标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Is the Gulf losing its grip on the oil world?

    Is the Gulf losing its grip on the oil world?

    The ongoing conflict in Iran has put global energy markets to an unexpected test, particularly after supply disruptions hit the Strait of Hormuz—the world’s busiest and most critical oil transit chokepoint. What has surprised most industry analysts, however, is the surprising resilience of international oil prices, which have held steady near $100 per barrel, a far lower level than most pre-conflict forecasts predicted even with the loss of Hormuz transit capacity.

    The core explanation for this unexpected market stability lies in the rapidly expanding role of oil production across North and South America. Long before the Iran conflict erupted, the International Energy Agency projected that nearly all incremental global oil demand growth through 2026 would be covered by rising output from American nations including the United States, Canada, Brazil, Guyana, and Argentina.

    Prior to the war, market expectations centered on a coming period of oversupply: OPEC had signaled plans to ramp up production, which most analysts believed would push stockpiles higher and drag prices downward. The Iranian conflict upended this outlook entirely. The disruption of Hormuz shipping removed up to 14 million barrels of daily supply from global markets, driving prices upward and leading to large draws on global commercial stockpiles instead of the expected builds.

    Yet a long-held energy market axiom has held true: high prices are the most effective remedy for supply shortages. Producers across the Americas have moved quickly to capitalize on elevated prices by ramping up output and expanding export capacity. In the United States, crude oil exports hit an all-time record of 6.44 million barrels per day in April 2026, and the country is expanding port infrastructure to handle even more volume, with nearly 800,000 barrels per day of new dock capacity scheduled to launch by 2026.

    Down in Brazil, the country has added eight new offshore floating production units in recent years, bringing a combined total capacity of nearly 1.5 million barrels per day. State-owned oil giant Petrobras recently brought one new project online in the Búzios field off the coast of Rio de Janeiro five months ahead of schedule, a direct move to capitalize on strong global prices. Industry projections point to another sharp production increase for Brazil in 2026.

    Further north along the South American coast, Guyana has solidified its position as one of the world’s fastest-growing oil producers. Current output already sits around 900,000 barrels per day, and forecasts indicate production could nearly double by the end of the 2020s. Even Venezuela, which has struggled with years of declining output and deep economic crisis, has managed to boost exports substantially in response to higher global prices.

    When combined, these regional gains are projected to push total oil output across the Americas to roughly 30 million barrels per day by the end of 2026, a volume that approaches pre-war OPEC total production. The U.S. retains its title as the world’s largest single producer, with total liquid hydrocarbon output hitting almost 22 million barrels per day in April 2026.

    Ironically, this Western Hemisphere production boom can trace part of its origins to OPEC itself. For more than a decade, the cartel’s de facto leader Saudi Arabia led a strategy of output cuts to prop up global prices, a policy that made higher-cost exploration and production projects across the Americas commercially viable—particularly U.S. shale oil development.

    Saudi Arabia’s “higher for longer” price strategy is rooted in its domestic economic priorities: to fund large-scale diversification projects including the planned futuristic city Neom, the kingdom requires oil prices of at least $90 per barrel. The unintended consequence of this policy has been a powerful financial incentive for non-OPEC producers to scale up output aggressively.

    Even with this rapid growth in American production, it would be premature to declare a permanent shift of the global oil industry’s center of gravity away from the Middle East. Production economics still heavily favor Gulf Cooperation Council producers, as extraction costs in the Persian Gulf remain among the lowest on Earth.

    In many major Saudi fields, production costs fall below $10 per barrel, and the regional average across the Gulf is roughly $27 per barrel. By comparison, most North American shale operations require prices between $50 and $65 per barrel to turn a profit. This cost gap becomes critically important during market downturns: if oil demand weakens and prices fall, higher-cost American producers will face pressure first, while low-cost Gulf producers with massive reserve bases can easily outlast periods of low prices.

    Geography also gives Middle Eastern producers a major advantage in fast-growing key Asian markets. For large emerging economies including India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, importing oil from the nearby Gulf is far more cost-effective than long-haul shipments from the Americas. Additionally, most Asian refineries were originally designed to process heavy, high-distillate Middle Eastern crudes that align with regional demand for diesel and jet fuel, the fuels that underpin most economic growth. U.S. shale exports are largely lighter crude that cannot directly replace Middle Eastern grades without costly refinery modifications.

    Gulf producers are also investing heavily to protect their long-term market position and reduce reliance on the Strait of Hormuz. The United Arab Emirates is expanding its Habshan-Fujairah pipeline, which bypasses the strait entirely to ship crude to the Indian Ocean. Saudi Arabia already operates the massive East-West Pipeline, which can move up to 7 million barrels of oil per day to Red Sea export terminals, eliminating exposure to Hormuz disruptions and opening more direct trade routes to European and Asian markets.

    There is no question that the Americas are reshaping the global oil market in profound ways. The region now functions as the world’s de facto swing producer, adding critical supply flexibility during geopolitical shocks and supply crises. Still, long-term market dominance depends on far more than just production volume: production costs, geographic access to key markets, infrastructure investment, and total reserve size all play decisive roles. On all these metrics, the Middle East retains a formidable, unrivaled advantage.

    For as long as global oil demand remains at historically high levels, the Gulf region will almost certainly stay the core hub of global oil production and exports—even as the Americas grow into an increasingly important source of crude supply for the world.

  • Compliance wall: China rewriting world’s agriculture trade rules

    Compliance wall: China rewriting world’s agriculture trade rules

    Across Asia’s agricultural trade ecosystem, a stark divide is emerging, driven by a transformative shift: China’s revised import regulations are actively redrawing supply chain maps across the entire region, creating winners and losers among global agricultural producers.

    In São Paulo, Brazil, Chinese meat purchasers are now offering premium prices for beef that carries formal certification confirming it comes from deforestation-free supply chains. A purchasing delegation from the Tianjin Meat Industry Association, reflecting shifting consumer priorities in China, has committed to sourcing 50,000 tons of this compliant product by the end of 2026. This move sends a clear, industry-altering signal: transparency and environmental compliance are now non-negotiable core requirements for Chinese importers.

    Half a continent away in Southeast Asia, Vietnam’s lucrative durian industry faces a far grimmer reality. In Vietnam’s Dong Thap Province, 80 out of 112 local fruit packaging facilities have suspended all exports to China after banned chemical residues were detected in multiple shipments. Local prices for the popular Ri6 durian cultivar have plummeted to just $1 per kilogram, well below the baseline cost of production. Strengthened safety screenings and persistent inspection bottlenecks have completely locked non-compliant producers out of the Chinese market.

    This shift marks a key turning point for global agricultural trade: China is no longer merely a volume-focused mass buyer. Its evolving market access standards now exert profound, far-reaching influence over global agricultural production and trade. For foreign producers aiming to access the world’s largest food consumer market, meeting unified compliance criteria has become the single most decisive factor for success.

    ### The End of an Era of Relaxed Cross-Border Rules
    To understand the current disruption, it is necessary to look back at the old cross-border trade model that prevailed for decades. Between 2003 and 2005, when analyst Ju Liang worked in cross-border logistics along the China-Vietnam border, regional trade lacked mature traceability frameworks, standardized inspection protocols, and strict certification requirements. Basic customs clearance was enough to keep legitimate operations running.

    Over time, Vietnamese producers developed a fixed mindset that low price points could compensate for gaps in product quality and incomplete documentation. Chinese logistics operators also grew accustomed to flexible, informal border clearance arrangements. While this low-regulation model drove rapid growth in transaction volumes, it left the entire industry ill-prepared for the regulatory tightening that would eventually come.

    China’s Customs Decree 280, which formalizes mandatory registration requirements for all foreign food manufacturers exporting to China, completely upended this long-standing trade logic. The regulation has been translated into multiple languages and officially circulated globally to align international suppliers with updated compliance norms.

    Brazil, for its part, proactively prepared for this shift. After a 2017 quality scandal, the country invested eight years between 2018 and 2025 to build a comprehensive end-to-end digital tracking system that covers every step of the supply chain, from pastures and slaughterhouses to warehouses and cross-border shipping. When China raised its food safety and environmental thresholds, Brazil was ready, securing a stable position as a trusted, qualified supplier.

    Vietnam, by contrast, has fallen noticeably behind in quality management, product traceability, and logistics and cold chain development, despite its large cultivated fruit acreage. Some local facilities even submitted falsified traceability documents in an attempt to pass customs inspections. These issues stem from deep structural gaps between modern industrial supply chain management and Vietnam’s dominant scattered small-scale farming model. Today, producers that attempt to bypass official standards can no longer evade border restrictions, and face permanent exclusion from China’s mainstream import market.

    ### Infrastructure Creates the Competitive Divide
    A comparison between Thailand and Vietnam makes clear how infrastructure investment shapes export competitiveness in the new regulatory environment.

    Thailand has successfully leveraged the China-Laos Railway to boost its tropical fruit exports to China. Cold-chain freight trains move durians and mangosteens from Thai orchards to Kunming quickly via expanded cross-border rail corridors, with products reaching more than 30 major Chinese cities within 48 hours of final road transfer. The railway is projected to carry more than 200,000 tons of tropical fruit in 2026 alone. Advanced refrigeration technology keeps container temperatures within a narrow, stable range, cutting cargo loss from 8-15% under traditional road transport to just 1-5%.

    Vietnam’s export chain, by comparison, suffers from crippling operational bottlenecks. Convoys of durian transport trucks regularly queue for 24 hours to wait for pre-shipment testing in Dong Nai Province. By the end of 2025, Vietnam only had 24 testing laboratories accredited by China’s General Administration of Customs (GACC), far too few to meet demand across its major growing regions.

    This extended waiting period is not the result of a temporary inspection backlog: it is a consequence of China’s permanent regulatory upgrade. Dong Thap Province alone harvests its massive durian crop in May and June each year, and the country lacks the efficient clearance infrastructure to process this peak output. Shortages of cold storage exacerbate the problem: Vietnam has 117 professional cold storage facilities, but 90% are designed for frozen meat and seafood, leaving very limited capacity for fresh fruit. Annual post-harvest losses reach 20-40%, translating to $3.5 billion to $4.1 billion in economic damage each year.

    Given the massive capital investment required to build out cold chain facilities, accredited testing laboratories, and modern cross-border logistics, Vietnam’s structural competitive disadvantages are unlikely to be reversed in the next three to five years. Thai exporters, by contrast, benefit from stable, reliable cold-chain transport supported by a transnational rail network that aligns with China’s requirements.

    ### Beyond Surface-Level Inspection Bottlenecks
    Public discourse in Vietnam often blames export disruptions on limited testing capacity, but this ignores deeper systemic flaws that are the root of the problem.

    China enforces strict testing for cadmium, a toxic heavy metal, and Auramine O, an unapproved industrial dye, both of which pose risks to human health. Test results from the Mekong Delta show that a large share of durian and jackfruit samples have excessive heavy metal levels, and any shipment containing unapproved food additives is immediately recalled.

    A failed reinspection in China carries long-term penalties: factories with disqualified shipments lose their official export registration codes, and restoring qualification takes six to 12 months – an entire fruit export cycle. Eight local packaging plants have submitted accreditation applications but still await official approval, leaving export operations stagnant.

    Vietnam’s fruit and vegetable exports hit a record $8.5 billion in 2025, but that growth was driven entirely by expanded production volume, not systematic industrial upgrading or improved risk resistance. The widely cited “testing bottleneck” conceals a host of unresolved problems: incomplete traceability records, unregulated planting practices, lax factory audits, and chronic underinvestment in cold chain infrastructure. Peer competitors like Thailand have already addressed these issues to adapt to China’s new rules.

    ### Compliance Standards Reset Global Agricultural Trade
    Vietnam’s agricultural regulatory body has pushed local testing institutions to speed up inspections and appealed to Chinese customs for more flexible clearance policies. However, these incremental adjustments cannot close the deep, systemic strategic gaps that hold the country back.

    Today, China has emerged as a rule-setter in global agricultural trade. By establishing ESG-aligned purchasing standards, tightening limits on hazardous contaminants, and requiring high-standard cold chain infrastructure, it has put in place clear compliance thresholds for all overseas suppliers. Producers that meet these standards – those that invest in digital traceability, build out cold chain capacity, and maintain complete, accurate trading documents – thrive, while producers that rely on informal operations and falsified credentials are gradually pushed out of the market.

    This shifting landscape carries profound implications for Southeast Asian economies. Nations that align their industrial standards and infrastructure development with China’s requirements, like Thailand through its integration with the China-Laos Railway, retain steady access to China’s huge consumer market. Economies that fail to adapt, by contrast, will see their agricultural products lose competitive ground to better-prepared rivals.

    Vietnam now faces a critical strategic choice. It can continue to address updated import rules with temporary, stopgap fixes, or it can pursue comprehensive supply chain reform. Full upgrades – covering farm-level traceability systems, standardized testing capacity, and border cold storage networks – can turn compliance requirements into lasting competitive advantages.

    A new order for global agricultural trade is already taking shape. Every rejected shipment, every premium paid for certified compliant goods, and every fresh fruit delivered via temperature-controlled cross-border transport signals that this industry-wide transformation is well underway. Compliance rules act as a fair screening mechanism, not discriminatory trade barriers. Meeting high standards is now the essential entry ticket to China’s market, separating competitive, forward-thinking producers from outdated operations and resetting the balance of global agricultural trade.

    *Ju Liang is an independent policy analyst with over 20 years of on-the-ground experience in Southeast Asia, specializing in agricultural trade and supply chain compliance. He is currently affiliated with Yunnan Agricultural University, China. All opinions expressed are his own.*

  • ‘They stole our sheep, killed my son’: Israeli settlers, soldiers attack and loot West Bank villages

    ‘They stole our sheep, killed my son’: Israeli settlers, soldiers attack and loot West Bank villages

    Deep in the occupied West Bank, north of Ramallah in the small village of Jiljilya, Ali Kaabneh stands on the exact patch of ground where his 16-year-old son Yousef was shot and killed last Wednesday, during a joint raid by Israeli settlers and soldiers that left a once-thriving Bedouin community displaced and its livelihood stolen. In an interview with Middle East Eye, Kaabneh laid bare the devastating human cost of what he calls a deliberate campaign of state-backed displacement and plunder targeting Palestinian communities in the occupied territories.

    The raid was launched in response to unconfirmed claims that 120 sheep had been stolen from an illegal Israeli settler outpost called Tzur Levavi Farm, run by the Maguri family. The outpost sits in Jabal al-Batin, a section of Area A – the part of the occupied West Bank that is nominally under the full civil and security control of the Palestinian Authority, under the terms of the Oslo Accords. All Israeli settlements and outposts in the occupied West Bank are classified as illegal under international law, and this particular outpost was built on private Palestinian land belonging to the nearby villages of Sinjil and al-Mazra’a ash-Sharqiya.

    Within hours of the theft report, dozens of settlers backed by uniformed Israeli soldiers launched a large-scale incursion into the three neighboring Palestinian villages of Sinjil, Jiljilya and Abwein. The armed group systematically entered local sheep pens, emptying them of livestock and seizing a total of 900 sheep from local residents. The operation was openly coordinated between Israeli security forces and settler participants, according to reporting from Israel National News (Arutz 7), a media outlet closely aligned with the Israeli settler movement. The outlet confirmed the seizure was only possible through direct collaboration between security search forces and settler civilian volunteers.

    As the raid unfolded, the Israeli military deployed drones to track fleeing Palestinian herders and set up roadblocks across the entire region to guarantee unimpeded movement for the settlers and their stolen flock. Members of the Kaabneh clan, who maintained a small herding community in the wadi between Sinjil and Jiljilya, spotted the advancing group and attempted to flee with their flock toward the built-up center of Jiljilya. Military forces tracked the group via aerial surveillance, surrounded them, confiscated all their sheep, and took four Kaabneh family members into custody – including Ali Kaabneh, Yousef’s father. All four detainees were released later the same day, after no evidence linking them to the earlier sheep theft from the outpost was found.

    Kaabneh, who was in detention when his son was killed, described the peaceful resistance his family offered to the theft. “We were at home working with the sheep. The settlers came under army protection,” he said. “We did not attack them, we did nothing. We moved the sheep about two kilometres away, and the army located them using drones.” Today, a circle of stones marks the spot where Yousef fell, and faint bloodstains still mark the dry earth just a few dozen meters from the main road where the stolen flock was driven away.

    In a harrowing account of his son’s killing, Kaabneh said the 16-year-old was unarmed and posed no threat to the heavily armed soldiers. “The army killed my son deliberately. They shot him in the chest and he died on the spot,” he said. “He was 16 years old – what was his crime? He wanted his sheep back, and they responded by shooting him. What danger did he pose to them? He had nothing in his hands, he was unarmed. They could have arrested him, but instead they shot him. Like any child, he wanted to build a home in the future and get married. But here, during the day we worked, and at night we stood guard in shifts, without sleeping.”

    Cell phone footage filmed by the family captures the moments before the shooting: several Israeli soldiers stand opposite an alley where Kaabneh and other family members gathered to protest the theft as the stolen flock passed, before multiple gunshots ring out. One of the bullets struck Yousef. Ali Kaabneh was arrested just moments after filming, and only learned of his son’s death when he was released from custody four hours later.

    Fawaz Kaabneh, another local resident who had 200 sheep stolen during the raid and was also detained, said the rapid release of all detainees makes clear the allegations against them were baseless. “We were afraid they would reach the houses, so we went out. We were shocked by the number of settlers. They seized me and handed me over to the army, and from there I was transferred to the police. They took me to Sha’ar Binyamin. I told them the sheep were mine,” he said. After being questioned and released that night, Fawaz filed a formal complaint with Israeli police; in the days after the raid, the military returned roughly four dozen sheep to the village.

    Iyad Ghafar, a Sinjil-based local activist who documented the entire raid, provided a step-by-step reconstruction of the coordinated operation. At 11:06 a.m., he filmed an armed settler drawing a pistol and charging toward him as he documented the stolen flock. Six minutes later, Yousef Kaabneh was shot dead by soldiers. Additional footage captured by Ghafar shows masked settlers throwing stones at Palestinian residents during the incursion. Ghafar confirmed all the stolen sheep were driven directly to the Maguri outpost, which is built inside former Palestinian agricultural structures in Area A. It is the same site where Israeli soldiers and settlers killed two young Palestinian men defending their land just last July. One of those victims was Saif al-Din Musallat, a 20-year-old U.S. citizen, who died from injuries sustained during severe beatings by the group, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health.

    Ghafar emphasized the full coordination between soldiers and settlers throughout the incursion. “It began on the edge of Sinjil, and afterwards they started attacking Jiljilya. We managed to get there in time, and I filmed the settlers and the army, and where they came from. The settlers chased us. One of them drew a weapon and came straight towards us. We got into the car and drove away. The military patrol stopped and started shooting at us – we almost died. It was a joint operation by the army and the settlers, acting together at the same time. Together they entered homes, together they chased the shepherds, together they took the flock,” he said.

    Before last week’s raid, around 20 Palestinian families – roughly 200 people, all of whom are refugees originally displaced from land east of Ramallah in 1948 – lived in the small community between Jiljilya and Sinjil. Today, every last resident has fled the area, leaving behind empty sheep pens and intact tents filled with mattresses, clothing, and baby cots, abandoned in the rush to escape. Residents only returned briefly this week to collect personal belongings and rescue dogs that were left behind during the evacuation.

    The Kaabneh family’s story is a stark example of the ongoing pattern of displacement and dispossession facing Palestinian communities across the occupied West Bank, rights observers note. The clan has been repeatedly displaced by settler violence backed by the Israeli military over the past three years. Originally expelled from their traditional land between the Negev and Masafer Yatta in the 1948 Nakba, the family lived in Mu’arrajat Centre near the Taybeh junction until the outbreak of Israel’s war on Gaza in October 2023, when settlers and soldiers forced them to leave. Some members relocated to the outskirts of Lubban ash-Sharqiya, while others moved to the al-Batin area – where the Tzur Levavi outpost was built a year later, shortly after soldiers killed Musallat and 20-year-old Mohammad Razek Hussein al-Shalabi. The family was forced to flee again.

    Ali Kaabneh and other remaining family members settled near Route 60 on the outskirts of Lubban ash-Sharqiya, but were attacked again just weeks before the Jiljilya raid. On April 6, settlers burned two cars and a tent that family members were sleeping in, injured one relative with a club, and spray-painted the far-right “Price Tag” and “Zionist Revenge” slogans on the remains of the camp. The attack was launched as retaliation for the evacuation of another illegal outpost, Ora Yisrael, built in Wadi Salfit deep inside Area B – dozens of kilometers away from the Kaabneh camp. The clan moved to their Jiljilya compound after that attack, believing that since the area is formally under Palestinian Authority control, it would be safer.

    “We moved from Mu’arrajat to Lubban ash-Sharqiya. We were attacked there on 6 April, so we moved here. This is under Palestinian Authority control, so we thought it would be safer, but there is no safe place,” Ali Kaabneh said. The repeated targeting of displaced Bedouin families after relocation is not a new pattern: in April 2025, settlers who built an illegal outpost near Sinjil attacked another group of displaced residents from Wadi as-Siq, burning their vehicles and residential tents.

    In conflicting official statements issued after the incident, Israeli military spokespersons attempted to downplay the military’s role in the raid. A spokesperson acknowledged the Tzur Levavi outpost is located inside Area A, but claimed soldiers only entered the area “to remove the civilians” – not to support or protect the settler operation. “Upon arriving at the scene, [Israeli army] and Border Police forces acted to remove all Israeli civilians from the village, prevent friction in the area, and recover the livestock,” the spokesperson said, adding that forces had arrested several suspects in the initial sheep theft from the outpost. The statement does not explain how forces allowed settlers to leave the area with 900 Palestinian sheep if the goal of the operation was to prevent theft and friction.

    In a later update, the Israeli army acknowledged that “some of the Israelis who entered the village took animals belonging to local residents” and confirmed that approximately 40 sheep had been returned to the village, adding that “the entire incident remains under review and is still being investigated.” Israeli police, for their part, said all detained suspects were questioned and released with conditions, and that a counter-complaint filed by Palestinian residents is currently under examination “with the aim of establishing the truth.”

    The incident has underscored growing international concerns over rising settler violence and state-backed land grabs in the occupied West Bank, as settlements and outposts continue to expand into Palestinian territory formally designated for Palestinian self-governance under the Oslo Accords.

  • Watch: Moment rescuers find five people trapped in Laos cave

    Watch: Moment rescuers find five people trapped in Laos cave

    A week-long nightmare of entrapment has ended in a moment of joy and relief for five villagers in Laos, as rescue teams located the group alive deep inside a waterlogged cave system.

    The five had been cut off from the outside world when rising floodwaters sealed off the cave’s entrance last week, leaving families and emergency crews bracing for the worst outcome after days of relentless rescue efforts. Dramatic footage captured the exact second that search teams made contact with the trapped group, a moment that has already been shared widely across regional media.

    Flood-related cave entrapments are a recurring risk in Laos’ rugged, cave-rich northern terrain during the annual monsoon season, when sudden heavy rains can rapidly fill underground passages with rushing water. In this case, steady search operations combined with a stroke of good fortune allowed rescuers to reach the group before conditions turned fatal.

    Local authorities have not yet released full details on the health of the five survivors, or how they managed to sustain themselves through seven days trapped in the dark, flooded cave. But the confirmation of their survival has already been celebrated as an unexpected miracle by communities across the region, and relief efforts are now focused on extracting the group to safety and providing urgent medical care.

  • Israeli defence minister insists there are ‘voluntary emigration’ plans for Gaza

    Israeli defence minister insists there are ‘voluntary emigration’ plans for Gaza

    More than 18 months into Israel’s military campaign in the Gaza Strip, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz has formally advanced long-circulated proposals to push Palestinians to leave the enclave through what the government frames as “voluntary emigration”, announcing this week that preparations are on track to be implemented when the government deems conditions appropriate. In a public statement Wednesday, Katz confirmed the plans will move forward “at the proper time and in the proper manner”, one day after he announced Israel had assassinated Mohammed Odeh, the leader of Hamas’s armed wing, alongside his wife and three children in a targeted strike. Back in March, Israel’s security cabinet already greenlit Katz’s proposal to set up a dedicated internal directorate within the defence ministry to manage the process of mass “migration” out of Gaza, a policy that has been raised repeatedly by senior Israeli officials since the current military campaign began in October 2023.

    To date, the military offensive has killed more than 72,700 Palestinians and reduced most of Gaza’s built infrastructure to rubble, yet repeated surveys show the overwhelming majority of the enclave’s population refuses to leave their ancestral homeland. The push for emigration has dovetailed with growing public calls from extremist Israeli settler groups and far-right politicians to annex parts of Gaza and establish new Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian territory. While some senior government figures have attempted to frame the exit initiative as a purely voluntary program, other Israeli officials have openly advocated for forced expulsion — a practice widely recognized under international law as a war crime.

    One of the most prominent voices pushing for forced removal is far-right Member of Knesset Limor Son Har-Melech, who doubled down on her position during a tour of the Gaza border region in early May. Speaking on social media platform X following the visit, Son Har-Melech argued that full reoccupation of Gaza, mass expulsion of its existing residents, and the construction of permanent Israeli settlements is the only path to what she calls long-term security for the state of Israel. “Regrettably, the State of Israel is still captive to a flawed conception. There is no alternative to conquest, expulsion, and settlement,” she wrote, adding that any other diplomatic or political solution would fail and lead to future violence. She also emphasized Israel must retain permanent control over the Netzarim Corridor, a strategic route that splits the Gaza Strip into northern and southern zones, and establish a continuous Israeli settlement presence along the corridor.

    The current situation on the ground remains dire, despite a U.S.-brokered ceasefire agreement reached in October that was intended to end active hostilities, lift Israel’s total 18-month blockade of Gaza, and allow unimpeded access for humanitarian aid including food, clean water, and critical medical supplies. Since the truce was announced, Israel has repeatedly violated its terms and has largely kept the crippling blockade in place, leaving basic necessities including fuel, food, and life-saving medication at critically low levels for Gaza’s 2 million remaining residents.

    Over the course of the war, only a few thousand Palestinians have managed to evacuate Gaza through the Rafah border crossing into Egypt. Following the ceasefire, Israeli authorities have allowed just a tiny handful of displaced Palestinians to return to Gaza from Egypt each day, and many who have crossed back have reported systemic abuse and harassment by Israeli forces during their journey. Even with the nominal ceasefire in place, Israeli airstrikes and artillery shelling across the enclave have continued nonstop, killing more than 800 additional Palestinians since the truce took effect. As of the latest count from Gaza’s Ministry of Health, the total death toll from Israel’s military campaign since October 2023 now stands at more than 72,700, with over 172,000 more people sustaining life-altering injuries.

  • Desperation forces Yemenis to risk lives smuggling qat to Saudi Arabia

    Desperation forces Yemenis to risk lives smuggling qat to Saudi Arabia

    For millions of young Yemenis trapped in more than a decade of civil conflict and systemic economic collapse, the promise of a stable future lies almost exclusively across the northern border in Saudi Arabia. As one of the only accessible destinations for steady work, the neighboring kingdom has become a beacon of hope for those fleeing violence and poverty – but the $2,500 price tag for a legal visa and sponsorship puts this path out of reach for nearly all Yemeni households.

    Ahmed, a 35-year-old chef and father of two young children, was one of millions who dreamed of legal work in Saudi Arabia to support his family. Unable to scrape together the funds for official entry, he made the fateful choice to cross the border illegally by the end of 2024, finding casual work in a restaurant in Jazan province. Twice, Saudi authorities caught and deported him back to Yemen, leaving him with no legal way to earn the income his family needed to survive. That’s when he turned to the only viable option he had left: joining qat smuggling networks.

    On his first illegal crossing, Ahmed had already traveled alongside qat smugglers, witnessing firsthand the deadly risks that come with moving the controlled stimulant across the border. Qat is classified as an illegal narcotic in Saudi Arabia, with punishments ranging from a mandatory minimum five-year prison sentence and a $5,300 fine to permanent deportation. For repeat offenders, sentences can stretch to 25 years, and under the kingdom’s anti-narcotics laws, capital punishment is a possible penalty in serious trafficking cases. Despite knowing the dangers – including accounts of smugglers being shot dead by border guards – success stories from fellow villagers convinced him the risk was worth taking.

    For four months, Ahmed successfully made smuggling runs across the border, returning home with enough money to lift his family out of extreme poverty. For two months, they lived without the constant hunger and uncertainty that defined most Yemeni households, and Ahmed planned a second four-month stint to earn enough for a permanent home. He promised his two young children new bicycles on his return, and asked his wife Wafa to begin searching for a house. But just two weeks into his second trip, Wafa received the devastating news: Ahmed had been shot dead by Saudi border guards while attempting to cross.

    Two months on, Wafa still has not told her children – both under the age of 10 – that their father is dead. She hides the trauma to protect them, telling them he is still working in Saudi Arabia and plans to bring their bicycles home soon. “It is too difficult to tell a child that their father was killed while simply trying to provide for their needs,” she told Middle East Eye. Now, the family faces eviction from their small rental home, as there is no one left to earn an income. “The days spent with my husband when we only had one meal a day were infinitely better than these days without him,” Wafa said. “Having the whole family gathered together under one roof is something you cannot truly appreciate until you lose someone you love.”

    Ahmed’s tragic story is far from an isolated case: it reflects a nationwide humanitarian catastrophe unfolding across Yemen. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), by 2026 more than 22.3 million Yemenis – over half the country’s total population – will require life-saving humanitarian assistance and protection. More than 10 years of war, cascading economic collapse, crippling funding shortages for aid programs, and repeated climate-driven disasters have left millions without consistent access to food, healthcare, and clean drinking water. According to 2022 Saudi census data, more than 1.8 million Yemenis already live legally in Saudi Arabia, marking the Yemeni community as the kingdom’s fourth-largest immigrant population.

    Khalid, a 45-year-old Yemeni who turned to qat smuggling one year ago, understands the deadly gamble better than most. Like Ahmed, he had no other viable path to a living wage: the only two lines of work that offer meaningful income in today’s Yemen are joining one of the warring factions or smuggling qat. He chose smuggling. “I thought deeply about whether to join the fighting or smuggle qat, as these are the only two jobs that I can do and they offer a good income. I decided to go with smuggling,” he explained.

    Khalid describes the smuggling trek across the rugged border highlands as a “death journey” that demands extreme physical stamina. Smugglers often walk more than 20 kilometers carrying up to 40 kilograms of qat on their backs, a feat that only the most fit can complete. As a low-level courier for a large smuggling ring, Khalid earns 5,000 Saudi riyals (around $1,330) per successful run – a sum that no legal, civilian job in Yemen can match for ordinary laborers. When spotted by Saudi border guards, smugglers are ordered to halt; those who run face deadly gunfire. “Many Yemenis have been arrested and face severe penalties in Saudi Arabia, so I prefer to run. For me, it was either make it across or die,” he said. He recalled one incident in which 10 smugglers came under fire, and only six made it to safety, with the fates of the other four unknown.

    Khalid counts himself among the extremely lucky: after one year of smuggling, he earned enough to open a small grocery store in Lahij and build a home for his family, and he has left smuggling behind for good. “One year was enough for me to achieve my dreams of owning a home and a grocery shop. Now, I will focus on running this business together with my sons,” he said. “I don’t want my sons to ever do the same job. I encourage them to grow this grocery business and make it their future.” Even so, he recognizes why so many other Yemenis take the same risk he did: “If I hadn’t been desperate to provide for my family, I would never have risked my life, but I was forced to.”

    Economic analyst Sameer al-Dhobhani explains that the surge in qat smuggling is a direct symptom of Yemen’s collapsed economy and decades of stalled job growth. “The civil service has almost paused employing new university graduates since 2011, the economic situation has collapsed and the population is growing. All of these factors have forced Yemenis to seek out jobs that are hazardous or illegal,” he said. Qat smuggling across the border is not a new trade, but al-Dhobhani notes it has exploded in popularity over the course of the war: for young Yemenis, the risks of smuggling often compare favorably to the near-certain death of frontline fighting, and the pay is far better than any legitimate work.

    “Qat smuggling is one of the grim consequences of the war, as some people have broken the barrier of fear and no longer hesitate to take on dangerous work,” al-Dhobhani said. “However, we must not lose sight of the root cause, which is the catastrophic economic situation and the severe lack of legitimate job opportunities. If safe, legal, and well-paid jobs were available, Yemenis would not risk their lives smuggling qat. It is desperation, he said, that drives them to it.”

    Al-Dhobhani warns that the crisis will only worsen until Yemeni authorities prioritize economic recovery and job creation for young people. “Since 2015, every day has been worse than the last for Yemenis. They will not stop taking these dangerous jobs until the government takes this issue seriously and begins implementing solutions to revive the economy and provide the youth with civilian jobs,” he said. For Wafa and her children, that solution has come too late – a reminder that for millions of Yemenis, the search for a better future too often ends in tragedy on the border.

  • US will need years to replenish stockpiles of advanced weapons used in Iran war, new analysis finds

    US will need years to replenish stockpiles of advanced weapons used in Iran war, new analysis finds

    A new independent analysis from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a leading Washington-based think tank, has uncovered a stark strategic gap for the United States: it will take defense contractors a minimum of three years to fully rebuild stockpiles of three critical advanced weapons systems drawn down heavily by the ongoing Iran war. This timeline, the report warns, opens a multi-year window of vulnerability that could leave U.S. forces with constrained firepower if a high-stakes conflict erupts with China in the Indo-Pacific.

    The three munition systems at the center of the assessment are long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles, which are designed to strike high-value targets deep inside hostile territory, and two top-tier air defense systems: Patriot interceptors and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) interceptors, which counter incoming enemy missiles and drones. In its report, shared exclusively with The Associated Press ahead of public release, CSIS emphasized that while the U.S. currently retains enough munitions to see through its ongoing operations in Iran, the drawn-down inventories have created direct risk for a potential confrontation in the Western Pacific. “The time needed to rebuild those inventories has thus become a major concern,” the report concluded.

    Geopolitical tensions amplify this concern: China has outlined a public goal of building a military capable of seizing the self-governing island of Taiwan by force if deemed necessary by 2027, a timeline that defense experts widely view as an aspirational benchmark rather than a firm deadline. Just this month, however, Chinese President Xi Jinping issued a sharp public warning that missteps by Washington in its policy toward Taiwan could lead to open armed conflict between the two global powers.

    The CSIS analysis accounts for the Trump administration’s proposed $1.5 trillion 2027 defense budget, a historic spending plan that has sharply accelerated the munitions production ramp-up that was first initiated under the prior Democratic Biden administration. While bipartisan support for expanding weapons stockpiles holds across Capitol Hill, the report stresses that the core constraint today is not funding — it is time. “It takes time to expand production capacity and to build these complex systems,” the report noted, adding that the vulnerability window will persist for several years until inventories return to pre-Iran war levels, and even longer to reach the force levels that U.S. war planners have identified as necessary for a major great power conflict. Though exact munitions stockpile numbers are classified, CSIS confirmed that sufficient unclassified data from public Pentagon budget documents allowed analysts to produce reliable, evidence-based production timeline estimates.

    Top Trump administration officials have pushed back against claims of U.S. military unpreparedness. President Donald Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have repeatedly insisted the U.S. is fully capable of winning any conflict it enters, and the administration has pressured defense contractors to accelerate production timelines. Testifying before lawmakers last month, Hegseth argued that the administration’s increased defense spending will enable manufacturers to double or even triple their current production capacity for advanced munitions. Chief Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell reiterated this position in a formal statement, saying the U.S. military “has everything it needs to execute at the time and place of the President’s choosing.” He added that the U.S. has carried out multiple successful operations across global combatant commands while maintaining a deep arsenal of capabilities to protect American citizens and national interests.

    Independent defense watchers and some military experts have challenged this optimistic framing. Virginia Burger, a senior defense policy analyst at the nonpartisan Project On Government Oversight watchdog and a former Marine officer, argued that Pentagon leaders have long been aware of the critical stockpile drawdown. “Pentagon officials knew the reality of our military stockpiles and hopefully told someone, ‘Hey, if we go to this fight, even in the most conservative estimates, we are drawing down our stockpiles to a critical level,’” Burger said. Concerns over depleted munitions stocks have already been a central topic of discussion in recent congressional hearings, where lawmakers have clashed over the root causes of the gap. Congressional Democrats have framed the supply shortage as evidence of the reckless nature of the Iran war, which Trump launched without formal congressional approval. Some Republican lawmakers have attributed the gap to previous transfers of Patriot air defense systems to Ukraine following Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion, though the interceptor system is used by a dozen and a half U.S. allies worldwide.

    Mark Cancian, a retired Marine colonel and CSIS senior adviser who co-authored the report with research associate Chris H. Park, traced the current production bottleneck back decades to the end of the Cold War. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Cancian explained, U.S. defense planners operated under the assumption that future conflicts would be short, regional engagements that did not require large stockpiles of advanced high-end weapons. As a result, the Pentagon placed consistently small orders for these systems, and defense contractors adjusted by maintaining a relatively small manufacturing footprint, rather than investing in expanded production capacity.

    Russia’s protracted full-scale war in Ukraine upended that long-held assumption, proving that modern great power adjacent conflicts can drag on for years and require massive stockpiles of advanced precision weapons. At the same time, U.S. military strategists began running regular war games for potential conflicts in the Western Pacific, shifting planning priorities toward rebuilding large munitions inventories. “The thinking started to change, but it just takes time to build inventories,” Cancian said, noting that a core part of the delay is untangling and scaling up the complex network of specialized supply chains and subcontractors that produce the unique, high-precision components required for these advanced weapons systems. Cancian, who previously oversaw military hardware acquisitions at the Office of Management and Budget under both Republican George W. Bush and Democrat Barack Obama, added that the Biden administration deserves credit for initiating early outreach to the defense industry, allocating initial funding to expand the defense industrial base, and starting the production ramp-up. “A lot of people in the Trump administration are inclined to say that everything was terrible until they arrived, and that’s not true,” Cancian said. “Now, it is true that the Trump administration really increased funding.”

    Breaking down specific replenishment timelines, CSIS estimates that the U.S. fired more than 1,000 Tomahawk cruise missiles during operations in Iran, and it will take until late 2030 to fully rebuild the pre-war stockpile. Currently, fewer than 200 Tomahawks are produced annually, a product of decades of small orders. Primary manufacturer Raytheon has set a target to ramp up production capacity to more than 1,000 missiles per year. RTX, Raytheon’s parent company, declined to comment directly on the CSIS findings because it had not received a full copy of the report, but confirmed it has committed several billion dollars in investments to expand production, including new and expanded facilities in Alabama and Arizona.

    For THAAD interceptors, which were heavily used to shoot down Iranian missiles and drones, CSIS estimates it could take until the end of 2029 to replenish up to 290 deployed interceptors drawn down for the Iran war. Replenishment of more than 1,000 Patriot interceptors is projected to be completed by mid-2029. Lead contractor Lockheed Martin is currently ramping up production for both systems, and the report notes that THAAD delivery orders have been re-prioritized to meet U.S. domestic stockpile needs ahead of allied and partner requests. The report highlights a particular policy dilemma for Patriot interceptors: the U.S. must balance replenishing its own depleted stocks, continuing to supply Ukraine to fend off Russian missile attacks, and meeting existing delivery commitments to 17 other allied nations that operate the system. In a statement, Lockheed Martin said it is investing $9 billion in production expansion through 2030, and “is already delivering tangible results to meet heightened munitions demand, including a new facility in Alabama announced last week along with more than 20 others across the United States.”

    Despite the vulnerability gap, the CSIS report notes that the outlook is not entirely negative. In recent years, the U.S. military has successfully demonstrated its advanced combat capabilities during operations against Iran, Venezuela, and Houthi rebel forces in Yemen. The report also argues that deterrence remains intact even during the replenishment window, noting that Chinese military leaders are deeply aware that the People’s Liberation Army has no recent large-scale combat experience, and performed poorly in its last major conflict — the 1979 border war with Vietnam. “That difference in experience may preserve deterrence until munitions inventories are restored,” the report concluded.

  • ICC trial for ex-Philippine President Duterte to start in November

    ICC trial for ex-Philippine President Duterte to start in November

    THE HAGUE, Netherlands – The International Criminal Court (ICC) has officially scheduled the long-awaited trial of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte to begin on November 30, judicial officials confirmed Wednesday. The landmark proceeding centers on allegations that Duterte oversaw systematic mass killings linked to his notorious nationwide anti-drug crackdown, a campaign that launched decades ago when he served as mayor of Davao City and expanded across the country during his presidential term from 2016 to 2022.

    ICC prosecutors hold Duterte directly responsible for dozens of documented extrajudicial murders, part of a broader crackdown that has sparked global outrage over widespread human rights violations. Presiding Judge Joanna Korner emphasized that moving forward with the trial without delay is a top priority for the court, rejecting a request from the court registry to postpone the start date over reported shortages of qualified translators. Korner has directed court administrative staff to prioritize securing qualified interpretation services for Philippine languages, most notably Tagalog, to meet the court’s procedural obligations despite the official working languages of the ICC being English and French.

    Duterte, who was taken into custody in the Philippines last year before being transferred to the ICC’s headquarters in The Hague, has repeatedly and unequivocally denied all charges leveled against him. The former leader has exercised his right to skip in-person court appearances for preliminary hearings, and judges only recently confirmed he is medically fit to proceed with trial, after an earlier preliminary hearing was delayed to address health concerns about the 79-year-old ex-president.

    The scale of fatalities linked to Duterte’s anti-drug initiative remains heavily contested. Official data from the Philippine national police puts the confirmed death toll at just over 6,000, but leading international and local human rights organizations allege the actual number of extrajudicial killings could be as high as 30,000, with most victims being low-level drug users and small-time dealers. The case marks one of the highest-profile trials of a former head of state before the ICC in recent years.

    In a related development that unfolded earlier this month, the ICC unsealed an existing arrest warrant for Ronald Marapon dela Rosa, who served as Philippine national police chief during Duterte’s presidency and was a key architect and enforcer of the anti-drug crackdown. Following an armed standoff at the Philippine Senate building that left multiple people injured, dela Rosa has gone into hiding. Philippine national authorities have launched a nationwide manhunt for the former police chief and have publicly pledged to detain him and transfer him to The Hague to face charges once he is apprehended.

  • Five people found alive after week trapped in flooded Laos cave

    Five people found alive after week trapped in flooded Laos cave

    A dramatic week-long rescue operation in central Laos has delivered a partial miracle, as rescuers have pulled five trapped villagers alive from a deep, waterlogged cave system, while search efforts continue for two remaining missing group members. The incident unfolded last Wednesday, when seven villagers from Xaysomboun Province ventured deep into the cave to hunt for gold deposits and wild game. Unforeseen heavy rain triggered sudden landslides that sealed off the cave’s entrance, cutting off the group’s escape route and leaving them stranded deep underground.

    Teams of experienced rescuers from Laos and neighboring Thailand quickly launched a high-stakes recovery mission, navigating extremely challenging conditions to reach the stranded group. The complex cave network is not only hundreds of meters deep but also notoriously narrow, with some internal chambers measuring barely 50 centimeters (20 inches) across. Footage released by the rescue teams shows skilled cave divers inching on their hands and knees through murky, almost fully submerged passageways thick with mud.

    In a hopeful update shared on social media, the Laotian rescue nonprofit Rescue Volunteer for People confirmed that five of the seven trapped villagers have been found alive and in stable condition. The discovery was made at 16:30 local time (09:30 GMT), according to Thai rescue team member Kengkach Bangkawong, who posted the update to Facebook. Kengkach is no stranger to high-profile cave rescue operations: he was among the first responders who pulled 12 young football players and their coach to safety in the iconic 2018 Tham Luang cave rescue in Chiang Rai, Thailand, where the group was trapped for two weeks in flooded underground chambers. That mission drew global headlines, mobilized more than 10,000 international experts, and has since been depicted in multiple major films and documentaries, including *Thirteen Lives* and *The Rescue*.

    Bounkham Luanglath, a representative from Rescue Volunteer for People, told the Associated Press that even amid the partial success of the operation, search efforts for the two missing villagers would not be halted. In an emotional voice message to reporters, he reflected on the grueling work of the past week, saying, “I’m still shaking. Our team made it happen.” Rescuers have warned that narrow passages and lingering floodwaters will continue to complicate the search for the remaining missing villagers as they press forward with the operation.

  • Climbers meet in Nepal to discuss the challenges of scaling Mount Everest

    Climbers meet in Nepal to discuss the challenges of scaling Mount Everest

    Hundreds of mountaineering professionals, climbing enthusiasts and government representatives convened in Kathmandu, Nepal this Wednesday for the first-ever Everest Summiteers Summit, a landmark gathering focused on tackling the growing set of threats facing the world’s highest peak as climbing booms and global warming reshapes its terrain. The convening comes amid what experts and local officials describe as the most crowded spring climbing season in Everest’s recorded history, with hundreds of climbers and their supporting Sherpa guides queuing to reach the 8,849-meter summit in just the first few weeks of the season.

    This year, Nepal’s Department of Tourism issued a historic 494 climbing permits to foreign mountaineers, and preliminary estimates indicate that more than 900 people have already reached the summit — a new all-time high for the annual spring climbing window. Official final figures will be released after the season concludes later this month, but the unprecedented volume of climbers has already sparked urgent calls for reform from seasoned mountaineers who have spent decades on the mountain.

    Kami Rita Sherpa, the Sherpa guide who just set a new global record for the most Everest summits with 32 successful ascents, used the summit to push for immediate government action to cap permit numbers. “Nepal should only allow no more than 250 climber permits issued for the Nepal-facing side of the mountain,” he told attendees. “A hard limit on numbers would be the best step forward to protect everyone on the mountain.”

    Overcrowding is not a new issue, but viral images from recent climbing seasons have laid bare the severity of the problem: queues of hundreds of climbers clipped to fixed ropes, stuck in hours-long “traffic jams” waiting for their turn to reach the summit, a scenario that dramatically increases the risk of exhaustion, frostbite and fatal accidents at extreme altitude.

    Beyond crowd-related safety risks, delegates also focused on the persistent challenge of waste management on the 29,032-foot peak. During the current season alone, roughly 3,000 people — climbers, guides, support workers and porters — are operating across Everest’s base camps and climbing routes. While Nepal has enforced strict regulations requiring climbers to carry out all of their waste under penalty of losing their $4,000 garbage deposit, tons of discarded equipment, food packaging and human waste still remain on the mountain’s slopes each season after climbing teams pack up their camps.

    Renowned Chinese climber He Jing emphasized that preserving the Himalayas’ fragile ecosystem must remain a core priority for the global climbing community. “We should carry all our rubbish off the mountain, and we all have a responsibility to protect our Himalayas,” she said during the summit’s panel discussion.

    Delegates also addressed another gap in current regulation: the lack of required experience for aspiring Everest climbers. Currently, any applicant can secure a permit by paying the $11,000 government fee, regardless of their prior high-altitude climbing experience. Many seasoned climbers say the rise of social media has fueled a boom in inexperienced climbers who underestimate the extreme danger of an Everest expedition.

    Nathaniel Douglas, a seasoned climber from Seattle, who spoke to the Associated Press on the sidelines of the conference, noted that many first-time aspirants develop unrealistic expectations from curated social media content. “They really don’t understand what mountaineering actually demands, what it truly takes to summit Mount Everest and get back down safely,” he explained. In response to this gap, Nepal’s government is currently drafting new regulations that will require all permit applicants to document prior high-altitude climbing experience before being approved.

    The final major risk highlighted by attendees is the growing instability of the mountain caused by rising global temperatures. British mountaineer Adriana Brownlee, the youngest woman to successfully summit all 14 of the world’s 8,000-meter peaks, explained that warmer temperatures are accelerating melt in glacial features like the Khumbu Icefall, a notoriously dangerous section of the popular southern route to Everest’s summit.

    “Every year, the Khumbu Icefall grows more unstable because of global warming,” Brownlee said. “Meltwater under the ice is moving faster, which makes seracs — massive ice blocks — far more likely to collapse as the underlying structure shifts.” Last month, just before the start of the main climbing window, a massive unstable serac hanging directly over the route just above base camp forced officials to delay all climbs through the icefall for more than a week, a clear warning of the growing risks posed by a changing climate.