just months after he split from a short-lived alliance with the movement. The NRF was long backed by the United Arab Emirates, but the group shifted its formal allegiance to Saudi Arabia earlier this year, after the UAE announced its full military withdrawal from Yemen. Saudi Arabia subsequently took over responsibility for funding and supporting UAE-aligned armed groups in the country.

    Rifts between the two leading Gulf coalition partners have widened in recent months, with disagreements over the war in Sudan, the Israel-Hamas conflict, and Yemeni separatist movements stalling cooperation. The Houthi offensive is unfolding against ongoing, stalled talks between Saudi Arabia and the UAE over a potential UAE return to Yemen to cover military operational costs, a Western diplomat confirmed to Middle East Eye, noting the negotiations remain at an impasse.

    The latest Houthi gains build on months of escalating tensions between the movement and Saudi Arabia. Over the past year, the Houthis have launched repeated drone and missile strikes on Saudi energy infrastructure and commercial shipping, while Saudi-led coalition forces have carried out retaliatory air strikes on Houthi positions. Saudi-backed Yemeni forces also attempted their own counter-offensive to retake the Houthi-held major port of Hodeida earlier this year, which failed to gain meaningful ground.

    Arab and Western officials tracking the resurgence of fighting told Middle East Eye the Houthi offensive—the largest large-scale military operation launched since a 2022 ceasefire collapsed—stems from two core strategic motivations. First, establishing full military control along the Bab el-Mandeb coastline will allow the Houthis to enforce a blockade against Saudi Arabia with far greater accuracy, while also asserting authority over all international shipping passing through the chokepoint.

    Before the current Yemeni civil war, roughly 12% of global seaborne oil trade already transited the Red Sea. The waterway’s strategic importance grew dramatically after Iran increased its control over shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, pushing Saudi Arabia to shift a larger share of its oil exports through the Red Sea route. Diplomats note the Houthis have directly drawn inspiration from Iran’s model of charging tolls for commercial shipping passing through the Strait of Hormuz, and aim to replicate that system in Bab el-Mandeb.

    “The Houthis essentially want to collect their own tolls on Red Sea shipping, and Saudi Arabia has been completely firm that it will never accept paying a Houthi toll,” a diplomat based in Riyadh explained.

    The Houthi movement has also spent months rebuilding its military capacity after sustaining heavy losses during extensive U.S. air strikes carried out between January and May 2025. As Middle East Eye exclusively reported in July, military experts specializing in drone and missile technology from Lebanon, Iran, Syria and Iraq have already been deployed to Yemen to support the Houthis, and Iran has continued to supply the group with advanced military equipment.

    Beyond the Houthis’ own strategic goals, the capture of the Red Sea coastline also advances Iran’s regional agenda amid escalating tensions in the Strait of Hormuz, where both U.S. and Iranian forces have targeted commercial shipping in recent months.

    “This move aligns completely with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ long-term goal of controlling both major maritime trade chokepoints surrounding the Arabian Peninsula,” said Ibrahim Jalal, a Yemeni researcher and regional policy adviser. Jalal added that the advance also serves the Houthis’ own core priority of extracting economic concessions from Saudi Arabia.

    “The Houthis now control the highest mountain peaks overlooking the entire Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which makes targeting and surveillance of passing shipping far easier,” Jalal noted. “They will also be able to strike targets in the Gulf of Aden with much greater ease than before.”

  • Pro-Palestine activist wins mayoral Democratic primary in Rhode Island

    Pro-Palestine activist wins mayoral Democratic primary in Rhode Island

    In a political upset that underscores shifting currents within the U.S. Democratic Party, 27-year-old progressive state representative David Morales has defeated the incumbent Democratic mayor of Providence, Rhode Island, to win the party’s nomination for November’s general mayoral election. The victory, secured in the nation’s smallest U.S. state, puts Morales on track to become the youngest mayor in Providence’s recorded history, given Rhode Island’s long-standing status as a reliably deep-blue state where Democratic nominees almost always win general election contests. What makes Morales’s triumph even more striking is the lopsized resource gap he overcame: the first-time candidate’s total campaign budget amounted to less than a quarter of the spending by his rival, former city official Brett Smiley.

    A self-identified Democratic Socialist who counts Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders as a key endorser, Morales’s path into politics was directly shaped by Sanders’ transformative 2016 presidential campaign, which pushed progressive economic and social policy into the mainstream of U.S. Democratic discourse. Inspired by that movement, Morales won a seat in the Rhode Island state legislature at just 22 years old, and built his 2025 primary campaign on the grassroots model that has brought other young progressives to power across the country. Like New York City progressive mayor Zohran Mamdani, Morales leaned heavily on viral social media content to connect directly with Providence residents, centering his platform on pocketbook affordability issues that resonate with working-class households while maintaining a tightly focused, consistent message that resonated with primary voters.

    The Israeli-Palestinian conflict emerged as a defining flashpoint of the race, reflecting broader trends across U.S. Democratic primaries over the past two years. Morales, a longstanding public critic of Israeli policy and vocal supporter of Palestinian rights, openly challenged Smiley over his advisory role with the Combat Antisemitism Movement, a group known for its unwavering pro-Israel stance. Shifting attitudes within the Democratic base have seen support for Israeli policy among younger voters, particularly those under 25, plummet following the outbreak of the Israel-Gaza war, a trend that worked heavily in Morales’s favor.

    Advocacy group Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), which has thrown its organizational weight behind pro-Palestinian progressive candidates across the country, celebrated Morales’s win as part of a growing wave of electoral success for candidates prioritizing Palestinian rights. “David has been in the streets with the Palestinian rights movement for years… He has consistently called for an end to U.S. support for apartheid and genocide,” the group said in a post-primary statement. JVP also highlighted that Morales has publicly backed a first-of-its-kind city ballot initiative that would reallocate an estimated $2.5 million in city funds currently invested in Israel and other nations accused of committing genocide. If approved by voters, the measure would mark the first legally binding divestment vote of its kind in U.S. history, a proposal that drew criticism from Jewish Insider, which claimed the legislation carried antisemitic subtext.

    Morales’s victory aligns with a surge in voter enthusiasm for progressive candidates that has been seen across other key primary states including Michigan and New York, where early voting numbers hit record highs this cycle. Overall early in-person voting in Rhode Island hit 37,444 ballots by the close of business before primary day, more than double the 16,900 early ballots cast in the 2022 cycle and three times the 12,100 early votes recorded ahead of the 2024 primary. According to 2020 U.S. Census data, Providence is home to just under 200,000 residents, making the turnout jump all the more notable.

    JVP emphasized that Morales’s win is not an isolated incident, noting that he is the 16th candidate the group has endorsed this election cycle to win the Democratic nomination. “Our Palestine champions have been winning up and down the ballot – from city government, to state legislature, to the House of Representatives, to the Senate,” the group said.

    National progressive leaders quickly hailed the outcome, echoing Morales’s message of rejecting establishment politics. “From coast to coast, Americans are clear: No more status quo politics. We want real change,” Sanders wrote on the social platform X, echoing his own longstanding call for systemic change within the Democratic Party and U.S. politics more broadly. Mamdani, whose campaign strategy Morales emulated, echoed that sentiment, noting “What is the Democratic Party if not its voters?”

    The November 3 general election will see Morales face Republican challenger David Talan. With Rhode Island’s deep Democratic lean, Morales is widely expected to secure the mayoralty, capping a rapid political rise that began less than five years after he first won state office. The contest is one of thousands of local and congressional races up for grabs in this year’s midterm elections, which have been framed as a national referendum on the policies and direction of the Trump administration.

  • NAZA: Film exposing systematic killing in Gaza gets record 24-minute standing ovation at Venice

    NAZA: Film exposing systematic killing in Gaza gets record 24-minute standing ovation at Venice

    The 83rd Venice Film Festival made global headlines Thursday when a groundbreaking documentary investigating Israeli military systems responsible for mass civilian deaths in Gaza received the longest standing ovation in the event’s history.

    Directed by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, NAZA drew a rapturous 24-and-a-half-minute ovation from the festival audience following its world premiere, according to entertainment industry outlet Variety. This unprecedented reception shattered the previous record of 22 minutes, set just one year prior for Kaouther Ben Hania’s *The Voice of Hind Rajab* — another work centered on the Gaza crisis, which chronicles the killing of six-year-old Palestinian girl Hind Rajab by Israeli forces in January 2024.

    As applause echoed through the theater, audience members unfurled Palestinian flags in a show of solidarity. A visibly moved Abraham and Szor were embraced by executive producer Jonathan Glazer, the acclaimed director of *The Zone of Interest*, a Oscar-winning film that examined the bureaucratic banality of atrocity during the Holocaust.

    Online reaction to the premiere was immediate and intense, with festival attendees and human rights activists praising the documentary across social media platforms. The core of NAZA draws from rare, confidential testimonies: 24 Israeli soldiers, most serving in military intelligence units that participated in the Gaza campaign, agreed to share their experiences on camera. Filmed in secret overnight on Tel Aviv rooftops to protect the interviewees, the accounts lay bare how soldiers systematically planned and carried out operations that killed thousands of people, including entire Palestinian families.

    Writing for the Israeli-based independent outlet +972 Magazine ahead of the premiere, Abraham and Szor outlined their core purpose: rather than calling out isolated acts of abuse by individual soldiers, the film seeks to expose the institutional framework that enables mass killing. “We focus on orders, policies, and patterns of operation,” they explained. From their analysis of the collected testimonies, the co-directors reached a searing conclusion: the mass death of Palestinian civilians in Gaza is not an unintended side effect of military conflict, but “a premeditated, calculated, and intentional act.”

    The soldiers interviewed in the film occupy key roles in the Israeli military’s strike approval process: they carry out surveillance on targeted residential structures, calculate projected civilian casualty numbers for individual home strikes, and sign off on deadly attacks. The filmmakers argue that these first-hand accounts eliminate any plausible deniability around the scale and intentionality of civilian deaths in Gaza.

    The film’s title itself carries deliberate meaning: NAZA is a Hebrew military acronym for “collateral damage,” the term routinely used by the Israeli military to refer to projected civilian deaths in planned strikes. Abraham and Szor emphasize that this clinical euphemism intentionally obscures two critical facts: that military leadership knew in advance how many civilians would die in each strike, and that the campaign targeting civilian populations is a deliberate, policy-level choice.

    The documentary’s official synopsis underscores this focus, stating that NAZA offers a granular, documented account of “the systems behind Israel’s calculated mass killing of Palestinian civilians in Gaza.”

    This is not the first high-profile work for the directing duo: Abraham and Szor were two of the four co-directors behind *No Other Land*, which took home the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature in 2025. Produced in partnership with the Guardian and James Wilson’s JW Films, NAZA is the only documentary selected to compete for the festival’s top honor, the Golden Lion, this year.

    On social media, observers quickly drew parallels between NAZA and Glazer’s *The Zone of Interest*, noting both works center on the bureaucratic systems that normalize mass atrocity through routine, procedural calculation and dehumanizing language. One social media commentator summarized the connection as NAZA being a documentary spin-off of Glazer’s Oscar-winning film, with the added layer of perpetrators directly describing their actions on camera, a choice that many observers described as deeply visceral and unsettling.

  • Former New York Mayor Giuliani designated ‘anti-Muslim extremist’ by Muslim advocacy group

    Former New York Mayor Giuliani designated ‘anti-Muslim extremist’ by Muslim advocacy group

    On Wednesday, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) officially designated former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani as an anti-Muslim extremist, a move that follows a series of virulently bigoted comments he made during a recent primetime television interview on Newsmax.

    During that interview, Giuliani, who served as a senior advisor to former U.S. President Donald Trump during his first term in office, called for New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani to be barred from attending the upcoming 25th anniversary 9/11 memorial service this Friday. “It offends me that he’s coming,” Giuliani told the outlet.

    The former mayor went even further, pushing unfounded conspiracy theories about global Muslim communities, claiming that Muslims are actively seeking to seize control of regions across the United States and Western Europe. He doubled down on his racist rhetoric by perpetuating harmful religious stereotypes, arguing “They (Muslims) want to dominate us. That’s what they’re taught the day they begin their extremist religious education. Mamdani is a clear supporter of that. All of the Muslims he supports are murderers.”

    In an official statement announcing the designation, Corey Saylor, CAIR’s director of research and advocacy, noted that Giuliani has targeted American Muslim communities for decades solely on the basis of their faith. “Mr Giuliani has a decades-long record of targeting our community simply because of our faith, and we are designating him an anti-Muslim extremist as a result of his hateful views,” Saylor said.

    Giuliani’s comments are just the latest development in a growing public dispute over Mamdani’s attendance at the memorial, which already has more than 100,000 signatures on a petition calling for the mayor to be excluded. Two New York City Republican councilmembers – Vicky Paladino and Joann Ariola – have spearheaded the petition effort, and Paladino held a press conference on the steps of City Hall Tuesday to reiterate her demand that Mamdani stay away from the ceremony, claiming “he does not belong there.”

    Paladino is no stranger to open Islamophobia: last year, she took to social media platform X to call for the mass expulsion of Muslims from Western countries, and in February of this year, she compared Mamdani’s tenure in office to an “Islamic conquest,” repeating the white nationalist “great replacement” conspiracy theory that claims non-white people are intentionally displacing white Westerners.

    Afaf Nasher, executive director of CAIR’s New York chapter, pushed back against this coordinated political attack, noting that American Muslims should never be forced to prove their patriotism after politicians exploit the national trauma of 9/11 to target their community. “American Muslims should not have to defend our patriotism every time a deranged politician exploits that tragedy (9/11) to attack our community,” Nasher said.

    Mamdani himself has declined to directly engage with Giuliani’s personal attacks, choosing instead to center his work in the lead-up to the 25th anniversary on honoring 9/11 victims and advancing long-overdue transparency around the aftermath of the attacks. When asked about Giuliani’s comments earlier this week, Mamdani said he wanted the week to focus on “the families whose loved ones were stolen from them 25 years ago in the horrific act of terror of September 11, and a focus also on the first responders who did everything they could.”

    On Tuesday, Mamdani took a major step toward that transparency, releasing 170,000 pages of previously unreleased government records related to the 9/11 attacks through a public online portal. The release event was attended by first responders, 9/11 victim family members, and comedian and long-time 9/11 advocacy activist John Stewart, host of *The Daily Show*.

    The newly released documents confirm long-held allegations that city leadership knew the air in Lower Manhattan was toxic in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, and that inspectors found dangerous asbestos contamination at nearly every test site in the area. To date, more than 140,000 people have enrolled in the World Trade Center health program for 9/11-related illnesses, with 49,000 diagnosed with certified 9/11-linked cancers. Data from the 9/11 Memorial shows that more people have now died from 9/11-related illnesses than were killed in the attacks themselves on September 11, 2001.

    Mamdani placed direct blame for these avoidable deaths on the city leaders who were in power at the time of the attacks – a group that includes Giuliani. “People got sick because the leaders they trusted lied and told them they were safe to breathe in toxic air. And then when they began to contend with the symptoms of the illnesses that followed, the government that had not hesitated to send them into harm’s way was nowhere to be found,” Mamdani said.

    When asked after the release of the documents whether Giuliani should be barred from the memorial out of respect for the victims of 9/11-related illnesses, Mamdani reiterated that the day should be centered on victims, not political fights. He responded that this day was about the victims and the families, not about any politicians.

    In addition to releasing the records, Mamdani signed two executive orders earlier this month related to the 9/11 anniversary: one formally codifying September 11 as an official city day of remembrance, and a second strengthening New York City’s operational and emergency preparedness protocols.

  • Romania’s secret CIA prison: Two decades of denial and unanswered questions

    Romania’s secret CIA prison: Two decades of denial and unanswered questions

    Decades after the 9/11 attacks launched the United States’ global “war on terror”, newly declassified court filings and confirmed evidence have pulled back the curtain on one of the Central Intelligence Agency’s most secretive overseas black sites: a downtown Bucharest detention facility where scores of detainees were held and systematically tortured between 2003 and 2005. Among the men held at the site, codenamed Detention Site Black, is Ammar al-Baluchi, nephew of self-proclaimed 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, whose firsthand account of cruelty paints a damning portrait of life inside the secret prison.

    Baluchi, who was detained at the facility for nearly two years, says the most searing memory of his captivity is the unrelenting cold. Held nearly naked in cells illuminated 24 hours a day by harsh fluorescent bulbs, he described his imprisonment as “living inside a refrigerator”. Court documents detail a consistent pattern of abuse at the site: prolonged solitary confinement under constant artificial light, deliberate sleep deprivation that sometimes kept detainees shackled in a standing position for days on end, repeated dousing with ice-cold water, and degrading forced procedures that interrogators labeled with euphemisms such as “attention grasps” and “facial holds”. Earlier this year, Baluchi’s legal team released the first ever publicly circulated photograph of a CIA black site detainee: an image of Baluchi stripped naked and photographed by intelligence personnel, one of tens of thousands of similar images secretly held by the U.S. government.

    More than 23 years after the 9/11 attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people and prompted the U.S. to launch deadly invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq that have killed at least 940,000 people directly, a U.S. military judge has finally scheduled a long-delayed trial for Baluchi and four other co-defendants in the 9/11 case. Proceedings are set to open on June 5, 2028, more than a decade after the case was first brought. The decades-long delay stems from a core legal dispute: whether confessions and statements coerced through torture at CIA black sites before the detainees were transferred to Guantanamo Bay can be used as admissible evidence in court. In a landmark 2025 ruling, a Guantanamo military judge found that statements Baluchi gave to the FBI in 2007 were involuntary and inadmissible, ruling they were permanently tainted by the torture and cruel, inhuman treatment he endured in CIA custody, including at the Bucharest site. The judge ruled that even the slightly improved conditions of detention at Guantanamo could not erase the “lingering taint” of abuse he suffered in the black site network.

    The Bucharest black site was part of a sprawling network of secret CIA prisons spread across three continents in the years after 9/11, part of the agency’s controversial rendition, detention and interrogation program that was formally shut down by the Obama administration in 2009. Declassified records and independent research from the Rendition Project, an NGO that has spent years tracking the CIA’s secret detention network, reveal that Romanian senior state officials agreed to host the site as a goodwill gesture ahead of Romania’s 2004 accession to NATO, in exchange for a total payment of at least $8 million plus additional millions in ongoing funding.

    The agreement to build the site was finalized in mid-October 2002, and the first group of five detainees arrived at the facility in autumn 2003. Former Romanian president Ion Iliescu confirmed the broad outlines of the deal in a 2015 interview, acknowledging that U.S. allies requested a site for detention operations “around the turn of the year 2002 and 2003”, which he approved in principle without asking for details. “We did not interfere with the activities of the USA on this site,” Iliescu said, framing the decision as “a gesture of courtesy ahead of our accession to Nato”. The deal was handled by then-national security advisor Ioan Talpes, who admitted in a 2014 interview that he personally approved the lease of a government-owned building to the CIA, and that Romanian officials deliberately chose not to investigate what the agency was doing at the site in order to prove Romania’s reliability to Washington.

    Independent investigators have confirmed that top Romanian officials, including former president Traian Basescu, who took office in 2004, were fully aware of the site’s existence and purpose. A 2019 Rendition Project report added a previously undisclosed detail: after September 2004, senior U.S. diplomats and CIA officials formally briefed Romanian authorities on the full scope of the program, including clear descriptions of the torture techniques used on detainees. “It’s definitively the case – the allegations of torture, the money, the people who were held there – it’s definitively the case that that’s Romania in the court files,” said Crofton Black, a former Rendition Project investigator who spent nearly a decade tracing the black site network through flight logs and declassified documents. Black told reporters that Romania made the deliberate choice to host the site because it aligned with the country’s geopolitical goals, and officials believed the U.S. would shield them from accountability.

    Unlike black sites in Poland and Lithuania that were built in remote, isolated areas, Detention Site Black was located in central Bucharest, in a government building housing the National Registry Office for Classified Information (Orniss) on a quiet residential street in northern Bucharest, according to a 2011 joint investigation by the Associated Press and ARD Panorama. Orniss has “categorically denied” any connection to the prison. Despite disputes over the exact location, overlapping court testimonies from multiple detainees confirm consistent details of the facility’s harsh conditions: six prefabricated, white-painted cells tiled with impact-resistant glass, mounted on springs designed to keep detainees constantly off-balance and disoriented, with unbroken fluorescent lighting that gave the site the unofficial nickname “Bright Light”.

    Another high-profile detainee held at Detention Site Black is Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, the accused mastermind of the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole that killed 17 U.S. sailors. Nashiri was held at the Bucharest site between April 2004 and November 2005, and his case reached the European Court of Human Rights, which issued a landmark 2018 ruling that found Romania had violated international human rights law by enabling the CIA’s torture program. The court confirmed Nashiri endured “extremely harsh” conditions including permanent blindfolding, total solitary confinement, constant exposure to loud noise and unbroken lighting, permanent leg shackles during movement, sleep deprivation, painful stress positions, physical assault, and forced rectal feeding.

    A 2014 U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee report confirmed what independent investigators have long alleged: the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” program never produced unique, life-saving intelligence that could not have been obtained through legal interrogation methods. The report found that the CIA held at least 119 detainees across the black site network, 39 of whom were subjected to the brutal unauthorized interrogation techniques, and that the agency deliberately misled Congress and the public about the program’s brutality. To date, almost no U.S. or foreign officials have faced criminal accountability for the abuses.

    For more than two decades, successive Romanian governments have officially denied any involvement in hosting the black site. When contacted by Middle East Eye for this report, the Romanian foreign intelligence service said the matter had already been fully investigated by national and international judicial bodies and declined further comment. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Justice and former president Basescu did not respond to requests for comment, while the domestic intelligence service SRI said it lacked legal standing to address public claims about the site.

    Despite Romania’s official denial, the 2018 European Court of Human Rights ruling formally confirmed that the country violated Nashiri’s human rights by enabling his torture and failing to launch a credible investigation into the abuses. A domestic criminal investigation into the allegations, opened in 2012 after a complaint from Nashiri’s legal team, was deliberately stalled for years, and by 2016 the statute of limitations for all alleged crimes had expired, with no suspects ever formally identified. The case was officially closed in March 2021, with prosecutors labeling the perpetrator “unknown” despite access to international evidence sharing. In 2021, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers expressed “profound regret” that Romania had failed to use all available means to investigate and establish the full facts of the case, as required by the Strasbourg court ruling.

    Ben Keith, a British barrister who represents Baluchi outside the U.S., said senior Romanian officials intentionally enabled the CIA’s torture program. “We know from the ruling in al-Nashiri the Romanians knew about it; they might have not known exactly what was happening, but they facilitated the CIA to create a black site to torture these men,” Keith said. “Our contention is that Romania not only facilitated the CIA black site but knew they were being used to torture individuals.”

    With the 9/11 trial now scheduled for 2028, the role of Romania and other host countries in the CIA’s black site network, and the torture inflicted at Detention Site Black, will take center stage in the legal proceedings. For independent investigators, Romania’s ongoing refusal to acknowledge its role despite overwhelming evidence is indefensible. “There’s been years of compelling evidence that Romania hosted a black site, and the more the evidence has grown, the government continued to deny it was involved,” Black said. “It’s ridiculous, it’s nonsense.”

  • We want to move beyond elections, face of India’s ‘cockroach’ movement tells BBC

    We want to move beyond elections, face of India’s ‘cockroach’ movement tells BBC

    Three months is all it took for 30-year-old Abhijeet Dipke to rise from obscurity to national fame – a level of public recognition that most grassroots Indian activists and politicians spend a lifetime chasing, and many never achieve at all. Today, Dipke is the public face of India’s viral Gen Z ‘cockroach protests’, a grassroots movement that has already forced a high-profile government concession and emerged as one of the most significant challenges to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration in recent years.

  • London university lifts suspension of pro-Palestine student Usama Ghanem

    London university lifts suspension of pro-Palestine student Usama Ghanem

    After 12 months of sustained legal challenge and widespread public advocacy, King’s College London (KCL) has reversed its disciplinary suspension of Egyptian student activist Usama Ghanem, who was penalized by the institution for his public pro-Palestine organizing. The outcome marks a landmark turning point for student activists across the United Kingdom who have pushed back against institutional crackdowns on Palestine-related political speech and protest. Ghanem, a former political refugee who fled Egypt after being imprisoned with his father and brother for opposing the Egyptian government in 2020, framed the ruling as a broader victory rather than a personal win. In an interview with Middle East Eye, he emphasized that the win extends beyond his own case. “After a year-long legal and public battle, I can now say that we took on a 200-year-old institution and we won,” Ghanem stated. “This sets a new precedent that university crackdowns on pro-Palestine speech and protest ought to be overturned.” The activist stressed that the reversal of his suspension is a victory for the dozens of other KCL students who have risked their academic standing to participate in pro-Palestine advocacy, as well as for student organizers across the UK and Western nations who have opposed restrictions on Palestine-focused activism. “But this is not a win for me. It is a win for the 25 other students who have put their degrees on the line,” he said. “This is their win, and the win of every single student at KCL, in London, across the UK, the West and beyond who campaigned against this crackdown.” Ghanem’s case carried uniquely high stakes due to his fragile immigration status in the UK. As someone who already faced persecution and imprisonment in his home country for political dissent, the suspension threw his right to remain in the UK into question, with Ghanem facing the imminent threat of deportation to Egypt, where he risked torture and further persecution. Documents included in his original KCL admissions application outlined the history of persecution his family faced at the hands of Egyptian security forces, meaning university leadership was fully aware of the risks his suspension posed to his safety, Ghanem confirmed. The reversal of Ghanem’s suspension unfolds against a backdrop of growing national controversy over the treatment of pro-Palestine student activists on UK university campuses, a conversation that intensified after Israel launched its military offensive in Gaza in October 2023. Student organizers and human rights campaigners have repeatedly accused UK higher education institutions of enacting disproportionate, politically motivated restrictions on speech and protest related to Palestinian rights, while university administrations have defended their disciplinary actions as necessary enforcement of existing institutional policies. Data collected last year by Liberty Investigates confirmed that KCL has disciplined more students for pro-Palestine activism than any other university across the United Kingdom. Activists have long argued that the wave of disciplinary action at the institution has created a chilling effect, discouraging students from exercising their right to peaceful protest and political expression. Middle East Eye has reached out to KCL for official comment on the reversal of Ghanem’s suspension, with no response released as of yet.

  • Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Over the past weekend, two leading U.S. news outlets, The New York Times and The Washington Post, published details from a confidential evidence dossier that accuses Sudan’s ruling Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) of developing and deploying chemical weapons amid its ongoing two-year civil conflict with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group. According to initial reports, the dossier was provided to media by an unnamed Middle Eastern intelligence agency, and it comprises more than 150 pages of materials, including visual evidence, intercepted communications between senior SAF officers, bomb design blueprints, audio recordings, and thousands of text messages pulled directly from the mobile devices of top military commanders. Multiple independent sources speaking to Middle East Eye (MEE) have since confirmed that the intelligence agency in question is Israel’s Mossad, and that the document shared with major U.S. media matches nearly identically a dossier Israel handed over to the U.S. government ahead of Washington’s January 2025 sanctions on SAF leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

    The dossier outlines that the SAF launched a six-month secret chemical weapons program in 2024, led by a covert military unit within the force, amid a worsening battlefield situation that saw the RSF seize control of most of Sudan’s capital Khartoum by mid-year. According to the intercepted communications laid out in the document, senior SAF General Tariq Hussain, identified as the head of the initiative, proposed repurposed chlorine gas as a low-cost, accessible weapon to gain a tactical edge in battle for the capital. The dossier claims that from July 2024, a hidden facility assembled prototype chlorine bombs, using repurposed civilian barbecue canisters and liquefied gas tanks, with initial testing conducted in remote desert regions of Sudan. Unlike internationally banned chemical warfare agents such as sarin, chlorine is not classified as a controlled substance under global non-proliferation frameworks. The documents also note that 20 large chlorine cylinders were imported into Sudan from Egypt, a known backer of the SAF throughout the civil war.

    A former senior U.S. official familiar with the dossier described the large-scale interception of officer communications as a striking demonstration of the capabilities of Pegasus, the controversial Israeli spyware developed by NSO Group that enables full remote infiltration of smartphone devices. A senior anonymous Sudanese security analyst told MEE that while it was widely understood that Israel maintained strategic intelligence interests in Sudan, the scale, depth and duration of the surveillance operation detailed in the dossier reveals a far deeper level of Israeli engagement in the country than previously acknowledged publicly. Both the Israeli government and foreign ministry have been contacted by MEE for comment on the origins of the dossier, but no response has been issued as of publication. The Sudanese army-backed national government has issued a full, vehement denial of all chemical weapons allegations.

    Sudan’s ongoing civil war erupted in April 2023 following a bitter power split between the SAF, led by Burhan, and the RSF, a former state-aligned paramilitary group commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti. The two factions had previously joined forces to carry out a 2021 coup that ousted the civilian interim government established after the 2019 revolution that toppled longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir, but competing claims to power and divergent networks of financial and military influence ultimately pushed the country into full-scale conflict. The RSF has received extensive backing from the United Arab Emirates, Israel’s closest regional ally, while Egypt and most recently a coalition of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan have publicly supported the SAF.

    The dossier notes that internal SAF communications reveal debate among top leadership over whether to move forward with the chlorine bomb program: while senior officials formally agreed to abandon the project, a small clique of officers continued development in secret, according to a former U.S. official. In September 2024, the RSF issued a public statement accusing the SAF of launching toxic missile strikes on the strategic al-Jaili oil refinery north of Khartoum, which was under RSF control at the time. A subsequent intercepted message from General Hussain referenced that “they drank the gas,” referencing RSF fighters being exposed to chlorine during the attack. However, the dossier contains no confirmed records of fatalities from the attack, no other verified instances of chlorine bombs being deployed in combat, and no medical evidence or victim testimony to corroborate the use of chemical weapons.

    In an official response to MEE, the Sudanese government emphasized that it is a signatory state to the Chemical Weapons Convention, and has remained fully compliant with all convention requirements, including commitments to forgo the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The government added that all chlorine supplies within Sudan’s borders are exclusively earmarked for civilian uses including water purification, industrial production and energy generation, and that the country is willing to open its facilities to inspection by any competent international verification body. It also noted that after the allegations first emerged, Sudan implemented a series of cooperative measures in coordination with the United States, but that Washington has never produced concrete evidence to back up the claims. It should be noted that the RSF itself has been formally accused by both the United Nations and United States of perpetrating genocide against civilian populations in the Darfur region, with eyewitness accounts documenting widespread mass executions, sexual violence and looting carried out by RSF fighters.

    The revelation that the evidence dossier originated from Israeli intelligence has sparked new questions about Israel’s covert alignment in Sudan’s civil war, confirming reporting by multiple independent sources that Israel has shifted its support to the RSF, whose primary patron is the UAE. Israeli officials have previously claimed that Israel maintains neutral relations with multiple factions in Sudan, but regional analysts point to a long-building relationship between Israel and Hemedti that deepened starting in 2021. Sudan first moved toward normalizing relations with Israel after the 2019 overthrow of al-Bashir, with Burhan meeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2020 and signing the U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords that same year, though normalization has never been finalized. Ahead of the 2023 outbreak of war, then-Israeli foreign minister Eli Cohen held a high-profile meeting with Burhan to finalize the normalization deal, but the war derailed those plans. Throughout the conflict, Hemedti has maintained close ties to Israeli intelligence, while the UAE has continued its backing of the RSF – support that Abu Dhabi continues to deny despite mounting evidence from the UN and independent investigators.

    Recent reporting from Africa Intelligence revealed that two of Hemedti’s brothers made secret trips to Tel Aviv in May 2025 and again earlier this year to hold meetings with senior Israeli intelligence and foreign ministry officials. One regional analyst noted that the timed release of the chemical weapons dossier closely follows the recent signing of the Mecca Agreement, a defense pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan that explicitly reaffirms the bloc’s support for the SAF. The release of the dossier, the analyst argued, represents a show of influence from the Abraham Accords bloc in response to the pro-SAF Mecca Agreement, with the leaked intelligence successfully pushing the U.S. to impose sanctions on Burhan and the SAF leadership. As one former U.S. official put it, “The intelligence they shared with Washington succeeded in getting Burhan and the SAF sanctioned,” adding that the strategic alliance between Israel and the UAE has only deepened amid the Sudan conflict.